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Business Cycles Columbia Economists Methodology

Columbia. Wesley Clair Mitchell Reflects on his Personal Research Style. 1928

This post provides a transcription of Wesley Clair Mitchell’s original reply to methodological questions posed to him by his younger Columbia colleague John Maurice Clark in 1928. Clark was so impressed with Mitchell’s reply that he had it published in 1931 and later then reprinted in 1952 (see links below). For autobiographical context I have included a brief statement by Mitchell, one of Decatur, Illinois’ favorite sons, that was written shortly after his methodological reflections.

Fun Fact: Adolph C. Miller, who was one of Mitchell’s teachers at the University of Chicago and later his colleague at Berkeley, was married to Mary Sprague, older sister of Mitchell’s wife, Lucy Sprague.

Coming attraction: We will learn more about Wesley Clair Mitchell’s parents and the Baptist grand-aunt who raised his mother in a later post.

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Decatur Herald (Decatur, Illinois)
7 July 1929, p. 44

Mitchell One of First To Prove Business Cycle

Every business man in the United States is familiar now with the theory of the business cycle. Comparatively few, even in Decatur, probably know that it was a former Decaturian, Dr Wesley C. Mitchell, who did the pioneer work in economic research establishing the theory of a business cycle.

“My father and mother were John Wesley Mitchell and L. Medora McClellan Mitchell.

“After living several years opposite the Stapps Chapel, we moved out to a ten-acre place on what later became Leafland avenue. There were seven children and we all went through Decatur schools. My High school class was 1893; but I dropped out in the fourth year in order to push more rapidly my preparation for taking college entrance examinations. In that way I entered the University of Chicago in the autumn of ’93. From that time forward I returned to Decatur only during vacations until the time when my parents moved to Louisiana about 1902.

Studied In Germany

“My undergraduate work was done at the University of Chicago. Graduating in 1896, I received a fellowship which permitted me to go on immediately with postgraduate work. The year ’97-98 I spent on a traveling fellowship in Germany and Austria. The next year I was back at Chicago receiving the degree of Doctor of Philosophy summa cum laude in ’99. My chief subjects were economics and philosophy.

“No more congenial opening turning up, I spent 1900 in the Census Office at Washington in a small Division of Analysis and Research presided over by Walter F. Willcox of Cornell. Next year I was appointed instructor at the University of Chicago and taught there in 1900-02. The end of this period I published my first book, “A History of the Greenbacks.”

“One of my teachers at Chicago, Professor A. C. Miller, now a member of the Federal Reserve board, was called to the University of California as head of the Department of Economics. He asked me to go with him. As a result I lived from 1902 to 1912 in Berkeley as an assistant, associate and finally full professor of economics. While there I published a second volume of my monetary studies called “Gold Prices and Wages in the United States”(1908), and also a book called “Business Cycles” (1913). I also spent one of these years lecturing at Harvard.

Helped to Launch School

“In 1912 I married Lucy Sprague a daughter of Otho S. A. Sprague of Chicago. We went to Europe for a year and then came to live in New York city where I became attached to Columbia University. During the war I was chief of the Price Section in the Division of Planning and Statistics in the War Industries board. After the war I helped organize the New School for Social Research in New York and later the National Bureau of Economic Research, with which I am still connected as one of the directors.

“In these later years my investigations have been carried on very largely in conjunction with the National Bureau’s programs. My latest book, “Business Cycles: The Problem and Its Setting,” was published in 1927, and I am now working upon the supplementary volume to be called “Business Cycles: The Rhythm of Business Activity.”

“It is many years since I have been in Decatur or had an opportunity to talk with any of my old friends, aside from Will Westerman who graduated from the Decatur High school a little before my time, and who is now one of my colleagues at Columbia, where he is a professor of ancient history.

“It will be a great pleasure to get the records of other old friends which your Centenary number will doubtless contain. Accept my congratulations upon this enterprise.

WESLEY C. MITCHELL

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NBER Memorial Volume
for Wesley Clair Mitchell

Wesley Clair Mitchell: The Economic Scientist, National Bureau of Economic Research, New York, 1952.

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Backstory:

Memorial Address
by John Maurice Clark.

“I had undertaken to analyze his methods of studying business cycles, for a volume of such analyses, edited by Stuart Rice; and as part of my preparations I had written to Mitchell, asking him some rather searching questions. In reply, he sent me an autobiographical sketch of his intellectual development, starting with his adolescent arguments over theology with his grandaunt. The letter was close to three thousand words long and so beautifully written as to be fit for publication without the change of a comma. Much against his desires, Mitchell was persuaded to allow this correspondence to be published, as part of the study which had occasioned it.* Its great value, naturally, lay in the fact that it had been written without a thought of publication, merely in a characteristically generous response to my request for inside information. More than anything else I know in print, it gives not only his typical mental attitudes, but the flavor of his genially pungent personality.”

Source: Wesley Clair Mitchell: The Economic Scientist, National Bureau of Economic Research (New York, 1952), p. 142.

*Appendix: “The Author’s Own Account of His Methodological Interests” to John Maurice Clark’s “Preface to Social Economics” in Methods in Social Science: A Case Book. Edited by Stuart A. Rice for the Social Science Research Council, Committee on Scientific Method in the Social Sciences. University of Chicago Press, 1931. Pages 673 ff.

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Typed copy of Wesley Clair Mitchell’s Response to Questions
posed him by John Maurice Clark

[Handwritten note: “Revised Feb 11, 1929”]

Huckleberry Rocks, Greensboro, Vt.
August 9, 1928.

Dear Maurice:

                  I know no reason why you should hesitate to dissect a colleague for the instruction, or amusement, of mankind. Your interest in ideas rather than in personalities will be clear to any intelligent reader. Nor is the admiration I feel for you skill as an analyst likely to grow less warm if you take me apart to see how I work. Indeed, I should like to know myself!

                  Whether I can really help you is doubtful. The questions you put are questions I must answer from rather hazy recollections of what went on inside me thirty and forty and more years ago. Doubtless my present impressions of how I grew up are largely rationalizations. But perhaps you can make something out of the type of rationalizations in which I indulge.

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

                  Concerning the inclination you note to prefer concrete problems and methods to abstract ones, my hypothesis is that it got started, perhaps manifested itself would be more accurate, in childish theological discussions with my grand aunt. She was the best of Baptists, and knew exactly how the Lord had planned the world. God is love; he planned salvation; he ordained immersion; his immutable word left no doubt about the inevitable fate of those who did not walk in the path he had marked. Hell is no stain upon his honor, no inconsistency with love. — I adored the logic and thought my grand aunt flinched unworthily when she expressed hopes that some back-stairs method might be found of saving from everlasting flame the ