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History of Behavioral Sciences at Stanford. From Report to Ford Foundation, 1954

Having most recently posted brief histories of the behavioral sciences as reported by Harvard and Chicago to a larger Ford Foundation Project that was completed 1953-4, I simply couldn’t resist going the extra mile to add the corresponding chapter for Stanford University’s contribution to the project here. I have added boldface to highlight economics-specific information for those of you historians of economics in a hurry.

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[p. 6]

Chapter 3
The Development of the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford

I. PRIOR TO THE SECOND WORLD WAR

A. Teaching. When instruction at the University began, in 1891, there were at Stanford only three departments—History, Psychology, and Economics and Social Science—embracing the field of the behavioral sciences. The last of these had three divisions: I. Political Economy, Statistics and Finance; II. Sociology; and III. Political Science. Thus all the present behavioral science departments except Journalism were present in some form or other from the very start. The Economics Department retained its conglomerate character as the haven of incipient departments until the Second World War.

In the next year, 1892, there were added two new departments — Education and Law — which for a period of years were closely related to the original three. The Department of Law was not conceived on a merely vocational basis, but listed among its “ultimate aims” the furnishing of “such instruction in the elementary principles of Anglo-American law as may properly form a part of the education of an American citizen”; the furnishing of “such instruction in commercial law as may be adapted to the needs of those who intend to become merchants, bankers, brokers, etc. or to follow other lines of business”; the providing “for students intending to enter the public service, adequate instruction in public and international law”; and the furnishing “to students of political and social science, training in special branches of law related to such subjects”.1 The Department of Education in its very first year listed at least one course, “Studies on Children”, that was [p. 7] substantially a psychology course, and over the many succeeding years such courses were increased in number and scope as the Department developed into a School.

The “charter members” of the Stanford faculty in the behavioral sciences included at least two eminent figures. Andrew Dickson White, who had been President of Cornell from 1866-1885 and Minister to Germany from 1879-1881, was the first Professor of History. His service at Stanford was interrupted from 1892-1894 while he was President Cleveland’s Minister to Russia and in 1896 while he served on the Venezuelan Commission. The first Professor of Law was Benjamin Harrison, who came to his chair at Stanford immediately on taking his leave of the Presidency of the United States in 1893. The original Professor of Psychology, Frank Angell, continued in his chair until 1921 and was the last of the “charter” faculty in the behavioral sciences to retire. Amos Griswold Warner, first Professor of Economics, had been Superintendent of Charities in Washington, D. C. The stamp of his influence was reflected in the curriculum for most of the years following until the Second World War, particularly in the emphasis on social institutions, on reform and remedial legislation, and on charities and humanitarianism.

Stanford was coeducational from the start; in fact, the first person awarded the Ph.D. degree in the behavioral sciences was a woman, Mary Roberts Smith, who received her degree in Sociology in the year 1896. The first doctorate in any field had been awarded two years before in Geology. In the very first academic year, nine behavioral science degrees were awarded, 8 in History and 1 in Economics and Social Science. There were 63 student majors in the behavioral sciences that year—1 in Psychology, 49 in History, and 13 in Economics and Social Science. At the second commencement 4 students of History and 1 in Economics and Social Science were granted master’s degrees, the first in the departments’ history. The first class to complete four years’ residence, 1894-95, graduated 31 in behavioral sciences: [p. 8] 20 A.B.’s and 1 M.A. in History, 6 A.B.’s in Economics and Social Science, and 4 A.B.’s in Law.

The curriculum of the first year, especially in History and in Economics and Social Science, reflected the major concerns and horizons of that age. The Psychology Department offered only two courses, Elementary and Advanced Psychology. The History Department offered courses in Greek, Roman, and Medieval History, the History of the Christian Church, of the English Constitution, of the French Revolution, of the Pacific Slope, and American Political History — a historical diet confined largely to the history of Western Europe and Anglo-America. The History Department listed three courses for graduate students with this explanation: “The courses offered to graduate students are especially designed to afford a training in methods of historical research, through the use of original materials. The results of such investigations are presented in the seminary, to which these courses are tributary. No attempt, however, is made sharply to separate the undergraduate from the graduate department. Graduates will often find it to their advantage to take courses designated for undergraduates; while undergraduates with adequate preparation may, by invitation of the professor, be admitted to courses primarily designed for graduates.”2 The problem of graduate courses has, it can be seen, been with us from the beginning. The fuzziness of disciplinary lines is reflected in the first list of courses in the Department of Economics and Social Science. As a matter of interest it is reproduced here.

  1. Principles of Political Economy. Elementary course.
  2. Advanced Economic Theory: Bimetallism, Railway Transportation, etc.
  3. A History of Tariff Legislation in the United States.
  4. Taxation and Finance.
  5. Statistics: History, Theory, and Technique.
  6. [p. 9] Social Science: with special reference to Public Charities and the Management of Penal Institutions.
  7. A Study of Industrial Corporations.
  8. A History of Agriculture and Prices.
  9. Commercial Relations of the United States.
  10. History of Economic Theories.
  11. Civil Service Reform in England and the United States.
  12. Sociology
  13. Land and Land Tenure. The Australian System of Registration.
  14. Method in Domestic Consumption.
  15. Communism and Socialism.
  16. Co-operation: Its History and its Influence.
  17. A History of Industry, including Trade Unions, Guilds, Factory Systems, Strikes, Arbitration, Labor Organizations, etc.
  18. Municipal Administration: the Natural Monopolies, Police, Taxation, etc.
  19. Railroad Management: A Course offered in cooperation with the Engineering Department.
  20. City and State Politics.
  21. A History of Estates and Land Tenure in California.
  22. Recent Social Reform.

 

There were many changes during the University’s first fifty years. One of the early changes occurred in 1899 in the Department of Law. In that year the departmental objective was redefined: “This Department offers such courses in Law as are usually given in professional law schools.”3 in that year a three-year program leading to the Bachelor of Laws degree was inaugurated, and the A.B. in law was soon thereafter abandoned.

The changing names of the Department originally called Economics and Social Science reflect its changes in personnel and curriculum. Sociology courses waxed and waned several times in its history. Political Science ran a more even course, but it also virtually disappeared in the years from 1902 until 1908. The following table summarizes the development of this department.

Department Title:   Years

Department of Economics and Social Science:   1891-1894
Department of Economics and Sociology:   1895-1901
Department of Economics and Social Science:   1902-1911
[p. 10]
Department of Economics:   1912-1914
Department of Economics and Political Science:   1915-1918
Department of Economics:   1919 – date
Department of Political Science:   1919 – date
Division of Sociology, Department of Economics:   1926 through 1940

While the Department of Psychology expanded very slowly in its first thirty years under Professor Angell, the psychology offering in the Department of Education4 flourished in the earlier years (1897-1903) under Professor Edwin Diller Starbuck and later (1910-1921) under Professor Lewis Madison Terman. On Professor Angell’s retirement in 1921, President Wilbur designated Professor Terman head of the Department of Psychology, after which date the department grew rapidly in personnel, in curriculum, and in enrollment. Whereas in the preceding years the psychology curriculum in the Department of Education had rivaled that of the department proper in every respect, thereafter the Psychology Department was dominant.

One of the present behavioral sciences originated at Stanford in the humanities curriculum. In 1908 the Department of English Literature and Rhetoric announced that “students preparing for journalism may substitute for the more advanced courses in literature, courses in Advanced Composition, History, Economics and Social Science.”5 In 1910 Everett Wallace Smith gave a course in News Writing in this department. In 1917 Journalism became a sub-division of the Department of English. It became the Division of Journalism in 1920, and in 1924 the Division was transferred from the Department of English to the jurisdiction of the newly organized School of Social Sciences.6

[p. 11] In the years following upon the First World War there were two major additions to the behavioral science resources of Stanford, both deriving from the interests and activities of her most celebrated alumnus, Herbert Hoover. These were, of course, the Food Research Institute established in 1921 and the Hoover War Library established in 1924. “The Food Research Institute is organized under a grant from the Carnegie Corporation of New York for the purpose of studying the production, distribution, and consumption of food,” declared the Annual Register of 1922. “The Hoover War Library is a collection of materials for research in the causes, conduct, and results of the Great War, covering also the period of reconstruction since the end of the war. These materials are of all kinds and from all the nations of the world, whether belligerent or neutral, but special efforts have been made to secure those which will be useful in research along the lines of non-military history and on social, economic, and governmental problems.”7

There was also expansion in this post-war period in the direction of a required course for freshmen not intent upon a behavioral science major. In 1923, Professor Edgar Eugene Robinson of the History Department was made director of an interdisciplinary program in Citizenship. It consisted of “a general introductory course required of all students in their first year. Designed to present the salient features in the bases and background of present-day society; to consider the place of education in modern life and the political equipment of the citizen; and to examine in detail the fundamental political, social, and economic problems of the American people.”8 Lectures were given by professors in such fields as History, Geology, Law, Philosophy, Political Science, Mechanical Engineering, Education, and Psychology. These were supplemented by smaller discussion groups. In 1935 [p. 12] Citizenship gave way to the History of Western Civilization under the jurisdiction of the Department of History, by this time headed by Professor Robinson, as the course required of all freshmen. It retained the technique of combining lectures with discussion sessions.

One may perhaps summarize the growth of the faculty over the University’s first fifty years by citing some of the better-known names among them. The Department of History included such regular members as Max Farrand, Ralph Haswell Lutz, Edward Maslin Hulme, Thomas Andrew Bailey, and George Vernadsky, and such visitors as Carl Lotus Becker, Guy Stanton Ford, Ralph Henry Gabriel, Samuel Flagg Bemis, and Carlton J. H. Hayes. The Department of Psychology had Walter R. Miles, Lewis Madison Terman, Calvin B. Stone, and Ernest Hilgard as members, and Karl Buhler, Albert Edward Michotte, Kurt Lewin, and Edwin G. Boring as visitors. The Economics Department claimed among its number Thorstein Veblen, Alvin Saunders Johnson, Harley Leist Lutz, Bernard Francis Haley, Joseph Stancliffe Davis, and Theodore Harding Boggs, and among its visitors Frank Albert Fetter, John Maurice Clark, Charles Jesse Bullock, Alvin Harvey Hansen, Jacob Viner, and Fritz Machlup. The political scientists included such permanent professors as Westel Woodbury Willoughby, Burt Estes Howard, Victor J. West, Edward Angell Cottrell, Thomas Swain Barclay, Hugh McDowall Clokie, and Charles Fairman, and such guests as James Wilford Garner, Arthur N. Holcombe, Francis William Coker, Edward Samuel Corwin, Harold Hance Sprout, Arthur W. MacMahon, Henry Russell Spencer, Peter H. Odegard, William Anderson, Clyde Eagleton, James Kerr Pollock, and Leonard Dupee White.9 Among the sociologists there were Charles N. Reynolds and Richard LaPiere. From 1907 to 1914 George H. Sabine was a member of the Department of Philosophy.

The office of Executive Head of the Department was first mentioned in the Annual Register of 1913-1914. It was early established that the Stanford [p.13] policy was to have a permanent department head rather than a rotating one, except in the Food Research Institute. The Department of Economics had two permanent heads in the period from the beginning of the First World War to the beginning of the Second World War, Murray Shipley Wildman (1915-1930) and Bernard Francis Haley (from 1931). History had four chairmen: Edward Benjamin Krehbiel (1913-1914), Ephraim Douglas Adams (1914-1922), Payson Jackson Treat (1922-1930), and Edgar Eugene Robinson (from 1930). Psychology had two chairmen: Frank Angell (1913-1922) and Lewis Madison Terman (from 1922). Political Science also had two: Victor J. West (1919-1927) and Edwin Angell Cottrell (from 1927). The Food Research Institute had three joint directors, who rotated the executive directorship among them – Alonzo Engelbert Taylor, Carl Lucas Alsberg, and Joseph Stancliffe Davis. In 1942 the present director, Merrill Kelley Bennett became executive director. There were two chairmen of the Hoover War Library: Ephraim Douglass Adams (1923-1924) and Ralph Haswell Lutz (from 1924), as there were in the School of Social Sciences—Murray Shipley Wildman (1923-1930) and Edwin Angell Cottrell (from 1930)–and in the Department of Journalism— Everett Wallace Smith (1927-1933) and Chilton Rowlette Bush (from 1933).

Until the year 1908-1909 the History Department had the greatest enrollment of student majors. In that year the Economics Department overtook History and with the exception of a few years immediately following has remained the largest department in terms of total enrollment in the behavioral sciences area. The History Department, however, continued to have the greatest enrollment of graduate students throughout this period. From the beginning, the Psychology Department had the smallest enrollment in the behavioral sciences area. When the Political Science Department was established in 1919, it immediately exceeded the Psychology Department in enrollment. From the year 1922 on—the first of Professor Terman’s chairmanship—the number of graduate students was higher [p. 14] in proportion to undergraduates in the Psychology Department than in any other behavioral science department.

The table which follows summarizes the degrees granted by the several behavioral science departments in the first fifty years of Stanford’s history, and in the case of Ph.D.’s through the academic year 1952-1953.

A.B.’s M.A.’s Ph.D.’s
 

Depart-ment

Prior 1920 1921-1940 Prior 1920 1921-1940 Prior 1920 1921-1940 1941-1953
Econo-mics 600 2998 34 82 4 41 14
History 708 917 90 223 2 55 63
Journal-ism 8 317 0 20 0 0 0
Food Research 0 0 0 0 0 0 1
Inter-national Relations 0 0 0 0 0 0 2
Political Science 7 1000 1 138 0 33 26
Psycho-logy 31 303 1 70 1 49 64
Sociology & Anthro-pology * 159 * 22 1 12 9
Social Sciences 0 1161 0 9 0 1 0

*Prior to 1928, Sociology A.B.’s and M.A.’s were included as Economics Degrees.

It is noteworthy that the number of A.B.’s in Psychology increased ten times in the inter-war years as compared with the first thirty years, and the A.B.’s in Economics six times in the same period, in spite of the fact that in the later period such new departments and programs as Political Science, Sociology, and Social Sciences siphoned off elements among the students previously included under Economics. Growth in terms of the number of advanced degrees awarded is similarly reflected in comparing the two periods—with the single exception of the number of Ph.D.’s granted in Economics between 1941 and 1953. Whereas the average had earlier been [p. 15] about two Economics Ph.D.’s a year, in the more recent period it has declined to slightly more than one per year.

In all the fields there has been a great increase in the number of courses given. In the inter-war years the departments began to classify their course offerings both as to level of complexity and as to subject matter. The establishment of the lower division and the increase in the size of the faculty were among the factors leading to this change. It is also possible to detect changes in emphasis in the course offerings of the departments over the years, reflecting both the development of the subject matter of the several fields and the shifting interests of individual faculty members.

In the field of psychology, for example, in the first thirty years the courses primarily bore such all-embracing titles as Elementary, Advanced, Experimental, Applied, Systematic, Comparative, and Social Psychology and Psychological Literature. Child psychology and testing were offered in the School of Education. After the First World War, statistics, physiology, clinical psychology, child psychology, and testing, personality measurement, and vocational guidance were emphasized in the curriculum.

Throughout the first fifty years of Stanford’s history the economics curriculum was dominated by courses on economic institutions as opposed to economic theory. Courses on railroads, corporation finance, money and banking, economic history, labor legislation, accounting, insurance, tax procedure and the like comprised the major part of the offering. Secretarial training was also included in the economics curriculum. It is apparent that the primary objective of this department was to afford apprenticeship to a business career. In the later years of this period, however, there was an increase in the offering of theoretical [p. 16] courses such as capital and income, production economics, mathematical economics, value and distribution, and the history of economic thought.

Perhaps the most striking changes in emphasis over the years occurred in the history curriculum. The early emphasis on Rome, the Middle Ages, the Italian Renaissance, and British constitutional history was supplemented in the first decade of the century by courses in International Law, Diplomatic History of the United States, and the Westward Movement in the United States, and such courses in the history of the Far East as the History of Australasia, the Philippines, and Tropical Colonization in the Far East. In 1911 there were added a course on Spain and Spanish America and one on international conciliation, and in 1913 the first courses in Japanese history. After the war there appeared courses in the Slavic nationalities, Russia, the Baltic States, the World War, and the Paris Peace Conference. As the number of courses on modern Europe, the history of the United States, Latin America and the Far East increased, Greek and Roman history were taken over by the Classics Department; international law and conciliation were taken over by the Department of Political Science and the School of Law; and the Middle Ages and the History of the Christian Church assumed-a lesser role.

When political science was still a part of the Economics Department, such courses as the theory of the state, methods of legislating, administration of states, cities, and towns, practical politics, modern federal government, and political theory were offered. The History Department, as has been noted, offered courses in the international field. When the Department of Political Science was organized after the war, the course offering fell into the following general areas: elementary courses in American government and state and local government, comparative government, political theory, political parties, administration, relation of [p. 17] government and industry, and international relations. As early as 1924 there was a course in quantitative measurements in public administration, and in the following year there was a course in political statistics. In 1928 a course in public law was offered for the first time. With the exception of the statistical courses, these general areas have continued to be the principal ones in the political science curriculum.

Throughout the first fifty years of the University’s history, the sociology curriculum was combined with Economics. There is, however, evidence of the development of the subject matter during this period. In the nineties there were courses in static and dynamic sociology (using as texts Herbert Spencer and Lester F. Ward), in social pathology, charities and corrections, penology, and even statistics and sociology. Static and dynamic sociology disappeared, but charities, causes of poverty, and courses of that type persisted into the war years. After the war the character of the courses changed. Problems of Poverty, of Child Welfare, Crime as a Social Problem, and Care of Dependents were courses given in the early twenties. Later, courses in population, rural society, social organization, and sociological theory were added to the curriculum, and from this developed an emphasis that persisted until the Second World War. In 1937 a course in Cultural Anthropology was included in the sociology offering, marking the beginning of anthropological instruction.

We have already noted the beginnings of Journalism in the English Department, with one course in Newswriting in 1910 supplemented in 1912 by one in Current Newspapers. By 1916 there were eight courses covering newswriting, analysis, reporting, editing, management and advertising. In 1920, as we have seen, Journalism was recognized as a Division of English and, in 1925, of the School of Social Sciences. From this time the curriculum continued to grow—with courses in geographical, [p. 18] sociological and legal aspects of journalism, techniques of propaganda and investigative methods in journalism.

From its inception the Food Research Institute offered a course in Food Research Problems. In 1934 a course for upper division students in The World’s Food was added, and in 1940 there was a considerable increase in the number of courses offered, including Consumption Economics, Commodity Prices, American Agricultural Policy, Foreign Agricultural Policy, and Agriculture and the Business Cycle.

In 1931 the Hoover Library offered a course in Problems of Research. By 1937 this had been expanded to include directed research in such special fields as the World War and Reconstruction, Austria-Hungary, the Bolshevik Party and the Third International, Soviet Policies and the Civil War, Housing in the United States, History of International Relations since 1914, European Totalitarianism, and the German Revolution, 1918-1919.

 

B. Research Institutes and Grants. The establishment of the Hoover War Library just after the First World War inaugurated the first major research development in the behavioral sciences at Stanford. The Annual Report of the President for 1920 notes that:

The Hoover War Library has grown steadily during the year through gifts and purchases. Professor E. D. Adams and Professor Ralph Lutz have been actively engaged in assembling and classifying this notable collection. Several students have already entered the University in order to do research work with the help of this collection and it is inevitable that there will be a considerable increase in the number of such students from year to year.10

In the following year the plans for establishing the Food Research Institute were announced.

[p. 19] During the year the final plans for the organization of the Food Research Institute of Stanford University have been consummated. The general terms of this gift are as follows: A contract was drawn up between Stanford and the Carnegie Corporation of New York in which the University agreed to set up the research organization ‘to study the problems of the production, distribution and consumption of foodstuffs’, to appoint 3 scientists as Directors who shall determine the research pursuits and be Professors with teaching a secondary aspect of their duties, appoint a 7 man Advisory Committee, furnish housing etc. free, and disburse the money.11

The Corporation agreed to supply $54,000 from July 1, 1921, to June 30, 1922; $66,000 from July 1, 1922, to June 30, 1923; and $73,000 annually for the next eight years. Two years before the expiration of the contract a conference would be held to determine the Institute’s future status.

The Annual Report12 went on to state that

Dr. Alonzo E.Taylor, Dr. Carl L. Alsberg, and Dr. Joseph S. Davis have been appointed as Directors of the Institute. The Advisory Committee is made up as follows: Mr. Herbert Hoover, Mr. A. R. Howard, of the American Farm Bureau; Dr. John C. Merriam, President of the Carnegie Institution of Washington; Mr. George C. Roeding, Mr. Julius Barnes, President William M. Jardine, of the Kansas State Agricultural College; President of the Carnegie Corporation, President of Stanford University. One of the original buildings in the Inner Quadrangle, formerly occupied by the Department of German, has been set aside for the use of the Directors. The Hoover War Library, which formed the main center of attraction for the Food Research Institute, is being assembled on one floor of the stacks of the new Library with an adjacent special reading room for the use of the members of the Food Research Institute and faculty and students of the Departments of History and Economics. The Food Research Institute constitutes one of the most notable opportunities for research of a wide scope that has come to any university in America within recent years.

In 1924, the specific plans for the Hoover War Library were announced.13

[p. 20] The Hoover War Library is a separate gift and has special endowment funds for the maintenance of certain of its features. It is under the general administration of the University Librarian.

In order to make it possible to:

a. secure acquisitions in the many different fields touched upon by the Library,
b. care for the interests of graduate students and others using the facilities of the Library, and
c. determine upon the lines of development,

Directors of the Hoover War Library are to be appointed with a relationship to the Library similar to that of a departmental faculty …

Many additions have been made to the collection during the course of the year. Mr. Hoover has increased his personal gifts until they now total about $90,000 in cash expended. The Directors of the library are making every reasonable effort to make it one of the great war collections of the world.

When the time came for renegotiation of the original contract of the Food Research Institute, the Carnegie Corporation acted by granting $750,000 in 1931 to provide a permanent endowment. In the brochure of the Institute describing its activities and publications14 its financial history is described as follows:

The [Carnegie] Corporation guaranteed funds for a period of ten years, while Stanford University undertook to provide quarters and facilities for the Institute and accorded it departmental status. Financial support is at present derived jointly from endowment granted by Carnegie Corporation to Stanford University in continuing support of the Institute, from University appropriations, and from short-term grants provided by foundations and other private organizations.

In 1939, the plans for building the Hoover Library building were announced

For some years we have been accumulating funds for the construction of the Hoover Library Building. With the original funds, the gift of $50,000 from Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and the $300,000 from the Belgian- American Educational Foundation, Inc.,in hand, the university architects prepared plans for a monumental structure… It is anticipated that the building will be completed in 1940.15

[p. 21] With the completion of this building the two principal research facilities of Stanford’s first fifty years, and, indeed, in the lifetime of the University were solidly established.

The major grants for behavioral science research in the years prior to the Second World War, aside from those for the Hoover Library and the Food Research Institute, were the Laura Spellman Fund of the Rockefeller Foundation, which amounted to $454,838.49; funds to Professor Terman for his studies of intellectually gifted children—$60,673.29 from the Commonwealth Fund and $26,000 from the Carnegie Corporation; and funds for sex research granted to Professors Stone, Miles, and Terman by the Academy of Sciences, amounting to $73,298.73.

The principal publication output of the Hoover Library comprised a series of eighteen books of collected documents, memoirs, and special studies, and those of the Food Research Institute included seventeen volumes of Wheat Studies, three monographs in the Grain Economics Series, seven Fats and Oils Studies, and nine Miscellaneous Publications. The publications resulting from the Laura Spellman Fund are tabulated in Appendix I to Chapter 14.

[p. 22]

II. SINCE THE SECOND WORLD WAR

Since the Second World War the following major ohanges in the behavioral science field have occurred at Stanford:

 

A. New Departments and Agencies Established. The Department of Sociology and Anthropology was set up on an independent basis in 1948. Previously sociology had been under the Department of Economics. Anthropology teaching had begun with the arrival at Stanford in 1945 of Felix M. Keesing, who was to be appointed three years later as head of the new joint department. Other major additions to the staff in this area included Paul Wallin (appointed in 1942) in sociology and Bernard J. Siegel (appointed in 1947) and Bert A. Gerow (appointed in 1948) in anthropology.

The Department of Statistics was established in 1949 under the chairmanship of Albert H. Bowker. It quickly became a major center for research, which two years later was institutionalized as the Laboratory of Applied Mathematics and Statistics. Important staff appointments included Meyer Abraham Girshick (1948), Herman Chernoff (1951), and Charles E. Stein (1953).

In 1943 two professors of geography were brought to Stanford on a permanent basis. Seven years later, geography was established as a separate department under the chairmanship of C. Langdon White.

In 1951 the Committee for Research in the Social Sciences (CRISS) was set up as an inter-departmental body for the initiation, screening, and coordination of social science research. In the following year Alfred de Grazia, of the Political Science Department, was appointed its first executive officer, (see Chapter 8,III).

 

B. Remade Departments. In the years following 1945, first under the chairmanship of Bernard P. Haley and later under that of Edward S. Shaw, [p. 23] the Economics Department was restaffed with a series of outstanding younger scholars. The result has been a “planned” and well-integrated staff. The present national reputation of the department, particularly in the field of economic theory, largely dates from this period. The major additions to the staff, with their dates of appointment, are as follows: Tiber Scitovsky (1946), Lorie Tarshis (1946), Melvin W. Reder (1947), Moses Abramovitz (1948), Paul A. Baran (1949), Kenneth J. Arrow (1949).

A similar expansion tool: place in the Department of Psychology following the appointment of Ernest R. Hilgard as executive head in 1945. Here the chief additions to the staff now at associate or full professor rank included: Lois Meek Stolz (1945), Donald W. Taylor (1.945), Clarence L. Winder (1948), and Douglas H. Lawrence (1949). Last year Robert R. Sears was called to Stanford from a Harvard professorship to succeed Professor Hilgard as head of the department following the latter’s appointment as Dean of the Graduate Division.

The expansion of the Psychology Department was in three directions: (1) the Clinical Psychology Ph.D. program supported by the Veterans Administration and the Public Health Service; (2) the nursery school and child development laboratory; (3) the Office of Project Research, as a “holding company” and initiator of research sponsored by the government and the foundations (see Chapter 8,V).

 

C. Changes in Other Behavioral Science Areas. Both History and Political Science have recently acquired new chairmen. In 1952 Thomas A. Bailey was appointed executive head of the former department and James T. Watkins IV of the latter. Today, of the behavioral science departments, only Journalism is under its pre-war head.

Of recent years the Department of History has pursued a vigorous policy of recruiting its staff from highly diversified academic and [p.24] geographical backgrounds. Areas in which substantial new staff recruiting has taken place include Far Eastern History—Claude A. Buss (1946), Arthur F. Wright (1947), and Thomas C. Smith (1948)—and United States history— John C. Miller (1949), Frank Freidel (1953), and Don E. Fehrenbacher (1953).

In Political Science, eight out of ten staff members of the rank of assistant professor and above are post-war appointees. Concurrently the Department has supplemented its earlier emphasis on international relations with added attention to public administration and political behavior.

The immediate post-war years saw the Hoover Institute and Library expanding its interests in new areas to which the Second World War had given increased importance. Whereas the pre-war collections had been heavily concentrated on Central and Eastern Europe, the Far East and, to a lesser extent, the Middle East now became areas of major interest. In 1941, the Hoover Library holdings on Asia and the Middle East consisted only of materials relating to mandates or colonies of European powers. Virtually none of this material was in the vernacular languages of these areas.

Since 1945, the Hoover Library has been making a systematic effort to collect and preserve the sources for the political, social, and economic history of Asia and the Middle East during the twentieth century, together with relevant background materials. The political and social movements of the twentieth century—nationalism, communism, religious movements with political significance, etc.—have formed the basis for the collections. The Chinese collection now numbers some 34,000 volumes; the Japanese collection, some 20,000 volumes; the Middle East collections, principally in Turkish and Arabic, some 8,000 volumes; the South Asian, and Southeast Asian collections are much smaller. These new interests have been reflected in the appointment of highly-trained scholars to serve as curators for the new collections—Christina P. Harris (Middle [p. 25] East), Mary C. Wright (China, Southeast Asia, and South Asia), and Nobutaka Ike (Japan).

Experiments in the application of newer techniques of behavioral science have constituted much of the post-war research in the Hoover Institute. The leading project, Revolution and the Development of International Relations (RADIR), was supported by the Carnegie Corporation.

 

D. Related Professional Schools. A further sign of the post-war tendency toward growth and change can be seen in the appointment of new deans for the School of law (Carl B. Spaeth, 1946), the School of Medicine (Windsor C. Cutting, 1953), and the School of Education (I. James Quillen, 1953).

 

E. Conclusion: Prospects for Continued Development. It is the conviction of the committee responsible for the present survey that the above evidences of development and branching into new fields of teaching and research represent the dominant tendency in Stanford today. The growth potential of the University is apparent in nearly all areas of behavioral science interest. The purpose of the present study is to look ahead on the basis of the foundations now in existence—bearing constantly in mind that for a comparatively small university the most advisable course is considerable specialization within departments rather than an effort to cover all fields equally.

 

[NOTES]

  1. Annual Register, 1892-93, p. 72.
  2. Annual Register, 1891-92.
  3. Annual Register, 1899-1900, p. 98.
  4. Became School of Education in 1917.
  5. Annual Register, 1908-09, p. 89.
  6. Established in 1924.
  7. Annual Register, 1924-25, p.240
  8. Annual Register, 1923-24.
  9. These twelve men are all former presidents of the American Political Science Association, as was W. W. Willoughby, mentioned earlier.
  10. Annual Report of the President, 1920, p. 28.
  11. Annual Report of the President, 1921, p.7.
  12. Ibid., p. 9.
  13. Annual Report of the President, 1924, p.3.
  14. Stanford University Press, 1948, p. 2.
  15. Annual Report of the President, 1939, p. 14.

 

Source: The Stanford Survey of the Behavioral Sciences. Report of the Executive Committee and Staff, July 1954.

Image Source: Library of Congress. Encina Hall, Leland Stanford Junior University (1898).

 

 

 

Categories
Chicago Economists

History of Social Sciences at the University of Chicago, from 1954 Report to Ford Foundation

The previous two postings (first and second postings here) were extracts taken from the Harvard Report on the Behavioral Sciences from 1954 to the Ford Foundation. Now we take a look at the Report prepared at the University of Chicago that was part of the same project involving five universities (Chicago, Harvard, Michigan, North Carolina and Stanford). Here I extract Appendix D from the Chicago Report by the University of Chicago historian, Richard J. Storr. This gives us a top-down narrative of where the department of political economy fits into the history of social sciences at Chicago. It provides a nice companion piece to the historical survey for Harvard in the Mason report.

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[p. 158]

Notes on the History of the Social Sciences at Chicago1

No university becomes great unwittingly. Soon or late the members of a college nearing the great divide in higher education will awaken to the necessity of choosing their ground. If the faculty does not altogether recoil from the thought of offering graduate and professional courses, it may still feel so uncertain of the future that it lays its plans for expansion by bits and pieces. If it is more venturesome, it may begin with a large scheme, framed in one piece. When a university has been established, its officers will from time to time appraise the fruits of planning in the past and make new plans for the future. So the idea of a university is a palimpsest of designs, some ancient, some modern, some wise, some foolish, some brilliant, some pedestrian, but all the product of more or less conscious thought.

These notes are a commentary on certain ideas which have stood in the background of research in the social sciences at Chicago between 1888 and 1939. The information used here has been extracted, of necessity rather hastily, from sources on the general history of the University and from files pertaining to the departments of economics; history; political science; and sociology, with which anthropology was once united. Despite the importance of several other departments to the social sciences, they have been neglected because the materials from which their histories must be written could not be examined in time to be used in these notes. [p. 159] What is said here should be thought of as heuristic rather than definitive history.

 

In the Beginning

When John D. Rockefeller, Sr. , made his first gift to the American Baptist Education Society in the interest of a “University of Chicago”, he undoubtedly intended to accomplish more than the resurrection of the moribund Baptist college which had borne the name; but he deliberately refused to specify what the institution should be academically. Most of his advisers believed that university departments should be built up slowly upon a collegiate foundation, and one of Rockefeller’s friends emphatically insisted that Chicago was no place at all for a great Rockefeller university. Although the latter opinion was extreme, early caution was well warranted. The Founder’s princely gift of $600, 000 fell far short of the requirements of a university endowment, and when the Rockefeller benefactions became imperial, they did not overtake the needs of the University for years. From the beginning admiration for academic enterprise and for great enterprisers was tempered by a higher regard for gradualism then we may always realize. “The development of the university, ” wrote President Harry Pratt Judson in 1919, “has followed conservative lines, each new plan being studied with care in advance, and coming naturally from what has already been made permanent.” But this is jumping beyond the founding of the University. Early conservatism was all but shattered by the advent of William Rainey Harper as first president-elect. Before he had accepted office, Rockefeller made a second gift in part to finance the beginning of graduate work. The collegiate era of Chicago history was indeed brief. Harper quickly drafted a comprehensive university plan, which appeared in print as the famous Official Bulletins. They are sufficient evidence of Harper’s acute awareness of the institution as a university. The Founder’s second gift brought out in Harper the same academic evangelism which had swept the minds of older Americans when they contemplated the sight of a beloved [p. 160] nation without full means of intellectual grace. (It is perhaps no accident that Harper used the analogy of religion and its institutions to explain what a university is.) This fruit of an earlier anxiety over the inferiority of American education provided one seed of that corporate self-consciousness which is said to be a mark of the University of Chicago.

According to Harper’s original plan, the University was to have three divisions — namely, university extension, the university publications work, and the university proper. The last was to include academies, undergraduate colleges, several professional schools, and the graduate school. Unlike the John Hopkins and Clark University, Chicago did not play down collegiate activity despite the fact that research was encouraged from the beginning. Moreover, undergraduate study in the last two years was to be carried on in connection with graduate study. The work of the non-professional segment of the university proper was distributed between departments which were independent of each other, or so one must infer from the absence of any provision for the grouping of departments into “schools.” In this Chicago differed from Columbia where sociology, history, government, and economics belonged in a school of political science. True, the departments fall together in the Register; but there is no evidence that this grouping had an important intellectual, administrative, or budgetary role. Work in the departments was to supervised, in general, by a “head”; and instruction was to be given by a hierarchy of officers from head professor down to scholar through twelve grades (!). The “head” of each department was given special status, even above other professors. The heads were to conduct “the Club or Seminar” of each department and to edit any papers or journals to be published by the University. The Official Bulletins do not specify particular departments presumably because Harper did not wish to commit the University on this point; for as the Bulletins were appearing, he was negotiating with a number of prospective faculty members over possible departmental arrangements. Harper’s way of putting flesh on the skeleton of the University was to find men who had the intellectual power and [p. 161] administrative skill necessary to create departments. First and foremost he sought men — men of a particular type, which Harper himself exemplified. When he was born in 1856, there was an infinitesimal demand in the United States for “university” professors as distinguished from the “college” professors of the pastoral era of American academic life. The United States had its scholarly professors; but few of them were employed to do research or to train researchers. Even as late as 1870, the American university heavily committed to research was non-existent. Then, in the remarkably short interval in which Harper passed from boyhood to professorial status at the Morgan Park Theological Seminary, and later at Yale, fledgling universities began to appear and to appoint professors because of their achievements or promise as investigators and organizers of investigation. The latter qualification was as important as the former. The universities needed men who could not only explore on their own, but also found colonies of researchers. If possible, the professor ought to attract a lay following into the fields he opened. Just so, Harper brought new insight to Hebraic research, attracted a cluster of advanced students, edited a learned journal, and created popular interest by conducting summer and correspondence courses and by editing a semi-popular journal. Without the formal title, Harper was a “head professor” at Yale before he came to Chicago, where the appointment of such professors became a foundation stone of his academic policy.

The appointment of head professors had very real uses. Once it was decided to put the University at the top of American higher education on its first day, Harper had the labors of Hercules to perform. (At least he did not have to clear out an old stable.) So it must have been extremely convenient as well as entirely natural to find men to whom he could delegate the responsibility of creating departments with all that entailed in the way of finding instructors, awarding fellowships, deciding on courses to be offered, selecting books and equipment, etc. Like field officers, the head professors could relieve the commanding general of tasks which he could not have completed by himself in any event. If the system [p. 162] was to work, however, the heads had to be men who were more than administrative clerks; they had to be men of initiative and independent judgment, which meant that Harper’s lieutenants defended their own powers stoutly, even against Harper himself on occasion. This was all the more true because Harper wanted to build up the prestige of the University by appointing men who already had established reputations. These men were precisely those who could most easily go elsewhere to serve the University’s rivals if they fell out seriously with the President. It is not pure fantasy to compare the relationship between Harper and the head professors to the feudalism of the marches. These professors were barons on the frontiers of knowledge, bound to the central authority by a loyalty which was usually strong because the person who represented authority possessed a remarkable capacity for inspiring friendship for himself and confidence in the destiny of the institution. Men would resist particular acts of alleged interference on his part and yet find themselves willing to remain in his service. The price of loyalty was the assurance that each department would have autonomy.2

The appointment of head professors was accompanied by some risk, — not so much from the authoritarianism to be read into the head professors’ position as from the premium which was put upon the very autonomy which made the system work. There is little evidence that the “concentrated responsibility”3 of the head professors affected the individual instructor’s freedom adversely. Harper declared officially that no instructor would be asked to separate himself from the University because his [p. 163] views upon a particular question differed from those of another member of the same department, even though that member were the head; and the case of Thorstein Veblen supports the statement. Veblen’s approach to economics was vastly different from that of J. Laurence Laughlin, head of the department of political economy; so one might suppose that Veblen lived in constant danger of losing his post because of the head professor’s displeasure. Actually, Laughlin brought Veblen to the University and protected him from his critics. If Laughlin’s headship made any difference in what became a very delicate and painful situation, that difference worked in favor of the individual scholar.

No, the system of head professors was risky because it jeopardized the unity of spirit which Harper strove to create. For at the same time that he sought to release the energies of individuals, he tried to bring a sense of community into being. It was certainly endangered by the departmentalism which his method of building a university produced. The original departments appear to have been the institutional product of the head professors’ judgments on the needs and potentialities of the fields in which they were severally interested; for the heads were intellectual as well as administrative leaders. As the backgrounds and mentalities of the heads varied, so the departments differed from each other. The spectrum of diversity ran from the historian, von Hoist, who came from Germany where history had long been a distinct academic discipline, to Albion Small, whose field of sociology had yet to acquire academic prestige. (That it did is due perhaps more to Small’s academic statesmanship than to anything else.) Interestingly enough, Small and Laughlin as well as von Hoist had had intimate contact with historical scholarship. Small did his graduate work in a John Hopkins seminar which dealt with history as well as with political economy and government, and Laughlin wrote his thesis on Anglo-Saxon law for Henry Adams. The fact that somewhat similar training did not produce like-mindedness suggests the complexity of the situation.

Harper himself was fully aware of the shortcomings of departmental organization. It was convenient but far from perfect in its effects.

[p. 164] In these days, (said Harper in 1898) as a matter of fact, the distinction between Botany and Zoology, between Latin and Greek, between Political Science, Political Economy and History, is a distinction which is purely artificial. The best work is accomplished by the man who disregards all such artificial lines and deals with problems. Every important problem will carry the student of it into half a dozen departments and he must be free to work without hindrance. The time will come when these so-called distinctions of departments will disappear. . . There should be a better correlation of the work in closely allied departments. The separation of departments has been too greatly emphasized by some of the heads of departments. Certain divisions of work have been isolated to a greater or less extent from other divisions closely related. This is due to the fact that no sufficient effort has been made by the heads of closely related departments to work out together the plans of instruction.

The evil of poor correlation of departments appeared to the President to be greatest in the natural sciences; but harmony was imperfect in the social sciences. As far as one can see, none of the head professors insisted that his discipline was the only avenue to the truth. Although the word “interdisciplinary” was unknown, the idea behind it would surely have received a hearing from the several head professors. Yet integration of the disciplines lay far beyond the realm of possibility as the University was originally organized. To arrange perfect harmony, one would have had to perform a task as difficult as the consolidation of ethnic groups with diverse pasts and all the occasion for friction that propinquity makes frequent.

If the social science departments had developed slowly with the partition of a single course, perhaps the old moral philosophy, there might have been more unity in the University; but that condition was contrary to the facts of the University’s history. Had Harper appointed but one head professor to create a single school of social or political science like John W. Burgess’ school at Columbia, the departments within the school might have possessed a family resemblance; but obviously Harper made no such appointment and perhaps he never thought of trying to do so. If he had, perhaps the University’s life would have been less rich in sources of intellectual stimulation than it was. Conceivably, the several head professors might have been brought together in [p. 165] one seminar like the one at Hopkins; and assuredly the pyrotechnics would have been thrilling for the students. But the head professors were not brought together as teachers. A trace of interdepartmentalism does appear in the organization of the four departments as the “historical group” in 1899. It concerned itself with library problems and the correlation of courses.4

The salaries of the head professors corresponded in size to their preeminence in departmental affairs. A profile of salaries in a given department would have resembled a pyramid rather than a mesa. One reason for this situation was, of course, the necessity of paying premium prices if the University was to attract” very able men whose talents were appreciated elsewhere. In reaching for Albion Small, for instance, Harper was competing with Colby College for its president. Admittedly the competition was not purely mercenary. Harper offered a head professor not only high salary, but an opportunity to develop the resources of a learned or scientific field. At a time when research often lived on short rations, it must have been exhilarating to be approached by Harper with the news that the University of Chicago would pay handsomely for the direction of research. But other universities were also bidding for men like the head professors at Chicago. Herbert B. Adams declined an invitation to Chicago because he already had at the John Hopkins what the head professors were promised at Chicago. So, from the beginning, the University had to labor to get and keep the kind of men it wanted to lead the departments. It would appear indeed that Harper was occasionally led by his enthusiasm to say things which were understood by his hearers to be promises of research arrangements which could [p. 166] not be brought altogether into being. The early brilliance of the University is clouded by some disappointments and even bitterness.

Research as well as teaching, it appears, was paid for out of the general University income appropriated for salaries. Special University funds for research and outside grants were beyond the horizon of the future. Indeed, Mr. Rockefeller’s second gift and subsequent gifts were presumably made on the principle that research would be paid for out of general funds to supplement regular tuition income. It was the policy to ask all professors to carry a regular teaching load, but that part of his salary which was paid in consideration of his obligation to do research was in effect his research grant.

But what were the social science departments, so organized and financed, supposed to do? Harper cast a university in the role of servant to mankind and emphasized the contribution which a university ought to make to democracy as spokesman, mediator, and philosopher. Like prophets, members of the University were supposed to address not only their academic colleagues, but the mass of men as well; like priests they were supposed to live above the conflict of human interests but they were to be active in mitigating the strife which divides mankind; and like philosophers they were to seek the laws or principles of democracy. One might suppose that Harper had in mind a division of labor according to which one professor used university extension to address the world and another did “pure” research, for instance on the concentration of wealth, which Harper mentions. This supposition is supported by the partial specialization of duties which did become customary. Yet it never became complete. It is highly significant that Harper did not distinguish sharply between the extension and the diffusion of knowledge. He had that balance of mind which keeps a man from sniffing at popularization or sneering at erudition. He was neither academic demagogue nor prig. The root of his attitude very likely lay in depths of character which one cannot probe historically, but some explanation can be [p. 167] found in the nature of his own specialty, the elucidation of the Old Testament. The truth Harper sought as a scholar lay behind the barriers of a difficult language and complicated texts; but it was a truth which could be found out. Once discovered, however, it would fail of its purpose if all men did not have it to guide their daily lives for the good of their immortal souls. Harper did not, of course, make claims of the supernatural merit of democracy; but he did carry over into his view of mundane affairs not only a belief in the efficacy and availability of truth, but also the twofold conviction that learning was required if men were to have truth and that truth about society must be taken to the men and women who make up society. For the social scientist at the University of Chicago this meant that the President respected both pure research and practical activity and did not expect a professor to act as if the two were mutually exclusive.

 

After the Beginning

Ten years after the University opened, Harper felt that the first exciting work was finished. The task of the future was to keep the University strong and lively without an annual transfusion of the Founder’s wealth to meet current expenses. John D. Rockefeller continued to be deeply interested in the University, but he insisted that the deficits should disappear. The retrenchment of sanguine hopes, if not of actual operations, which this desire made necessary went against the grain of Harper’s nature. He had the genius of the great entrepreneur who dares to combine men and things in brilliant new constellations at a risk which dismays his well-wishers, but he had no gift for careful house-keeping. His successor, Harry Pratt Judson, did command that skill. In remarkably short order, he saved the University from the threat of acute embarassment and perhaps from collapse; and the Founder made his final gift of $10,000,000 payable over ten years. So the President could count upon an annual increase of receipts for the greater part of his administration.

[p. 168] Judson’s personal views on the organization of research are reflected in his response to certain queries put to him by President Hall of Clark, who raised the question among others of prescribing the problem of an investigation before-hand with appropriations for so much for such a purpose:

“We expect work in research to be done normally by all our staff, and to that end we try not to overburden them with teaching. In some cases we have given special inducements to carry on a particular piece of research, by way of relieving the officer in question of a part of his normal duties. We have found no difficulty on that head. I am not in favor of establishing research professorships, but rather of encouraging particular pieces of research when they seem warranted. . . I cannot say that I can forecast the future of research as between universities and special institutions. It must occur in both, and each, doubtless, has its field. It seems to me that investigation of particular value is a matter which cannot be determined by general rules or by departmental lines, but is something wholly personal in character, and dependent on the abilities and ambitions of certain individuals. It is only in that line that I look for a large measure of success.”

For the purpose of supporting research and publication, Judson advocated the creation of a research fund from gifts. No endowment devoted specifically to these matters existed, but such funds were needed. For pressing necessities of instruction or of other things tended to divert funds from research. This general theme was taken up by the Senate Committee on Research, which proposed the creation of a General University Research Foundation and of Special University Research Institutes. The Committee remarked on the establishment of endowed research institutes, separate from universities, as an indication that the typical university organization, such as Chicago’s, was not regarded as being capable of satisfying the research needs of the time. But separate institutes did not provide for a succession of researchers; nor did the separate institutes allow the investigators to maintain continuous organic contact with the entire body of knowledge as represented in a large university. The expression of these sentiments, however, did not lead immediately to much action except perhaps to the creation of the Norman Wait Harris Foundation.

[p. 169] Quite early in the Judson administration, the government of the departments was changed. In 1909, a faculty committee took a hard look at the system of departmental organization around heads of departments. (In 1899, the title “Head Professor” had become “Professor and Head of Department. “) The facts upon which the Committee based its recommendations are not specified; but conditions in the departments of political economy, political science, history, and sociology and anthropology suggest the situation which called for scrutiny. When the University opened, the principle of “concentrated responsibility” corresponded roughly with the differences in experience between the head professors and the other members of the departments. With possibly only one exception, no member of a department who was not a head professor had had such experience that he could claim that a top salary and standing was denied him unjustly. The special provision for head professors was not working hardship. By 1908-09, however, the rungs of the ladder just short of the top were filling up. Ten of the thirty-nine members of the four departments were full professors, which meant that six had gone as far as they could go and were still in an inferior position. This situation was, of course, the natural result of the growth of the departments and of promotions in the lower and middle rank; but the situation was nonetheless unsatisfactory in the eyes of the committee of 1909. It believed that with the growth of the University it was becoming increasingly important that the system of organization should make possible the securing and retaining of as many men of the first grade of ability as the needs of the fields and the resources of the University permitted, and that the system should be sufficiently flexible to favor the employment of each member of a department in the kind of work to which he was best suited. The existing system failed to meet the first condition because only one member of a department could attain the maximum rank and salary, and it failed to meet the second condition because maximum rank and salary seemed to be connected exclusively with administrative responsibilities. In the words of a second committee commissioned to rephrase the report of the [p. 170] first, the existing system, as it was commonly understood, operated “to make it difficult to secure or retain men of high ability and recognized eminence for those professorships which are regarded as subordinate.” The same committee pointed out that the policy of assigning one man a maximum salary and requiring him to perform as an administrator might be based on either of two grounds. The larger salary and the title might be accorded in recognition of general eminence. In that case the assignment of administrative duties to the head would seem to proceed on the presumption that the most eminent man is the person to administer the department. But the most eminent man might not be well adapted to administration, and even if he was capable in that direction, it might seem unwise for the University to use his time in that way rather than in research. Or if the larger salary might be attached to the position primarily as special compensation for administration, then that appeared to place an unduly high valuation upon administration as compared with research and teaching. The way which the University took to escape this dilemma was to replace heads of departments with chairmen and to grant whole departments a larger share in the determination of policy than they enjoyed before.

Although in some cases chairmanships actually differed less from head professorships than the reformers seem to have intended, the constitutional changes of 1909 raise the question, did each department cease gradually to be the lenthened shadow of a man, if that is not too strong a phrase to describe the original system? One of the nicest problems of all for the critic of university policy and organization is to discover how much of the influence of a professor of unusually great mind and force of personality is increased or curtailed by the formal system within which he works. We can all think of men who were “head professors” without benefit of title or special powers under the statutes. Without attempting to make a final judgment, one can hazard the suggestion that the reform in departmental organization did work to undermine the conditions which favored [p. 171] domination by a single man in each department but that it did so only indirectly. The new system no more prevented a vigorous man from influencing his colleagues than the old system had obligated the heads of departments to rule arbitrarily, but the reform did make room at the top of each department for as many men as the University could afford to pay at the highest rates. Had this not happened, the frustration of men just short of the top would have been immense as departments grew in size and more and more men were promoted through the middle ranks. Can anyone doubt that despair and resentment would have alienated the best men first? It was indeed hard enough as it was to keep good men in the face of retrenchment. Needless to say, however, the University did not lose all its very able men; and it managed in the course of time to increase their number. To say what this meant is to walk on the sands of conjecture. Increases in the number of first-rate scholars may have encouraged an intellectual eclecticism precluding the kind of leadership which one man may be able to exercise at the moment a department is organized.

But was something to replace the heads of departments as a source of stimulation as the old system disintegrated? As we have seen, Judson placed his confidence in the individual scholars’ abilities and ambitions; and it would appear that he usually let the organization of research rest there. In 1915 a Senate committee recommended a grouping of departments which may have prepared men’s minds a little for later inter-departmental activity; but the committee spoke only of the “administrative purposes” to be served by its recommendation. There was no mention of consultation on research or of cooperative sponsorship of research.

The emphasis on administration in the 1915 recommendations is typical of the Judson regime. The University ran smoothly and efficiently under the skillful guidance of the President; but it appears to have been propelled forward more by momentum than by the generation of new forces. The University was also more stable and more like other universities than it had been in [p. 172] Harper’s time. It was only natural that events would be less dramatic from day to day once the essential plan of the University had been put into effect than they had been when everything remained to be done. The longevity of heads of departments may also have had something to do with the tone of the Judson administration. History had three heads between 1892 and the time of Judson’s retirement, but political science and sociology retained their original heads of department until 1922 and 1924 respectively. Political economy had its original head of department until 1916. (Incidentally, political science had but two chief officers from 1892 to 1941 and sociology had but two from 1892 to 1940. The phenomenon of rapid turnover in chairmanship is recent.) Led as it was by veterans, Chicago was no longer a freshman university. Its virtues and its failings were those of settled maturity.

 

The Day Before Yesterday

The early Twenties was a time of protean discontent over the state of the University and of the social sciences. One cause of anxiety was the erosion of time for research. It will be recalled that Harper was decidedly interested in undergraduate education and that it was not entirely separated from graduate work at the University. It will also be recalled that instructors at all levels of the faculty were expected as a matter of policy to carry a regular teaching load. In theory, these policies did not inhibit the pursuit of knowledge; but in practice, they produced a reaction against collegiate instruction as its demands appeared to eat away the opportunity to do research. Also capable research men seemed to be falling prey to a mechanical application of the rules governing teaching assignments and to be carrying too much instruction of graduate students. Beyond this, salary schedules were comparatively low. This adversity sharpened awareness of research as a mission of a university just at the time when the growth of independent research institutes threw the future of university research into a state of uncertainty.

[p. 173] Albion Small, then Dean of the Graduate School of Arts and Literature, was especially worried, both over the lack of needed stimulants within the graduate schools of the University and also over the aimlessness of the social sciences. The graduate schools, he said were “under-energizing” chiefly because they were amorphous groups of autonomous departments. The deans were little more than proctors. With a change in the constitution of the University, however, they might be given some opportunity to show initiative in the performance of cooperative and strategic functions. The departments would then be stimulated, Small asserted, by more direct contact through the dean with the entire economy of each graduate school. Turning to the departments of the social sciences in particular, Small observed there a spirit of “prophetic unrest”:

“Everyone believes that his department, and social science as a whole, has a mission; but at no time since the work of the University began has there been in the group such evident dissatisfaction with its own inability to define that mission in a way that will command general assent. . . We have not yet threshed out the question — What for? To what end? . . . Some of our own number, and many others both inside and outside the academic class, charge social scientists in general with wasting their time and resources upon futilities, instead of concentrating their abilities upon discovery of something worthwhile. We are under indictment for resting content with satisfying smug pedantic curiosities, instead of contributing to the world’s knowledge of the way of salvation. . . I report this [Small continued after further comment in the same vein] not in sorrow but with rejoicing. I regard it as a notably healthy situation. We are first of all unsatisfied with ourselves, and this disturbance is not likely to diminish until we can give a more coherent account of our reasons for existence than is possible at present.”

Other voices were raised on the same general subject. Charles E. Merriam called the President’s attention to the fact that the department of Political Science had languished for many years because of lack of a leader under the most distressing circumstances. Merriam had in the forefront of his mind the conception of a new study of politics. He thought in terms of investigation which called upon many disciplines, and he anticipated the development of cooperative activity. “Science,” he had [p. 174] written in 1921, “is a great cooperative enterprise in which many intelligences must labor together. There must always be wide scope for the spontaneous and unregimented activity of the individual, but the success of the expedition is conditioned upon some general plan of organization. Least of all can there be anarchy in social science, or chaos in the theory of political order.” Leon C. Marshall and William H. Spencer urged that the instructors in economics and business should intensively cultivate the borderlands between economics on one side and business, technology, psychology, the evolution of institutional life, law, and home economics on the other. Earlier a committee on the Harris Foundation had envisaged it as the beginning of an institute of international relations which would be the nucleus for a gathering of interested departments.

During his brief but energetic administration, President Ernest D. Burton mounted a frontal attack on the causes of discontent. He set his face against the abolition of undergraduate instruction; but he accepted the difference between undergraduate and graduate work as a fundamental principle. His policy was to develop each type of study according to its own character and requirements without seeking lines of compromise between the two. Clearly he did not intend to preside over the liquidation of the college or of research. He did see that both were in danger of death, the one from violence the other from malnutrition.

Through several years the college was studied and reorganized without much intermission until it reached a state where its social science courses were severed from those of the departments. So presently the members of the departments were relieved of the excessive burden of undergraduate teaching and of the teaching itself. At the same time, the rigors of an overly mechanical application of the rules on teaching loads appear to have been relaxed across the University while the endowment of distinguished service professorships further improved the lot of research men. A general fund campaign also held out promise of larger resources to feed research. It is worth notice that in [p. 175] building up the social sciences Burton preferred strengthening the departments to establishing the School of Politics which Merriam advocated.

These policies were variations of a tonic that the physicians of research had been prescribing for years: lots of fresh endowment money and frequent vacations from class-room duty. This was the classic remedy for languishing investigation, and it was one which the University had tried with great success in the past. A large part of the Rockefeller gifts consisted of additions to endowment without which, it seems safe to say, the University would have been quite incapable of attracting and holding the investigators who gave the University its reputation for erudition. When the last installment of the Founder’s final gift was paid in, the University had to rely very heavily upon other donors and upon the foundations, several of which were of course established by John D. Rockefeller. Large segments of his fortune were to come to the University, but not directly from him personally. It happened at this juncture that the foundations showed less inclination to give to endowment and more inclination to make project grants than they had earlier. The community was invited to contribute to research by the stipulation in some grants that funds would be released only when they had been matched by contributions from civic or other bodies with a particular problem to be studied.

The first of the project grants to the social sciences at the University came from the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial. Its director was Beardsley Ruml, who had been at the University of Chicago from 1915 to 1917. Before his appointment as director of the newly founded Foundation, little Rockefeller money had been spent in direct support of research in the social sciences largely because Frederick Gates had no faith in its importance. Ruml, however, represented a very different point of view, and he set about to find what the historian of the Rockefeller Foundation has called “strategic undertakings for financial support as well as opportunities for dramatizing the importance of social studies.” The First World War had already forced men to see the need for all sorts of reliable statistics on the state of society, [p. 176] and organizations like the Brookings Institution and the National Bureau of Economic Research were beginning to function.5

So in 1923, the Memorial offered support for study of the University’s local community. This area had by no means been ignored by the social scientists of the University. The sociologists had, for instance, spoken in 1894 of the city of Chicago as one of the most complete social laboratories in the world, and the economists had remarked on the opportunities which the city offered for the study of practical economic questions. When in the years after the first grant the interests of researchers led them beyond the limits of the local community, it was found possible to use part of the grants which followed the first to finance research having little or nothing to do with the city. So the University could accept project grants without departing from the field of its own interests. It could also enter heartily into the organization of interdepartmental agencies to administer research funds and to conduct joint investigations because the parochialism of some aspects of departmentalism had already been detected. In short, the grants did not work an unwanted revolution. Even if the change in finance and administration had been accepted only under duress, it would not have touched all investigation; for much research continued under the old dispensation. The grants did, however, alter the metabolism of the social sciences. The financial nutriment of much research came to the scholar through channels which were new.

The first of the new interdepartmental organizations was the Local Community Research Committee, set up to administer the grant from the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial. Originally this committee, like an earlier one on the Harris Foundation, was composed of departmental representatives; but it presently ceased to be so composed when the principle of departmental representation was abandoned. As a series of grants materialized and as the concerns of the committee proliferated beyond local geographical limits, the phrase “Local Community Research” gave way to “Social Science Research” so that the name of the committee corresponded to its broadened charge. At this point, then, a general committee on research in the social sciences became a fixture of the University. In effect this committee related the departments to the general economy of study in the social sciences somewhat as Albion Small had hoped a dean would bring the departments into touch with the economy of the arts and literature side of the University. The creation of the Division of the Social Sciences with its own dean worked to the same end. The financing of research no longer lay wholly within the realms of departmental appropriations and of income derived from student fees and dividends from endowment. This, it should be noted, did not increase as speedily as it should have in order to satisfy the requirements of the theory that income in the form of temporary grants ought presently to be replaced by income from permanent capital.

With renewed concern for research came a need for more equipment and the in-gathering of research activities to one building. For years the departments in the “historical group” had a library of their own, but no building to themselves. Thanks to the Rockefeller Foundation, in 1929, the social scientists of the University had the pleasure of attending the dedication of the Social Science Research Building. Today, when classes habitually meet in this building, one easily forgets that it was not intended for classrooms at all. Its opening was truly a dedication — to research. . Behind the thought that the building was a laboratory lay the conviction that social science had so expanded in the material which the investigator had to control that special and elaborate equipment was absolutely necessary, if social science was to live up to its ambition. The investigator also needed the assistance of technicians and stenographers, for whom provision was made in the planning of the building. Social science research was passing from the handicraft to the industrial stage.

But what of the individual scholar: could he ignore the shift of finance and organization with the serenity of the farmer who [p. 178] cultivates his own rich acres despite the tilting of continents? As no final answer can be extracted from such notes as these, suffice it here to review the record in its bearings on three of the conditions of productive intellectual labor — time, stimulation, and liberty to follow the subtle promptings of imagination.

Harper used the regular funds of the University to buy time for colonies of scholars. To be paid to investigate society must in itself have been enormously stimulating at a time when university appointments were still something of a novelty. The head professors were challenged by the terms of their office to open up new fields of knowledge; and their associates shared in the opportunity without losing their intellectual identity. Harper indeed had a gift for persuading even the most callow student that his mind really mattered, and Harper communicated to his colleagues a deep sense of the mission of a university in a democratic society. He was not wholly successful, however, in creating the spirit of unity which he thought a university should have. Like many other leaders, he faced the difficulties of arranging a working union of individualism and community life. The departments which he brought into being were more or less self-contained groups of men possessed of a vested interest in particular lines of endeavor. Once a colony of researchers occupies such a position and is given the right of self-perpetuation through autonomous action on appointments and promotions, it cannot easily be persuaded to change its course even when an outside observer may believe that it has already run that course. The compensating advantage of departmental permanence and autonomy lies in the security they provide the member of a department in his pursuit of knowledge according to his own lights. If a man’s investigations come into question, the jury is composed of his immediate associates and peers. Next to a private income, then, a tenure appointment in a stable department is the best guarantee of one’s right to follow curiosity wherever it leads.

This inheritance from the Harper administration was the center of the Judson policy. By stabilizing the University financially and by increasing its endowments, Judson built defenses [p. 179] around the security of the individual scholar, on whom he placed responsibility for initiating research. The reform of departmental organization and salary scales at least in theory relieved research men from administrative routine and gave the junior members of a department hope that the full incentives of premium salaries and prestige would not be denied them at the height of their careers. The growth of teaching obligations, however, put an unwelcome lien on the researcher’s time. Also Judson does not appear to have been able to provide by himself or to create agencies to provide the stimulation which had marked the Harper regime. The University by no means lost sight of research, but more than one of its members felt a sense of frustration on behalf of investigation by the end of the Judson administration.

In the Twenties and after, the allowance of time for research increased markedly; and the investigator received many varied stimulants. New money and new organizations appeared to facilitate the study of the social sciences. By the side of the old departments arose a cluster of interdepartmental committees as well as the office of the Dean. The Social Sciences Research Building served to house new colonies of researchers with their equipment. The groups supported by foundation and other grants were indeed reminiscent of the infancy of the departments. Here again were companies of men and women drawn together by a common interest in exploration under the leadership of seminal and enthusiastic minds. The new colonies did not, however, have a claim on the regular budget. Investigation might be immensely stimulating while it lasted; but the investigators could not assume that funds would continue to materialize. Also there is evidence that the deference to the needs of the community which was associated with some projects inclined some individuals away from established interests. Personal scholarship lay in some danger of being overshadowed; but not all projects constituted such a threat and not all research by any means was supported by grants. The economy of the social sciences had become decidedly mixed.

[p. 180] Superficially the conduct of research was much more complicated and unstable after the first World War than it had been in other days. It would be a mistake, however, to create a myth of an Arcadian age when the life of the investigator was altogether simple and secure. Each period of the history of the social sciences at Chicago has had its tensions, and each has produced a balance of policies and practices which can be reduced to no single formula. One task of self-study, therefore, is to ascertain how the balance has shifted through the years.

 

[NOTES]

  1. This document was prepared by Richard J. Storr of the Department of History at the request of the Self Study Committee. The author wishes to express his thanks to his assistants, Mrs. Vera Laska, Mr. William R. Usellis, and Mr. James S. Counelis, for the special trouble to which they have gone for the sake of this paper.
  2. Professor George Pierson has pointed out that the government of Yale College at the turn of the century was baronial, William G. Sumner being the best known of the barons. Before one concludes, however, that Yale and Chicago were alike, one should , note that such esprit de corps as Yale had probably differed from the spirit at Chicago. The President of Yale could assume that many members of his faculty would unite at least as loyal alumni of the institution. He had respect for tradition on his side. Harper could draw only on the sense of unity which a common future rather than a common past may inspire.
  3. Andrew C. MacLaughlin’s phrase.
  4. In 1902, the phrase “Social Sciences” appears in the group’s name. The acceptance of the earlier name has an interesting — and for the academic politician, an instructive — history. The report of the organizing committee of 1899 was approved without change except for one clause, the proposal that the unit be called the ‘”historical group.” No alternative name, however, received official sanction so that the secretary of the committee continued to use the offensive label, presumably because he had to call the group something. By default, then, “historical group” came into common usage.
  5. Raymond B. Fosdick, The Story of the Rockefeller Foundation (New York. 1952). p. 195.

 

Source: Richard J. Storr, A Report on the Behavioral Sciences at the University of Chicago. Appendix Document D of Self-Study Committee. October 1, 1954.

 

Categories
Economists Harvard

Harvard. Early Evolution of Behavioral and Social Science Departments. Mason Report.

Today I generate another posting from the Mason Committee Report The Behavioral Sciences at Harvard published in June, 1954. Here we have a quick trot through Harvard’s own history of behavioral and social sciences, the splitting of some of its divisions into departments and the creation of new departments and schools. It is an extremely convenient collection of names and dates to help us see where economics  and economists fit into the larger academic community during the first half century or so following the emergence of political economy and government at Harvard College. You can tell an economist chaired the committee, it’s so much about us. I have added boldface to help readers of this blog find stuff they might (should) be interested in.

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[p. 18]

HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES AT HARVARD

The future historian of Harvard will note that a new term began to be prominent in University documents during 1953-1954. A reorganization of course offerings in the Graduate School of Education created the “behavioral sciences” as a prominent new rubric. Reports in the Business School allude to present and planned developments in the “behavioral sciences” and this survey utilizes the new term as an inclusive category to define the area of its inquiry.

If the term is of recent birth, Harvard’s activities in the area of the behavioral sciences certainly are not. Taking the loose definition of the behavioral sciences, which we have adopted (at least provisionally) for this survey, their cultivation at Harvard goes back at least to the emergence of Harvard as a modern university in the second half of the nineteenth century. At least some of the behavioral sciences shared in the rapid growth of Harvard to university stature at the end of the nineteenth century. The reorganization of 1890, establishing the system of Divisions and Departments of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, brought into existence a Division of History, Government, and Economics. Prior to this time there had been instruction in all of these fields, and Harvard could already point to distinguished scholars in some parts of them. History, after a “false dawn” in 1838 when Jared Sparks was appointed to the new McLean Professorship of Ancient and Modern History, was rapidly coming to strength under the inspiration of Henry Adams and the young men bringing new methods and standards from the German universities. Economics had begun its emergence from moral philosophy in the early Seventies when anxiety that sound currency doctrines be heard in Harvard College led to the appointment of Charles F. Dunbar as Professor of Political Economy. The study of government was comfortably developing in the work of a group of historians who were predominantly concerned with constitutional and institutional history.

1892 Dunbar
Charles F. Dunbar

Today the Division of History, Government, and Economics has been reduced to a shadowy holding company for three powerful and [p. 19] autonomous departments. In 1890-1891, the situation was different. Prior to the reorganization, the Harvard College faculty had indeed been subdivided into departments, but they were very loose and informal bodies, so casual in their operation that regular meetings were not held nor formal records kept. After 1891, a new structure of departments established itself firmly, and the Faculty of Arts and Sciences quickly became the nexus of self-contained subdivision that it is today. History and government naturally fell together in a department first labeled that of “History and Roman Law” which in 1895 became the Department of History and Government.1 The split of this joint department into the present Departments of History and Government took place considerably later, in 1911. A Department of Political Economy was in existence from 1879, and economics courses enjoyed a separate listing under this heading until the present Department of Economics became established in 1892.

Within this evolving framework, Harvard quickly pushed to a place of prominence in studies in this area. In history the dominant pattern of activity was clear:

“Institutional History was uppermost at Harvard in the last third of the nineteenth century. Maine and Stubbs in England, Waitz in Germany, Fustel de Coulangcs in France, initiated an eager search into the origins and development of political institutions, believing therein to find the true explanation of human progress. Henry Adams introduced the fashion to Harvard. To take a sample year, 1890-91, there was hardly a history course in the catalogue, save History I, and those given by Emerton, which did not smack of Verfassungsgeschichte. There was Constitutional Government (later Government 1), Constitutional History of England since George I, and Principles of Constitutional Law, by Professor Macvane; English Constitutional History from 1485 to George I, and Early Medieval History “with special reference to Institutions,” by Mr. Bendelari; French History to Louis XIV, with the same emphasis, by Dr. Snow; Constitutional History, Constitutional Development, and Federal Government by Professor Hart; Early American Institutions, by Professor Channing; and three more courses on English Constitutional History by Dr. Gross. Certainly no institutions in the United States or England today would offer so much constitutional history. . . “2

The doctoral dissertations accepted before 1900 in history and government reflect this concentration of interest. In a total of thirty-one accepted during the period 1873-1900, twelve were in United States national and colonial history, ten were in English institutional history, three were in “government and international law.”3 While Harvard initially lagged behind Johns Hopkins in its production of Ph.D.’s, it was early in the field, and its staff played a prominent role in the professionalization of historical study. They were active in the establishment of the American Historical Association (1884) and can claim [p. 20] to have been the prime movers in starting the American Historical Review. The intimate connection between political science and history which was fostered by the joint department and the nature of historical studies in this early period served to give the study of political science a strong historical cast. But instruction in political science extended beyond clearly historical courses, and Government 1 by 1900 was established as one of the great introductory courses with more than four hundred students.

After beginnings in the Seventies with the appointment of Charles F. Dunbar as Professor of Political Economy, Harvard’s work in economics quickly took on strength in the Eighties. The year 1886 is notable for two events: the establishment of the first professional economics journal in the English language, the Quarterly Journal of Economics, which has been continuously published under the auspices of the Department since that date; and the appointment of Frank W. Taussig, who became perhaps the central figure in a generation of growth in Harvard economics. As Professor Taussig modestly remarks in his own survey of department history, after 1886, the Department of Political Economy “was able to present a substantial offering.”4 From the first, the work of the Department showed a strong concern with contemporary issues of public policy, but it also reflected the late nineteenth-century concern with economic history in the appointments of William J. Ashley (1892) and Edwin F. Gay. Economics 1 took its place alongside History 1 and Government 1 as one of the famous introductory courses and like them attracted more than four hundred students by 1900.5 A temporary dip in activity occurred shortly after the turn of the century, but the foundations were laid for an exuberant later development.

The history of the other behavioral sciences in this early period is more varied, tentative, and uncertain. Anthropology got off to an early start with the Peabody bequest in 1866 establishing the Peabody Museum and the Peabody Professorship of American Archaeology and Ethnology. The terms of the bequest were such that part of it had to be left to accumulate until it had reached a specified level. The building which now houses the Peabody Museum was not begun until 1876, and the Professorship was not filled until 1887 (by Frederick Ward Putnam).6 The gathering of collections, however, began almost immediately after the Peabody bequest, and the first Report dates from 1868. By the Nineties the Museum collections had grown impressively, [p. 21] and the University acquired a major resource when the Museum became an integral part of it in 1897. Instruction in anthropology was almost lacking before 1890, there being no undergraduate courses and only a few graduate students. The reorganization of 1890 established a Division of American Archaeology and Ethnology, but no regular course in general anthropology was offered until 1894-1895. During the Nineties the Division shared in the general expansion of the University, increasing its staff and offerings so that by 1903 its old title was inappropriate, and it became the Department of Anthropology which still exists. The Nineties saw the beginning of a long series of archaeological and ethnological expeditions in the Americas and elsewhere which have enriched the collections of the Museum and the literature of the field. Studies and instruction in physical anthropology began at this time and have continued to the present day.

Psychology at Harvard is relatively old. Professor Boring when interviewed in the course of this survey has emphasized the point:

“America was very early in the development of experimental psychology, and the development was centered largely at Harvard. James had a very small laboratory as early as Wundt, actually — that is, in 1875. It is true that Germany led the world in experimental psychology in the 1890’s, but there was a great push in America to get psychological laboratories started, and I would say that they lagged behind Germany by less than ten years. In America there was a laboratory developed at Johns Hopkins in 1883, and ours here at Harvard officially began in 1892, although, as I said, there was a small laboratory before that.”

William James not only began experimental studies in psychology at an early date; in 1875 he offered a course in the Relations between Physiology and Psychology, and in the following year he presented another psychology course under the label of Natural History 2. His enthusiasm for experimental psychology led him to raise the necessary funds for the official establishment of the Psychology Laboratory in 1892. He did not, however, want to devote himself primarily to this work, and at his instigation Dr. Hugo Muensterberg was brought from Freiburg, first temporarily (in 1892), then after a brief interval, as a permanent Professor of Psychology in 1897. The early years of the new century saw important additions to the staff (in E. B. Holt and Robert M. Yerkes) and the availability of new space for the laboratories in Emerson Hall (1905). Instruction in psychology grew rapidly, but no independent department appeared. In 1913 psychology courses won separate listing, and the title of the sheltering department was expanded to become the Department of Philosophy and Psychology.

Sociology began its Harvard career in at least two places. The broad concern about social problems which swept over American society in the last third of the nineteenth century and did so much to establish sociology as an academic discipline had its representation at Harvard. The Reverend Francis Greenwood Peabody was giving a course in [p. 22] Practical Ethics in 1881, and from 1883 he offered another in Ethical Theories and Moral Reform. In 1905 it became possible, largely through the benefactions of Andrew Tredway White, to establish instruction of this sort more amply in a separate Department of Social Ethics. The early years of the new department saw expanded work in various types of social problems and a somewhat cautious venture in the direction of professional social work training.7

Not all of Harvard’s early sociology was contained in this lineal ancestor of its present work in sociology. The Department of Economics appointed an assistant professor of sociology in 1893, and after his appointment in 1901 Thomas Nixon Carver regularly gave sociology courses. There was further concern with sociology in connection with such subjects as labor problems, but in summing up the situation to 1929, Professor Taussig found cause to lament Harvard’s failure to “keep pace with the forward movement of economic science … in the field of the social applications or implications of the subject.”

Our sketch thus far has brought the account of the behavioral sciences at Harvard down to the years preceding the first World War. The subsequent years were crowded and active ones, but they have put their imprint so clearly on the present that we may hope to bridge them quickly, reserving details for the contemporary picture presented in Section B.

The organization of the behavioral sciences at Harvard has seen both fission and fusion in the twentieth century. We have noted the splitting off of Social Ethics in 1905 from its parent Department of Philosophy. The next fission was that between Government and History in 1911. In this, as in other organizational changes at Harvard, personalities and special local problems played their role, but the development of the fields themselves made the change a natural one. As Harvard developed rapidly into one of the major American centers of historical study, the heavy concentration in constitutional and institutional history yielded to more diversity. Many of Harvard’s great historians continued to write history in which political events and institutions bulked large, but the range of interests became increasingly catholic. In the history of religions George Foote Moore and others continued and ornamented an established Harvard tradition, Charles H. Haskins ranged over a vast field of medieval studies, Frederick J. Turner brought a sweeping perspective on American democracy, and by 1924 the University had a recognized practitioner of the “new” history in Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr. An era arrived in which social and economic history took established positions among the common varieties of historical writing so that they now look like older trends in the 1954 picture. A glance at the list of doctoral dissertations submitted [p. 23] to the Department shows a steady and strong growth in American and modern European history paralleling the over-all growth of the Department to a commanding position in the production of the professional historians.8

Since its independent establishment in 1911, the Department of Government has shown continued loyalty to its older union with History. In Charles Mcllwain it had an inspiring continuator of the tradition in English constitutional history and thought. The new Department rapidly expanded its concern with political theory and made new ventures in constitutional and international law, American national, state and local government, comparative government, and international relations. The establishment of the Graduate School of Public Administration in 1937 broadened and strengthened work on matters related to contemporary public policy. A steady rise in the popularity of government as a field of undergraduate concentration brought the Department in the years after World War II into the demanding position of caring for more undergraduates than any other department.

The Department of Economics has continued to grow until it stands today among Harvard’s largest. The concern with the issues of the day which engaged Harvard economists from the first has persisted. The tradition of government consulting blossomed with the work of Taussig, Ripley, Gay and Day during World War I, and in the ill-fated Harvard Economic Service Harvard economists in the Twenties ventured predictions on the course of business conditions. Theoretical economics was pursued with distinction, and a rounded development of the field could be pointed to as a basis for a commonly recognized position of leadership. The Graduate School of Public Administration at its founding could draw on a department with vigorous interests in economic policy, and it in turn provided stimulus and facilities for such work.

Anthropology at Harvard during the early decades of this century continued activities on the wide front established in the Nineties. While Harvard could claim no single figure of such commanding leadership as Boas at Columbia, men like Dixon, Tozzer, and Hooton took major places in the development of American anthropology. A long series of Peabody Museum expeditions extended all over the globe and established Harvard’s position of leadership in Middle American archaeology, Southwestern archaeology, Old World prehistory, and other fields. The large-scale Irish expedition in the Thirties brought widely-known results, and it is perhaps less well remembered that the Yankee City study had its inception in the Department of Anthropology. The Forties brought an important organizational change in the establishment of the Department of Social Relations (1946). This move, which relocated part of the work in [p. 24] Social Anthropology in a new department, has resulted in a substantial expansion of the total numbers of anthropologists on the Harvard staff and of the range and quantity of anthropological investigation.

The chapter on psychology in an official history of Harvard published in 1930 was written by a philosopher, Ralph Parton Perry. Professor Perry notes at the beginning of his account: “Harvard is almost the only American university in which Philosophy and Psychology still constitute a single department.”9 This tardiness of Harvard in following the movement toward an independent status for psychology continued until 1934, when the Department of Psychology was established with Professor Boring as chairman. The lack of separate status had not meant inactivity. The work of the Psychological Laboratory begun under James and Muensterberg continued under the direction of Langfeld (until 1924) and later under Professor Boring. The range of work included that of Yerkes on animal psychology, Troland on physiological optics, and McDougall (after 1920) on social psychology. In 1926 a special bequest for work in abnormal and dynamic psychology led to the establishment of the Psychological Clinic, first under Dr. Morton Prince, and later under Professor Henry A. Murray. The appointment of Professor K. S. Lashley in 1936 brought new work in physiological psychology which was later transferred to the Yerkes Laboratories of Primate Biology, Orange Park, Florida. During the second World War, Harvard’s psychologists became heavily involved in work which led to the present Psycho-Acoustic Laboratory under the direction of Professor S. S. Stevens. Substantial uncertainty as to the ideal arrangements for psychology in the University persisted. A special commission was appointed in 1945, under the chairmanship of Dr. Alan Gregg to examine this question,10 but the work was overtaken by action from another quarter which issued in the founding of the Department of Social Relations in 1946. The consequences of this change will be evidenced at many places in this report; suffice to say here that work in clinical and social psychology was moved to the new department, experimental and physiological psychology remaining in the Department of Psychology.11

Sociology at Harvard continued under the departmental label of Social Ethics until 1929. In the early years of this department (after 1905) the ethical and practical concerns of its founder marked both instruction and research.12 Courses were taught in criminology and penology, radical social movements, juvenile delinquency, housing, immigration, and the typical range of “social problems” found in sociology [p. 25] curricula of this era. After World War I, when Dr. Richard C. Cabot was made Professor of Social Ethics and Chairman of the Department (1920), sociology extended its concerns into philosophical questions and some applied fields, while preserving the ethical orientation. As Professor Cabot’s retirement approached, the status of sociology was subject to a general re-examination. A new Department of Sociology was established under the direction of a committee drawn from various existing departments and including a new appointee, Pitirim A. Sorokin, as Chairman and Professor of Sociology. The new department continued through the Thirties, establishing a strong tradition in theoretical sociology and producing a small but distinguished group of Ph.D.’s. A need for further organizational change was felt by the beginning of the Forties,13 and when the Department of Social Relations emerged in 1946, it had absorbed the old Department of Sociology. Since that time, sociology has been without separate departmental status at Harvard, but it has been strongly represented in the new organization.

This rapid survey could include little more than the most conspicuous and central developments in the behavioral sciences within the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Harvard. It has neglected many interdisciplinary committees and degree programs, research organizations, area programs, and the growth of such indispensable facilities as the College Library. A great many of the most important special developments have appeared since World War II and are still in existence. As elsewhere throughout the country, much of the history of behavioral sciences at Harvard crowds onto the contemporary scene.

The history we have presented has been largely a history of departments, but we think this not improper. The departments have long been and remain the fundamental units in the organization of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences. The historical record of the growth of the behavioral sciences at Harvard seems to show a common pattern. Harvard has not been unresponsive to new needs and the development of new fields, but it has moved cautiously, making its first ventures under the shelter of established departments. Government, psychology, and sociology at Harvard thus began under older departments, only slowly winning autonomous status. Ultimately, fields like these have taken their place in an extended roster of the same type of organization which fostered them, namely, as departments on the established model. The record is doubtless a conservative one, substantively and organizationally, but it is perhaps in keeping with President Eliot’s aim of building “securely and slowly, a university in the largest sense.”

Thus far the growth of the behavioral sciences in the professional [p. 26] schools has gone largely unmentioned. Their development will be sketched briefly near the end of Section B, but, to avoid too much repetition, the more detailed historical developments are reserved for Part VI of this report, where each professional school receives a unified and comprehensive analysis. Unless the reader familiarizes himself with the trends in the utilization of the behavioral sciences in the graduate schools of Business, Education, Law, Medicine and Public Health, and Public Administration he will have only a partial image of Harvard’s activities in this field.

[NOTES]

1 Emerton and Morison, in Morison, ed.. Development of Harvard University, 1869-1929 (1930) p. 153, n. 1.

2 Emerton and Morison, op. cit., pp. 159-160.

3 Tabulation in Emerton and Morison, op. cit., p. 164.

4 In Morison, op. cit., p. 190.

5 A graph in Morison (between pp. 194-195) traces the rise in enrollment in these courses. They followed roughly the over-all increase in college enrollment.

6 A delay in the approval of Putnam’s appointment by the Board of Overseers deprived Harvard of the distinction of having the first professorship of American archaeology. (Daniel S. Brinton was appointed Professor of American Archaeology and Linguistics at Pennsylvania in 1886.) Dixon in Morison, p. 211, n. 1.

7 Ford in Morison, op. at., p. 225.

8 Cf. tabulation in Morison, op. cit., p. 164, and data below in Section B.

9 Morison, op. cit., p. 216.

10 Cf. The Place of Psychology in an Ideal University (1947).

11 A contemporary report on the nature and rationale of the split may be found in a joint article by Professors Allport and Boring, American Psychologist, v. 1, 1946, pp. 119-122.

12 Cf. the chapter by James M. Ford in Morison, op. cit., pp. 223-230.

13 The Report of the Visiting Committee to the Department for 1944-1945 remarks, “Obviously, the Department should not be allowed to continue as at present constituted.” Report No. 32, p. 219.

 

Source: The behavioral sciences at Harvard; report by a faculty committee. June, 1954.

Image Source:  Faculty portraits of Professors Taussig, Ripley, Gay and Day from Harvard Album, 1916.

 

Categories
Economists Harvard

Harvard. From Self-Report on Behavioral Sciences to Ford Foundation. Economics, 1953.

In 1953 five universities—Chicago, Harvard, Michigan, North Carolina and Stanford—were granted funds by the Ford Foundation to review the behavioral sciences in their institutions. The Committee that wrote Harvard’s Report was chaired by economist Edward S. Mason, then Dean of the Graduate School of Public Administration. Harvard’s Report sought “to evaluate strengths and weaknesses in the fields of the behavioral sciences at this university, to appraise needs, and to look forward to the future.”

Behavioral sciences was defined for the study to include “the fields of anthropology, economics, government, history, psychology, and sociology, with their applications in business, education, law, medicine, public health, and elsewhere.”

The following excerpt dealing with economics and its applications comes from Part II of the Report — Research and Scholarly Activity: Recent or Current, A. The Topical Classification.

This report presents a most convenient self-representation of Harvard Economics at mid-twentieth century. 

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[p. 127]

V. Economic Institutions and Behavior

As in the other sections of this inventory, we have sought to view the study of economic institutions and behavior at Harvard in a fashion which reaches over disciplinary and organizational lines. The professional economists in the Department of Economics, the Graduate School of Public Administration, the Business School, and the Russian Research Center of course carry by far the largest part of economic studies at Harvard. In general we follow the economists’ divisions of subject matter but attempt to take notice of pertinent work in other fields. A substantial and important part of Harvard’s economic studies are conducted in the Business School and in relations with the Law School. While some of these studies gain attention here we would remind the reader that our primary focus is on the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, and the reports on the professional schools in Part VI should be consulted as supplements to the account given here.

Special resources for the study of economics exist at Harvard and deserve to be recalled. In addition to the collections in the Widener Library, the Baker Library at the Harvard Business School and the library of the Graduate School of Public Administration provide exceptional facilities. Two journals, the Quarterly Journal of Economics and the Review of Economics and Statistics, are edited and published through the Department of Economics. The seminars of the Graduate School of Public Administration are equipped with special funds and facilities for research activities. All of them direct and encourage the research of graduate students, and some have close connections with major research products.

One further general point calls for comment. The infusion of policy concerns into the work of Harvard’s economists is very strong. In classifying theses we originally sought to discriminate studies directed toward public policy, and we contemplated a separate topical discussion. It was, however, soon pointed out to us by economists that the pervasiveness of policy concerns made this unwise, and our final topical heading (v. 16) treats more of special applications than policy questions in general. This strength of policy orientation has brought sharp criticisms and cautions from some of our informants but it is generally accepted as an inevitable and desirable pattern in contemporary economic studies.

 

I. Economic Theory

Economic theory is certainly one of the proudest possessions of the behavioralsciences. Within Harvard as elsewhere it penetrates professional studies so extensively that separation of the discussion of theory from the discussion of special fields threatens to be artificial and arbitrary. In a sense our discussion of economic theory thus be [p. 128] comes a general introduction to much of what follows under later headings.

Economics at Harvard has always had a firm attachment to the main traditions of economic theory. The assaults of institutionalists and other critics of abstract theory have been felt less at Harvard than at some other major American universities — a fact which was pointed to with satisfaction by some of our informants in this survey. Instruction in the received body of economic theory has been of central importance in the curriculum, and the faculty has been prominent in the theoretical advances of the past generation. One of our professional informants traced the recent history of theory at Harvard in close relationship to the major trends in the field. He thought that the major developments between the end of the Twenties and World War II were the theory of monopolistic competition and the Keynesian “revolution” and that Harvard had been prominent in both. In the first of these, Professor Edward H. Chamberlin made the major American contribution in his Theory of Monopolistic Competition (now in its sixth edition, 1948). Professor Chamberlin has continued to devote his energies to the development of this theory, his latest efforts (as editor and author) appearing in Monopoly and Competition and Their Regulation (1954). The American phase of the Keynesian revolution is associated with the name of Professor Alvin H. Hansen and others of the Harvard staff, who were important disseminators and critics of the theory. Professor Hansen has recently published A Guide to Keynes, and another of Harvard’s Keynesians, Professor Seymour E. Harris, has a study of the life and influence of Keynes on the press.

Both of these developments in economic theory continue to have major importance at Harvard, both as general theory and in more particular contexts noted later.

The more recent development of economic theory is, like all contemporary movements, difficult to envisage clearly. It is particularly complicated by the strong upsurgence of mathematical economics, and the growing intimacy of relations among theory, econometrics, and statistics. One of the principal issues in the development of economics at Harvard centers around this shift in the character of the field. Some of the younger men we interviewed in this survey felt that Harvard was lagging in the kind of mathematical theory which is being vigorously developed at Chicago, Stanford, and to a lesser extent at some other institutions. One man expressed a strong concern that the training he had received at Harvard might be “out of date.” More senior economists expressed varied views on this issue. It is felt by several men that in Professor Wassily W. Leontief’s input-output analysis, Harvard has been the scene of one of the most important [p. 129] newer developments in economic theory. This work, with its intimate combination of empirical procedure and theory, is thought to typify the more recent patterns of economic analysis and to offer one of the major prospects for future development. Mathematical economics has also not gone without representation in the curriculum, as we note below (v. 14), in a more direct and extended discussion of the subject.

Harvard economists point with satisfaction to the penetration of theory into all the special domains of their field, and tend to rank the prestige of specializations in terms of the theoretical development they display. Pure theory has a prestige in economics which has no close parallel in any of the other fields we have studied. The feeling that it needs to be brought into close conjunction with empirical data is, nevertheless, strong, and we report the vigorous comments of one of our informants on the point:

“I think economics is the most advanced of the social sciences in some respects and the most backward in others. I would say that the critical thing for the development of any social science is effective integration between empirical data and the theoretical system of the social science. 1 would say that economics has achieved a unified body of analytical thought which the other social sciences have not yet reached. An important aspect of this theory is that it is genuinely not a theory of individuals, but a theory of the way a whole society operates. I think that the theory of general equilibrium, despite all the difficulties with it, is the crowning achievement of economics. All that Marshallian analysis amounts to is a little step beyond what the entrepreneur knows; it amounts to a kind of theory of rational behavior that might tell people how they ought to behave, but it doesn’t really tell people things that they haven’t known before. The general equilibrium theory does this, so that we’ve got a valuable theoretical tool. And now we’re getting to the stage where we’re filling our boxes with data. For a long time the statistical work really wasn’t very good. Instead of linking observations with theory, statisticians got interested in how you made observations. Now, I think, we’re getting farther. We’re beyond the stage of illustration; we’re to the pilot plant stage definitely, and perhaps even to large scale operations in some things. I think that the important things that lie before us are not so much in the kind of integration that crosses fields, perhaps, as in the correlation of theory and data within given problems — perhaps in given fields. I think that this sort of work has to be done by individuals too, or people working on both ends of the problem. You can’t have the kind of division of labor where the National Bureau takes care of the data and the Cowles Commission takes care of the theory; these things have to be worked out together.”

Given the prestige of theory, it would be offensive as well as inaccurate to permit the impression that only work mentioned under this heading qualifies as theory. Despairing of abstracting theoretical efforts from their special contexts, we have sought to note many of them in the discussion of special fields below. An alternative organization which considered all of the work of each staff member successively might have displayed the interpretation of theory and empirical investigation better than the organization here used. Reasons for the difficulty in drawing lines between special fields would also have [p. 130] appeared with special clarity. There are, however, compensating advantages in the procedure we have followed which recommended it as the best solution we could find to a difficult problem.

 

2. Economic Institutions and Systems

A broad concern with economic institutions and systems characterizes many types of behavioral scientists. The historian of the ancient world, of medieval Europe, or Tokugawa, Japan, must depict a set of economic institutions. The sociologist seeking a comprehensive view of a total society — and this is not an uncommon activity of Harvard’s sociologists, as we have seen in iv.6 — must describe and analyze economic institutions in a wider setting. The anthropologist doing a rounded ethnography or seeking a comparative understanding of primitive economics must delineate the institutional framework within which economic processes occur. These varied activities often proceed from no very explicit conceptual base or eschew an aim toward general analysis and theory. The work of historians and ethnologists typically has this a-theoretical character. A substantial amount of more generalizing or conceptual work can nevertheless be detected among behavioral scientists other than economists at Harvard.

Among the anthropologists at Harvard, Professors Douglas L. Oliver and John Pelzel have perhaps the most active concern with primitive economics; Professor Pelzel offers a graduate seminar in the field and has engaged in researches already noted (iv.6). The Values Project (ii.2) has included a study of Navaho Acquisitive Values, by Richard Hobson, to be published in the Peabody Museum Papers, vol. XLII, no. 3.

Professor Talcott Parsons in the Social Relations Department has had a special interest in economic questions throughout his career. His recent series of Marshall lectures (iv.l) are the latest fruits of this interest, which has had many facets but has laid special stress on the institutional structure typically assumed by economic theory. Dr. Francis X. Sutton, of the Department of Social Relations, has joined with Professor James S. Duesenberry, of the Department of Economics, in a course on the sociological analysis of economic behavior, which has laid particular stress on institutionalized patterns.

While a special “institutionalist” bias is avoided by Harvard’s economists, there is a substantial body of work which attends to the institutional characteristics of different economic systems. Instruction in the economics of socialism has had an established position in the curriculum. The late Professor Joseph Schumpeter’s Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy reflected his long association with this instruction, which is now continued by Dr. O. H. Taylor. The economic institutions of various countries of the contemporary world win attention in the work on economic development (v.9). [p. 131] The economy of Soviet Russia is the subject of extensive study. A major project of the Russian Research Center, under the direction of Professor Alexander Gerschenkron, includes the extensive variety of studies indicated in the following list:

J. S. Berliner, The Theory and Operation of the Soviet Firm
[Bibliography of economic articles in Soviet periodicals]
R. Campbell, Soviet Accounting Methods and their Influence on Pricing
R. Holtzman, A Study of Soviet Taxation
M. G. Clark, Economics of Soviet Steel
N. T. Dodge, The Soviet Tractor Industry and Mechanization
A. Erlich, Soviet Industrialization Controversy, 1925-1928
G. Grossman, Capital-Intensity: A Problem in Soviet Planning
D. R. Hodgman, Soviet Industrial Production, 1928-1951
H. Hunter, Soviet Transportation Policy
C. A. Recht, Urbanization and the Soviet Housing Shortage
F. Seton, The Structure of Soviet Economy, 1934

In another section of the Russian Research Center, a study of the budgets of Soviet urban families in 1940 is in progress. Professor Gerschenkron has also been engaged in other studies of the Russian economy under the auspices of the Rand Corporation. The construction of a machinery production index, investigations of the iron and steel, coal, and petroleum industries, and a study of power, have recently been brought to completion and a study of ruble-dollar prices for Soviet machinery is under way.

A number of studies of the American economy, which depart from the strictly technical framework of economic theory and emphasize broader political and social elements, probably deserve to be considered in this connection. Professor John K. Galbraith’s recent book, American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power (1952), presents a general account of the working of the American economy with particular emphasis on the role of monopolistic elements on both sides of many markets which act to limit the disadvantages to the economy which would result from such imperfections operating on either side alone. He is currently engaged in further development of this analysis. Professor Sumner H. Slichter has also devoted himself to a general account of the economic system of the United States, The American Economy (1953), and is presently engaged in a consideration of the long-run prospects for American capitalism.

The diffuse nature of considerations which can be brought to bear on economic institutions and systems suggest this context for our remarks on the relation between economics and other disciplines at Harvard. The physical juxtaposition of economists and political scientists in the Littauer building of the Graduate School of Public Administration is viewed with satisfaction by men from both fields. Great intimacy of working relations between the fields seems not, however, to be common practice. While a joint degree in Political Economy and [p. 132] Government is offered and we encountered two men who spoke warmly of political economy as a worthy discipline, a serious effort at merging of fields (comparable say, to that which has been attempted in the Department of Social Relations) has not been made. The highly technical character of economics and the consequent demands it makes on graduate students and younger men in the field were pointed out to us as deterrents to interdisciplinary work. An “atmosphere” discouraging such ventures was alleged by one of our informants:

“I saw something of the so-called field of political economy at X University and certainly didn’t think much of it. I don’t know of anything in particular of that sort that is going on around here. I used to be interested in this kind of thing myself; I was interested in sociology and economics, but when I got into my work, I found that there was a real requirement of specialization. This was something that was gently indicated to me by the professors and people in the Department. I don’t know that anybody actually ever told me I had better watch out for combined fields, but the opinion that you had to was unanimous among graduate students. If a man started to work in some other field, Professor X always tried to get him transferred to that other department.”

Ties between the Social Relations area and economics have been noted above in a joint course, but they have not been extensive and we encountered only very mild sentiment that they should be strengthened.

 

3. Consumption and Distribution (including Marketing)

A logical and secure place for consumption and distribution as a distinct subject in the curriculum of economic studies is perhaps not easy to establish. Given a theoretical cast the subject merges into the general framework of economic analysis; given a more empirical cast it tends toward the concrete, practical problems which make up courses in marketing and bring it under a professional school rather than the Arts and Sciences curricula. Nevertheless, consumption and distribution has a place of de facto importance in the instruction and research of the economics staff. The problems of agricultural economics have stimulated much attention to the subject by Professor John D. Black and others associated with him. In this general area, Dr. Ayers Brinser is currently bringing to conclusion a two-year study of the consumption of meat, which was sponsored by the U. S. Department of Agriculture. The study sought to determine the varying patterns of meat purchases among a sample of consumers from different economic classes.

A collaborative report on the economy of Puerto Rico by a group of Harvard economists headed by Professor Galbraith is now ready for the press. This report emphasizes the marketing aspects of the economic growth problem. Drawing on his experience in field studies in Puerto Rico, Assistant Professor Richard H. Holton is studying the role of commodity distribution in pre-industrial societies. A study of Saving among Upper-Income Families in Puerto Rico by Dr. Eleanor E. Maccoby of the Department of Social Relations (in collaboration with [p. 133] Frances Fielder) appeared in the past year. An extensive interviewing program provided the data for this study, which was sponsored by the Social Science Research Center of the University of Puerto Rico. Professor Duesenberry has continued work on the theory of consumption presented in his Income, Saving, and the Theory of Consumer Behavior (1949).

 

4. Public Finance, Fiscal Policy, and Taxation (cf. also Law and Business School reports in VI)

The strong interests in public finance, fiscal policy, and taxation, which have characterized economics in the recent past have been amply represented at Harvard. Professor Hansen’s pioneering role in the development and implementation of fiscal policy is well known and his work continues at the present time. His recent appearances before Congressional committees on the proposed tax program and the President’s Economic Report point to his continuing interest in national policies. Professor Arthur Smithies has recently completed a book on the federal budgeting process and other aspects of fiscal policy and public finance. The study is an attempt to bring theoretical analysis to bear on the decisions involved in governmental spending, and public investment.

A substantial part of Harvard’s work on taxation is located in the Law School and the Business School and is noted in the reports on these schools. Professor Stanley S. Surrey of the Law School, Professor Smithies, and Professor John Keith Butters of the Business School come together for a Seminar on Taxation offered jointly by the Department of Economics and the Graduate School of Public Administration. Professor Butters, who has been collaborating in a large-scale Merrill Foundation study of the effects of taxation on investment and incentives, at the Business School, also offers instruction in public finance under the Department of Economics (with Assistant Professor Lawrence E. Thompson of the Business School faculty).

A work like Professor Harris’ report on the New England economy includes much material on comparable problems. Assistant Professor Arnold M. Soloway is presently engaged in the study of indirect or consumption taxes for the city of Boston, and has a general interest in the financial problems of state and local government. The finance of state and local governments has, however, been less extensively studied at Harvard than has public finance at the national level. Recent planning in the Graduate School of Public Administration aims toward extending such work in the context of a general program on state and local government.

Dr. Theodore S. Baer of the Department of Government has recently turned his interests to taxation and public finance and has devoted the past year to these studies under a Ford Foundation fellowship. An examination of our classification of theses reveals that economists have [p. 134] not monopolized the study of these fields. Theses on the grain tribute system of the Manchus in China, Spanish royal finances in the sixteenth century, and the development of direct taxation in nineteenth-century England remind us that historians occasionally venture into these fields. Political scientists have also studied the financial problems of local governments in four recent theses.

Despite the apparent abundance of activity, members of the Depart ment of Economics have pointed out to us that no economist on the present staff is primarily devoted to research and instruction in public finance. Arrangements for instruction have depended on ties with the Business School in the persons of Professors Dan Throop Smith and John Keith Butters.

 

5. Money and Banking

The traditional field of money and banking has undergone marked changes in recent years. A decrease in attention to the institutional detail of banking operations and a heightened concern with the general analysis of money and income has blurred the lines between this field and others. Harvard’s practice in retaining the traditional label was pointed out to us as a conservative one, but the work of the staff follows modern tendencies and spreads over traditional divisions. Professors Alvin H. Hansen, John H. Williams and Seymour E. Harris have been principal figures in Harvard’s work in this area. In long association with the Federal Reserve System, Professor Williams has applied economic doctrine to the guidance of policy, and has contributed extensively to the discussion of monetary problems. His recent publications include Postwar Monetary Plans and Other Essays, and the noted Stamp Memorial Lecture for 1952. His recent work has been particularly concerned with international monetary problems and is noted below under v.ll. Professor Harris does no current teaching in the field but has made many contributions to the literature.

Among the junior staff, Dr. Ira O. Scott is preparing for publication his study of postwar monetary policy, which includes a theory of assets.

 

6. Business Fluctuations

The difficulty of establishing clear divisions among the special fields of economics shows itself strongly with respect to business fluctuations. So much of economic theory and its applications in fields such as international trade, or money and banking, has been concerned with business fluctuations that the subject is altogether lacking in clear boundaries. We confine ourselves here to reporting work in which the concern with business fluctuations seems especially prominent. Professor Hansen has devoted much of his career to the subject and his recent contributions include a volume on Business Cycles and National Income (1952). Professor Haberler’s earlier study made a large contribu [p. 135] tion to this subject, which remains one of his principal interests. Professor Duesenberry is working on a study which attempts to integrate the business cycle with the mechanism of economic growth in a coherent theory. Professor Slichter’s numerous publications contain much analysis of fluctuations in business conditions.

 

7. Industrial Organization

We use the label “industrial organization” here in a somewhat broader sense than is common at Harvard. At least three sorts of work can be detected in the University at present which have to do with the organization of industry. The first of these is the work in industrial sociology carried out in the Department of Social Relations, the Business School, and among the labor economists. The second sort of work is represented in the technical studies of management problems which bulk large in the output of the Division of Research of the Harvard Business School. Thirdly, there are the studies of particular industries, problems of monopoly and competition, etc., which have won a coherent status among Harvard’s economists as the special field of “industrial organization.” We divide each of these ranges of work separately.

a. Industrial Sociology. Sociological journals now burgeon with studies of the internal structure of business organization, many of which continue a tradition established some twenty years ago at the Harvard Business School in the work of Professors Elton Mayo and Fritz J. Roethlisberger. The present work at the Business School is discussed in the section of our report on that school, and we here confine ourselves to the rather limited work within the Faculty of Arts and Sciences. Professor George C. Homans of the Department of Social Relations has continued an interest of long standing in the field. His recent activities have included a study of the social organization of a large office in a public utility company, and an effort to bring the study of work groups into a general analysis of small group structure (iv.2). Recent theses from the Department of Social Relations include the published studies by Elliott Jaques, The Changing Culture of a Factory, and Theodore V. Purcell, S.J., The Worker Speaks his Mind on Company and Union. Some of the work by labor economists might merit classification here but is treated under another heading (v.8).

b. Technical Studies of Management Problems. By far the most important locus of studies of this character is to be found in the Business School. (See Part VI of this report.) We note, however, that economists’ work on industrial organization and in input-output analysis sometimes leads into highly technical studies of the nature of particular industries. A few theses seemed to us to reflect this tendency and the importance of technical data for input-output analyses and other “non- aggregative” studies was stressed by our informants. [p. 136]

c. Industry Studies, etc. The lists of recent theses in economics show a large number (some 38 in the five-year period, 1948-1953) devoted to pricing, competition, and other economic matters in particular industries. A majority of these industry studies derive from an extensive program of studies in what has come to be known as the field of “industrial organization.” The development of this field was described as follows in one of our interviews:

“Well. I should perhaps first begin by saying that this is very much of an American field, as it’s actually studied. Of course, there’s a background in the classical writers. Marshall’s book on Industry and Trade was really a pioneer work in this field, and along about 1916 there was Dennis Robertson’s book on the control of industry. It’s only been rather recently that this field has gotten consolidated, that it’s gotten a recognizable structure. There was, of course, a lot of work on the industries that we now attend to. There was, for example, a great deal of work on the railroads. There were a lot of people who were railroad economists, but they really didn’t have any solid theoretical grounding in their work. Really, the first good article on railroad pricing policies was Don Wallace’s article in which he got involved in a controversy with I’igou. The trouble with these railroad economists was that they were not analytically well-trained people. And there was a great deal of work in public utility economics. All of this, however, had nothing much to go on but the classical pure competition model. It was really the theory of monopolistic competition that brought a new interest and gave a new focus to the field. Essentially, this has provided the conceptual framework for the industry studies, and it set up a whole new line of problems in general terms that people could get their teeth into. I would say that now over the last couple of decades the field has gotten very well established. J. M. Clark holds one of the leading positions in this field, and there are also Professor Edward S. Mason and a number of his students. There were other people, and other lines of work that went into this development, that I perhaps ought to mention. There was all the old stuff on trusts and monopolies, people like W. Z. Ripley and Elliott Jones, and so forth, but it was really only after the monopolistic competition theory appeared and the subject got tied to theoretical interests of a general sort that the subject developed. There were industry studies in the Marshallian tradition, but the important work seems to have been done in the last couple of decades.”

As our informant indicates, instruction and research in this field at Harvard has been guided by Professor Mason, with the collaboration of Professor Carl Kaysen, Assistant Professor James W. McKie and others. A graduate seminar and a major project serve as foci for the research effort. The seminar serves to guide graduate students undertaking the industry studies which provide basic materials for more general studies in the field. The Merrill Foundation for the Advancement of Financial Knowledge has sponsored the major research project now under way with the collaboration of several economists and lawyers from Harvard and other institutions. The ultimate aim of this five-year study is the development of workable policy in the fields of monopoly and competition. In addition to industry studies, a series of so-called “functional” studies have been planned on such subjects as patents, industrial research, advertising, the areas exempted under the existing antitrust legislation, and procedural problems under the present [p. 137] law. Several members of Harvard Law faculty (Professors David F. Cavers, Robert R. Bowie, and Kingman Brewster; Assistant Professors Albert M. Sacks and Donald T. Trautman), the Business School faculty (Professors John V. Lintner and Bertrand Fox), and economists from other institutions have been members of the group. Extended seminar discussions have been devoted to working out a conceptual scheme for the guidance of the project and the general volume which is planned to embody its conclusions.

In addition to his work on this project, Professor Kaysen is working on a book the intent of which is the derivation of typical patterns of reaction in oligopolistic market structures and the application of probability techniques to the determinate of price and output under such conditions. He has also recently completed work as a “law clerk” for Federal Judge Charles E. Wyzanski in the antitrust prosecution of the United Shoe Machinery Company. Assistant Professor McKie has been engaged as a member of the Merrill project and is also working on two additional projects, one on oil exploration and the other on oil conservation (this latter in collaboration with Professor Kaysen). A longer term project is a study of existing industry studies in an attempt to determine relationships between structure and functioning in these industries.

 

8. Labor and Collective Bargaining

A vigorous program of research and instruction in the field of labor economics has been maintained by Professors Sumner H. Slichter and John T. Dunlop. The Baker Library of the Harvard Business School and the Industrial Relations Library at the Graduate School of Public Administration have resources of exceptional magnitude for work in the field. A Trade Union Program was started in 1942 at the suggestion of leaders of the labor movement. The Program is directed by an Executive Committee from the Faculties of Arts and Science and of Business Administration and has the purpose of training union representatives for executive responsibility in the labor movement. The Jacob Wertheim Research Fellowship for the Betterment of Industrial Relations provides funds for a series of publications in the field, and twelve volumes have thus far appeared under the imprint of the Harvard University Press.

Professor Slichter, as Lamont University Professor, has guided instruction and research on both sides of the Charles River, at the Business School, in the Department of Economics, and at the Graduate School of Public Administration.

Professor Dunlop’s current research activities include several projects. A critical appraisal of wage stabilization is being conducted jointly with Professor Archibald Cox of the Law School under a grant from the Sloan Foundation. A comparative analysis of the labor [p. 138] problem in economic development joins Harvard with other universities (California, Chicago, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology) in a project supported by the Ford Foundation. Professor Dunlop is directing work assigned to Harvard on France, Italy, and certain topical questions. In addition to these research projects, Professor Dunlop continues his primary interest in wage determination, and is completing a book on collective bargaining and public policy. In the near future he will begin a history of collective bargaining in the United States during the period of 1933-1953.

Dr. Martin Segal is currently working on two projects concerned with the study of intra-plant wage structures, and will soon begin a study of the internal wage structure of three industries located largely in New England. An investigation of the managerial decisions on the introduction of changes in unionized plants is also planned.

 

9. Economic Development

Economic studies inevitably reflect the major problems of the contemporary scene. As one of our informants pointed out to us, the great focus of economists’ efforts in the late Thirties was on the fiscal policy problems relating to the Keynesian doctrines and the Great Depression. At present, the dominant focus of interest seems to be on economic development, reflecting a broadened view of the world and a worried preoccupation with formerly exotic areas. Despite widespread dissatisfaction with the state of theoretical approaches to developmental problems, economists now seem to shape work in several special fields about these problems. Thus it is now rather arbitrary to divide the study of economic development from studies in agricultural economics (v.10) or international economic problems (v.11). These fields, which bore a quite different complexion a decade or so ago, have now become thoroughly infused with developmental problems.

The diffuse spread of work in economic development means that it is exceptionally difficult to draw the lines about those researches which merit note here. We note at least one general study; Assistant Professor Robert E. Baldwin is collaborating on a book dealing specifically with the mechanism of economic growth and drawing heavily on classical and neo-classical economics. Professor Dunlop’s participation in a comparative study of the labor problem in economic development has been mentioned above (v.8). A major Ford-sponsored project on the economic development of Pakistan is being directed by Professor Mason, Dean of the Graduate School of Public Administration. This is an action rather than a research program, but it depends upon research studies, and several members of the Harvard faculty, including Professor Leontief, will act as consultants. Dr. Douglas Paauw has specialized in the development problems of the Far East and is engaged in research and instruction on that area. The study of economic growth [p. 139] problems in Puerto Rico by Professor Galbraith, Assistant Professor Holton and others has been noted above (v.2). Professor Galbraith offers a seminar in the field and is currently working on a “theory of poverty” with important implications for underdeveloped areas. Professor Holton is studying the nature of the entrepreneurial activity in underdeveloped areas, an interest which also finds representation in the studies of the Research Center in Entrepreneurial History (cf. v. 12 below). Professor Duesenberry’s current research (v.6) bears heavily on the problem of differential development of economies, and Professor Gerschenkron’s studies in the industrialization of Europe (v. 12) are largely concerned with economic development. On the domestic scene, Professor Harris has recently directed a study of the problems of New England in general, and of the textile industry in particular. His book on The Economics of New England was published in 1952, and a report on the New England textile industry by a committee appointed by the Conference of New England Governors appeared in 1953. Professor Mason’s continued interest in resource supplies and in international oil problems involves him in a concern with underdeveloped areas.

The immediate future seems to promise a vigorous continuation of this varied work on development problems. The demand for such studies from the world at large and from the student body at Harvard is strong. Our list includes 20 theses on economic development in 1948—1953, and there are numerous others in progress at the moment. The interest of the foreign students who make up an increasingly important fraction of the student body in the Graduate School of Public Administration is strongly focused on developmental problems, since a high percentage of these students come from areas like Asia and Latin America where these problems have a compelling importance. The intellectual resources which economics and related fields can bring to these problems seem not to be altogether satisfactory. One economist put the problem sharply by asserting that all the established general propositions in the field could be written on a postcard. The area programs (cf. areal classification below) and Harvard’s extensive staff of scholars with competences in special areas provide extensive resources, but the lack of a general theoretical approach is keenly felt. The need for interdisciplinary attack on these problems is generally felt, and is exemplified in the area programs. A critic of this approach felt, however, that interdisciplinary study of particular areas tended to discourage the kind of general analysis he hoped might be developed and applied to an extensive array of cases. Other economists were not anxious to see economic development treated as a special field and suggested that the present dispersion of activity among economic historians, agricultural economists, and others, was appropriate to the current state of knowledge. [p. 140]

 

10. Agricultural Economics

 A remarkable total of 43 theses in agricultural economics accepted during the years 1948-1953 points to the prominence of this field at Harvard and the strong program maintained for many years by Professor Black. The work of Professor Black, now emeritus but still very active, has brought students to Harvard from all over the country and reached a sector of national life which no other part of the University’s work has reached so successfully. Particularly through students in the Graduate School of Public Administration, a major influence has been exerted on the direction of agricultural policies.

Professor Black’s long interest in production economics, or the application of economic reasoning to farm problems, is being channeled currently into a five-year input-output study of 241 dairy farms in New England. The goal is a determination of the best allocation of resources on such farms. Dr. Brinser has been associated with Professor Black in this and other work discussed under v.3 above. The increasing association of agricultural economics with development problems has been noted in our general comments on economic development. The interests of Professor Galbraith in agricultural economics bear this stamp as do Professor Black’s current and projected studies in India and Pakistan.

 

11. International Economic Problems

The field of international economics has very intimate ties to other special fields within the corpus of economic studies. It has always reflected the major currents of economic analysis in general; at present it shows the impress of economic development interests. Professors Seymour E. Harris, Gottfried Haberler, and John H. Williams have interests of long standing in the field, and have regularly offered courses and graduate seminars in it. Professor Williams has recently completed service on the Randall Commission and participated in the writing of its report. He is also currently revising for publication a series of five lectures on international financial problems given at the Center of Latin American Monetary Studies in August, 1953. Professor Harris has a volume on the dollar problem which will soon be ready for the press. A regular flow of articles, reviews, etc., from Professor Haberler point to his continuing activity in the field. A diversity of points of view is to be found among these men, with Professor Haberler advocating a free multilateral trade position which is not shared by his colleagues.

 

12. Economic History

The study of economic history at Harvard spreads over the departmental lines suggested by its name, and finds a home in other sites as well. In the Department of Economics, Professor Gerschenkron offers [p. 141] courses in the field and is engaged in various researches. The industrialization of Western Europe, particularly in the nineteenth century, will be the subject of books of general interest for the study of economic development. It will view the countries of Western Europe as “underdeveloped areas” of their time and treat their economic growth with attention to such factors as the role of investment bankers, resource patterns, etc. Professor Gerschenkron’s Russian studies (v.2) also include an economic history which he is currently writing. Other work includes the supervision of a translation of Eli Heckscher’s Economic History of Sweden, scheduled for publication in the fall of 1954.

Professor Gerschenkron has also been one of the directors of the Research Center in Entrepreneurial History. This Center, established in 1948 with a large grant from the Rockefeller Foundation, has fostered numerous studies in its designated field. Biographical studies of entrepreneurs have been prominent in the work of the Center, but studies of a more general character, such as those on the origins and backgrounds of American businessmen by William Miller and co-workers, have been fostered. A volume of essays, Men in Business (1952) edited by William Miller, H. L. Passer’s The Electrical Manufacturers 1875- 1880 (1953), and a study of Railway Leaders: 1845-1890 (1953) by Professor Thomas Cochran (University of Pennsylvania) have been published in a special series from this Center. From its inception, the Center has been an interuniversity project, although it has been closely associated with Harvard in its location and through Professor Arthur H. Cole (Harvard Business School), its director, others of its executive Committee, and the research staff. Through fellowships to graduate students, conferences, and the publication of a journal, Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, it has done much to stimulate work in the field.

A broad interest in social and economic history characterizes several members of the history staff. In the medieval field, Assistant Professor Bryce D. Lyon is preparing a study of the money fief in Western Europe, and offers a general course on social and economic history in the period. In later periods of European history, Professors Wilbur K. Jordan, David E. Owen, Michael Karpovich, and others have had an extensive concern with economic history. In the American field, Professors Frederick Merk and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr., have fostered economic history, both in their own studies and in theses of their students.

The work of the Business School in business history should be recalled in this connection, and the reader is referred to the Business School report for an account of it.

Although we have enumerated some 18 theses in economic history of the period 1948-1953, and several staff members pointed with satisfaction to present instruction or past achievements, there was concern [p. 142] expressed about the shortage of capable scholars in this field. A weakness in economic history in the United States, as compared with England or Germany, was alleged by economists. Professor Gerschenkron has recently brought about a notable upturn in activity, but the numbers of economists doing history theses have been relatively few at Harvard as at other American universities. Harvard historians were divided in their assessment of the field; there were some who thought that the record showed a commendable degree of interest and competence, but there were others who detected a general avoidance of economic history as dull and tedious work. The proper training of economic historians presents unresolved problems. Economists expressed the view that a sound background in theory and general economics was the indispensable base for studies in the field, and noted the difficulty of inducing men to add the labor of acquiring the necessary historical knowledge and linguistic equipment to the already formidable demands of graduate study in economics. Discussions in the Committee have led to some re-examination of the division of instructional labor between the Departments of History and Economics which may help solve the difficult problems of training.

 

13. Government and Business

Examination of course offerings and the lists of theses have led us to recognize studies of the relations of business and government under a special heading. In the arrangement of work characteristic at Harvard, however, the great bulk of work having to do with government regulation and related matters is encompassed in the field of industrial organization, and we have treated it as such (v.7.c above).

 

14. Statistics and Econometrics

The field of economics has long had a heavy dependence on statistical work, and the possibilities of mathematical expression of economic theory were realized in the nineteenth century. As long as statistics remained a fairly simple subject guiding the interpretation of empirical findings, and theory was contrived without precise attention to “operational” testing, a reasonably clear distinction between “economic statistics” and “mathematical economics” was possible. Recent decades have greatly complicated the picture. Technical developments in statistics have made the subject highly mathematical and brought it to convergence with other developments in mathematic economics. A new term, “econometrics,” which was fostered by the Econometric Society and its journal, Econometrica, now serves as a designation of much of the recent work, which might with equal propriety be called simply economic theory or statistics.

Harvard has responded to these developments and participated in them in varying measures. In Professor Leontief’s Harvard Economic [p. 143] Research Project, a major technique of econometric analysis, the input- output analysis, has had its principal locus of development. With intellectual roots in the general equilibrium analysis of Walras, the input-output technique is an attempt to give quantitative analyses of the behavior of total national economies without going over to the aggregative techniques of national income analysis (and thus sacrificing a picture of structural interrelations within the economy). Professor Leontief has been engaged in this work for more than two decades, beginning on a modest scale in the Thirties and expanding rapidly during the war in connection with several branches of the national government. Since the war, the Project has been maintained on a large scale with support from the government and the Rockefeller Foundation, employing about twenty people under the direction of Professor Leontief and his executive assistant, Mrs. Elizabeth Gilboy. Models for the American economy have been worked out which trace the interrelationships among as many as 500 different sectors. Such work is obviously expensive and requires a substantial organization such as Professor Leontief has maintained. Among many recent publications from the Project, we note the collaborative volume by Professor Leontief and others, Studies in the Structure of the American Economy (1953).

Instruction in this and other econometric techniques is offered in the Department of Economics by Professor Leontief and Assistant Professor John S. Chipman. Professor Chipman is carrying on two research programs, both concerned with capital and interest. The first is on the construction and application of dynamic models of the sort known as linear programming models, and involves attention to technological questions. The second is a study of liquidity preference.

Professor Guy H. Orcutt is the principal figure in the recent develop ment of other statistical and quantitative studies. His well-known work on the problem of auto-correlation in time series is continuing. He is preparing a book on statistical inference and a study of the demand for residential housing. The instruction on economic statistics is primarily in Professor Orcutt’s hands and as organizer and active participant in a Research Seminar on Quantitative Economics, he is actively working on problems concerned with the economic behavior of households and firms. Studies currently being conducted under the auspices of this seminar include:

E. Kuh — Statistical Investment Functions
J. Meyer — An Econometric Investigation of Postwar Investment in Manufacturing Industries
J. Tryon — Factors Influencing the Behavior of Business Inventories
F. Gillis — Sources and Uses of Funds: Selected Corporations: 1920-1950
B. Chinitz — The Demand for Cash Balances
H. Miller — An Empirical Study of the Demand for Refrigerators
V. Lippitt — Determinants of Demand for Consumer Durable Goods [p. 144]
H. Allison — Consumer Level Analysis of Demand for Meat, Fish, and Poultry
C. Zwick — The Demand for Meat

While there is respect for the work actually being carried out in these fields at Harvard, we encountered much discussion on the need for further development. It is generally conceded that Harvard is not so strong in mathematical economics and statistics as some other universities. The problem of statistics is one which transcends the Department of Economics and we devote a special section to it at the conclusion of this inventory. The general result of our survey of Harvard’s statistical resources may, however, be anticipated here; it is that they fall short of adequacy to the expanding needs of the behavioral sciences. Economists at Harvard feel this weakness in statistics and we repeatedly encountered the assertion that a man who wanted a first-rate training for technical work in the field would be better elsewhere. Others forms of mathematical work in economics show a similar weakness at Harvard as compared with some institutions.

As we suggested in our discussion of economic theory above, there is no clear unanimity on the need for Harvard to devote more of its resources to mathematical work. Especially among senior members of the Department of Economics, there is much disquietude at the luxuriant growth of this work. As one man put it sharply,

“I’d like to see a deflation of some of the mathematics that’s going on in economics. I think there’s a really serious threat here. This is the kind of work that attracts the ablest people, and they get so concentrated on mathematics that they scorn anything else … I think we ought to teach mathematical economics, but we ought to keep it in its proper place. I think there are real dangers of people getting involved with this kind of work and then making public policy proposals and forgetting the assumptions [in their abstract models]. . . . I’m disposed to fight this trend toward mathematics.”

Some members of the staff feel an uncomfortable lack of equipment in assessing mathematical work; one told of learning calculus when he was forty to “protect himself.” Others have the necessary training without being primarily mathematical economists. Among these latter there is a pronounced concern for balance. They regard much of the current mathematical work as of little consequence in the development of economics, and would deplore a heavy concentration of graduate training on mathematical technique. The importance of mathematical and statistical competence is nevertheless stressed and, on balance, it is probably accurate to say that sentiment tips toward further strengthening of Harvard training in these respects.

 

15. History of Thought

A generally poor state of American scholarship in the history of economic thought was pointed out by two economists we interviewed in this survey. The increasingly technical character of economics and [p. 145] its divorcement in America from the European traditions of broad, diffuse scholarship were suggested as possible explanations. The only active scholar currently on the staff is Dr. Taylor, who has offered courses which trace the history of economic thought in relation to the broad movements of intellectual history; he has published numerous essays in the field and is now engaged in preparing a volume of them for publication. There is a notable absence of younger men in the field — a situation in sharp contrast with the lively activity in intellectual history and the history of political thought. If Harvard has a recent record of strength in the field, hospitality to scholars trained abroad is in part responsible. The scholarly legacy of Professor Joseph Schumpeter included a monumental History of Economic Analysis (2 V., 1954) which appeared after his death. While not actively working in the field, Professors Haberler, Gerschenkron, and Leontief maintain serious interests in it.

 

16. Applications of Economic Analysis to Welfare Programs, Education, etc.

The pervasiveness of concerns with public policy in the work of Harvard’s economists has been pointed out above, and illustrated under various special fields. Problems of economic policy arise in many areas which are not as such the special concern of economists. Professor Harris has been particularly attentive to such problems and has devoted himself to a series of studies in the economics of social security, education, health, and other welfare programs. The economic problems posed by the social security programs are a familiar subject for economists and our theses list shows about one per year devoted to them. Less common is the kind of work represented in Professor Harris’ Market for College Graduates (1949), and his current work on the economics of cancer (for a University committee on cancer research). The need for more ample study of the support of public education was stressed in discussions during this survey, and we have heard the economics of medicine described as an “underdeveloped area” in economics.

 

Summary

An attempt to assess the strengths and weaknesses of economics at Harvard encounters the inevitable difficulty presented by the lack of commonly accepted standards of judgment. To some, the Department of Economics appears to give insufficient attention to mathematical economics and econometrics. To others, the heavy emphasis on theory is suspect. Still others may complain of the considerable extent and variety of attention given to applied fields. To these latter critics it should be pointed out that the Department is required not only to provide a professional training for economists, but to meet the needs [p. 146] of the Graduate School of Public Administration with its heavy emphasis on practice and policy. Perhaps the best general description of the economics offering is that it is relatively eclectic — not so much methodologically as in scope of attempted coverage — with all that this implies, both good and bad.

Despite this scope, there are inevitably important areas of economic inquiry that are neglected. The field of demography is one, and this field, which must necessarily overlap several departments, is, in fact, extensively treated by none. There is almost no systematic work in transportation and public utilities, fields which in many universities are-given a prominent place. The absence of mathematical statistics is a lack shared by many of the behavioral science departments, a lack sufficiently important to merit special treatment in this report. In an ideal department with unlimited resources, such deficiencies necessarily would excite adverse comment. Under existing circumstances, at Harvard, it is not so obvious that all such fields should be cultivated if their cultivation means the abandonment of current work. The emphasis preferred by the Department of Economics has always been on men rather than fields, and it is by no means clear that this emphasis is misplaced.

It seems fair to note that the Department has been criticized within the University, and to some extent outside, for emphasizing research at the expense of teaching, particularly of undergraduates. This criticism, however, seems less justified now than it was a few years ago and. in any case, it is within the competence of the Department to improve its teaching performance without in any material way lessening its emphasis on research.

Finally, there is some evidence that the Department of Economics is less inclined than most other behavioral science departments to explore the periphery of its field and to seek to establish bridges giving access to the other disciplines. The Committee suspects that this may be characteristic of Economics Departments in other universities. In some ways, of course, this confidence in its own “mystery” has been a source of strength to Economics. In dealing, however, with certain problems in which economists are becoming intensely interested, such as economic development and the various aspects of public policy, an isolationist attitude is not likely to prove fruitful.

 

Source: The behavioral sciences at Harvard; report by a faculty committee. June, 1954.

Image Source: Faculty picture of Edward S. Mason in Harvard Album, 1950.

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Courses Harvard Syllabus

Harvard. Syllabus for International Trade and Tariff Policies. Harris, 1933

Seymour Harris (1897-1975) received his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1926 with a dissertation about paper money issued during the French Revolution: “The Assignats.” It was published as Harvard Economic Studies 33. He took over the international trade course that was offered to undergraduates and graduates from A. H. Cole starting in 1932-33.  Beginning in 1936-37 the course was then jointly taught by Harris and Gottfried Haberler.

Following his retirement from Harvard in 1964 Harris went on to become the founding chairman of the UC San Diego Department of Economics. Paul Samuelson offered written tribute to Seymour Harris’ contributions

_________________________

[Course Announcement]

Economics 9a 1hf. International Trade and Tariff Policies

Half-course (first half-year). Mon., Wed., and (at the pleasure of the instructor) Fri., at 12. Asst. Professor Harris.

 

Source: Announcement of the Courses of Instruction Offered by the Faculty of Arts and Sciences 1933-34, Second edition. Official Register of Harvard University. Vol. XXX, No. 39 (September 20, 1933).

 

_________________________

[Course Enrollment]

102 Total: 4 Graduates, 76 Seniors, 16 Juniors, 2 Sophomores, 4 Others.

 

Source: Annual Report of the President of Harvard College, 1933-34, p. 84.

 

_________________________

ECONOMICS 9a
Outline, 19331934

 

Important Books:

Ohlin: International and Interregional Trade¨[1933]

Taussig: International Trade [1927]

Taussig: Some Aspects of the Tariff Problem [3rd enlarged ed with Harry D. White, 1931]

Taussig: Tariff History [6th ed 1914]

 

I. Pure Theory of International Trade (September 25 – October 27)

Lecture 1. The regional balance of payments

Lecture 2. The international balance of payments

Lecture 3. Conditions of international and interregional trade

Lecture 4. Movements of commodities and factors

Lecture 5. The problems of localization and transportation

Lecture 6. The Classical theory as developed by Ricardo

Lecture 7. The Classical theory as modified by Taussig

Lecture 8. The supply and demand theory of Marshall

 

Assignment:

Ohlin: Chapters 1-7.

Taussig, International Trade: Chapters 1-7

 

II.   Pure Theory, continued; Money and the Theory of international Trade

(October 30 –November 10)

Lecture 9. International trade under a gold standard

Lecture 10. International trade under a gold standard, continued

Lecture 11. International trade under a silver standard

Lecture 12. International trade under an inconvertible standard

 

Assignment:

Taussig, International Trade: Chapters 17, 18, 26, 27.

 

III.       Fiscal Problems (November 13,- December 8)

Lecture 13. Effects of import duties

Lecture 14. Some aspects of British fiscal policy

Lecture 15. British fiscal policy and her international position.

Lecture 16. Some aspects of American fiscal policy

Lecture 17. The international competitive position of the United States

Lecture 18. The technique of tariff bargaining and administration

Lecture 19. Tariffs, prices, and the terms of trade

Lecture 20. The problem of raw materials in its international aspects.

 

Assignment:

Taussig, Some Aspects of the Tariff Problem: Chapters 1-3, 9-13.

Taussig, Tariff History: Part II.

IV.   Capital Movements and Reparations (December 11-22)

Lecture 21.    The mechanism of capital movements

Lecture 22.    Statistical verification of the theory

Lecture 23.    Keynes, Ohlin, Taussig on reparations

 

Assignment:

Ohlin: Chapters 19-22.

 

HOUR EXAMINATION: Wednesday, October 25.

 

Reading Period:

Read ONE of the following:

  1. Ashley, Modern Tariff History [Germany—United States—France]  [3rd ed, 1920]
  2. Barnes, A History of the English Corn Laws: Chapters 7-12 [1930]
  3. Beveridge, Tariffs: The Case Examined [1st ed. October 1931; 2nd ed. June 1932]
  4. Culbertson, International Economic Policies: Chapters 1-5, 7 [1925]
  5. League of Nations, Course and Phases of the World Economic Depression: Pp. 1-274 [B. Ohlin, 1931]
  6. Loveday, Britain and World Trade  [1931]
  7. Marshall, Money, Credit and Commerce  [1922]
  8. Pigou, Essays in Applied Economics: Chapters 14-15.[1923]
    Pigou and Robertson, Economic Essays and Addresses [1931]:

Part I, Chapter 4;
Part II, Chapters 2, 4, 5.

 

Source: Syllabi, course outlines and reading lists in Economics, 1895-2003. Harvard University Archives: HUC 8522.2.1, Box 2, Folder “1933-1934”.

Image source: Harvard Album, 1934.

 

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Columbia Economists Exam Questions

Columbia. History of Economics Exams. J.M. Clark, 1949-51

The successor to Wesley Clair Mitchell in teaching the history of types of economic theory at Columbia University was John Maurice Clark, the son of John Bates Clark. Because of the identical course descriptions printed in the official University Announcement, I figure it is reasonable transcribing the final exams for the Winter and Spring sessions from two different academic years (the only ones I was able to find for the courses, Econ 115 and 116, respectively). John Maurice Clark was a pack rat, but not a model of consistent filing, so there may be other copies to be found in his papers.

In a handwritten class list for Econ 115 (Fall, 1950) one finds 43 names of attendee–with grades noted for 26 of them. The grade distribution of those 26 students was: A (2), A- (6), B+ (5), B (6), B- (3), C+ (1), C (3). Of more than passing interest for historians of economics is that the author of Economic Theory in Retrospect, Mark Blaug, only received a grade of B minus (rank 22 of 26 graded)! Evidence for the slope of Blaug’s learning curve is seen in his grade for Econ 116 in 1951 where he received an A minus. The only other name I immediately recognize from the list was the later Library of Congress specialist on socialist economies, John P. Hardt (Ph.D., 1954). Hardt’s name will long be associated with the green volumes of Joint Economic Committee reports on the economies of China, USSR, and Eastern Europe) with “(vet)” noted after his name but without a grade.

____________________________

Course Announcement

Economics 115-116—Formative types of economic theory. 3 points each session. Professor Clark.
M. W. 12. [310 Fayerweather in Spring session; 1948/49 in 313 Fayerweather for Winter session, 1950/51]

Readings and critical discussion of outstanding examples of the parent stock of classical economics, with some regard to historical setting, and of subsequent outstanding contributions.

Source: Columbia University. Announcement of the Faculty of Political Science. Winter and Spring Sessions (1948-1949 and 1950-1951).

____________________________

Economics 115
Final Examination
January, 1951

Answer any two questions, taking about the time for the actual writing that a regular examination would take. Those who do the work during Christmas holidays will please return papers January 8; others Friday, January 26, unless otherwise specified.

—————–

  1. Do the views of ancient writers (Hebrew, Greek or Roman) afford the same kind of evidence as the writings of modern economists as to economic conditions and practices of their time?
  2. Discuss extent of applicability of medieval doctrine on price; variations or relaxations; and how far the doctrine was effective in practice.
  3. Explain and appraise Quesnay’s “Tableau Economique”.
  4. State key doctrines of the Physiocrats and indicate how they could be regarded as adaptations to an historical situation.
  5. Compare views of Smith and Ricardo on the relation of labor to value.
  6. Compare treatment of rent in Smith, Malthus and Ricardo.
  7. On what grounds did Adam Smith sanction departures from laissez-faire?
  8. Topic: dominant conceptions of what economic activity is for. Compare the dominant conception (or at most a few dominant conceptions) of as many of the following as you feel you can reasonably cover: typical Mercantilists, Physiocrats, Ricardo, John Stuart Mill.
  9. What does Bentham’s theory contribute to the basic rationale of economics, aside from his ideas on economic matters themselves? (Book V. of J. S. Mill’s “Principles of Political Economy” might contain hints.)
  10. State doctrines of Ricardo which had roots in historical conditions of the time, and indicate the connections.
  11. Compare Ricardo’s treatment of value with either Adam Smith’s or John Stuart Mill’s.
  12. What were the sources of J. S. Mill’s departure from strict Ricardianism?

Source: John M. Clark Papers. Columbia University Libraries. Manuscript Collections. Box 24, Courses: Misc.

____________________________

ECONOMICS 116
Final examination
May, 1949

Answer two questions from the following list:

  1. If things do not exchange in proportion to their labor cost, in what sense does labor cost govern value, under the labor theory? Discuss
  2. Discuss the proper relation between historical and theoretical materials in the equipment of an economist.
  3. (a) What is the meaning of “utility”?
    (b) What difference does it make whether economic theory can or cannot make “interpersonal comparisons” of utility?
  4. State some form of theory of the relation of marginal utility to price. Is this a tautological truth? Approximately true or true with qualifications? Inaccurate enough to be misleading? Discuss.
  5. Define the meaning of marginal productivity as a basis for the division between labor and capital in industry. How, if at all, does it apply to added labor in a plant working below capacity?
  6. How does Marshall treat the problem of differences between different producers and their costs of production, in his theory of value? Compare treatment of same problem in Chamberlin and/or J. B. Clark.
  7. Compare Marshall and Chamberlin as to treatment of the element of time in normal price.
  8. Define various types of welfare economics. Select one and indicate the key problems and difficulties, and methods of dealing with them.
  9. Analyze the logic of the difference between J. B Clark and Veblen as to what are the normal tendencies of a system of business enterprise.
  10. Formulate some other significant question on the material covered in the course, and answer it.

Source: John M. Clark Papers. Columbia University Libraries. Manuscript Collections. Box 35, History of Economic Thought; Folder (tab torn) “??—Cameral. epoch.”

Image Source: Portrait of John Maurice Clark from the collection of portraits of economists presented in 1997 as a gift to the Department of Economics of Duke University by Professor Warren J. Samuels of Michigan State University. Free use of these portraits in Web documents, and for other educational purposes, is encouraged: users are requested to acknowledge that the images come from The Warren J. Samuels Portrait Collection at Duke University.

 

 

 

 

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For the complete Dateline: Kyiv, Ukraine posting.

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Economists Uncategorized

Dateline: Kyiv, Ukraine

The reason for my blog pause has been a couple of days of service for the Kyiv School of Economics where I am a member of its International Advisory Board. Once a year we, along with its Board of Directors, review the development of this tender plant that has grown from the seed money and efforts of Western donors and academic economists to establish an indigenous core of trained modern economists to be a part of the needed escape from the self-inflicted backwardness still haunting the region.
Unfortunately I am cursed with Administrative Attention Deficit Disorder and cannot pay unbroken attention to any extended discussion of a spreadsheet with details of a budget. My AADD is compounded by an utter indifference to anything below the level of matters of strategy and key appointments for leadership roles. So yesterday my mind wandered off to think about Kyiv and the history of economics.

The first name that I thought of was Jacob Marschak, who has already made an appearance in Economics in the Rear-view Mirror. Actually he came into my mind as I thought about the possibility of changing the form of the Kyiv School of Economics, as an independent educational institution offering M.A. training in economics and eventually business, into a Ukrainian analogue to the Cowles Commission that was linked to the University of Chicago economics department, while it maintained a distinct identity. The reasons for that thought have less to do with grand ambition than the political realities of present-day Ukraine and evidence of donor-fatigue for its present form. Anyhow, the thought of the Cowles Commission led to me think about Jacob Marschak who was its research director during those very important years. I knew that Marschak was born in Kyiv and thought that it was important for the Kyiv School of Economics to hoist him onto its banner before some lesser institution (mis-)appropriated his name.  Wandering mind and WLAN connection led to me to see that the other favorite (economics) son of Kyiv, Eugen Slutsky, was actually one of Marschak’s teachers (of statistics).  OK, make room on the KSE banner for Slutsky too.

During coffee breaks, I tried to convince fellow Board members of the sheer brilliance of the idea of rebranding the Kyiv School of Economics into the Slutsky-Marschak Institute of Advanced Economics to be associated with a leading (shall remain unnamed for now) Kyiv university. It is a hard sell. I’m not done yet.  Just wanted to alert visitors to this blog and potential new sponsors of an irresistable naming opportunity. Young Ukrainians want to join the global academic community. Having achieved nearly two decades of ground-breaking work to this end, the Kyiv School of Economics is a worthy target of continued international funding. Let me know if you’d like to know more about the institution, its faculty or students.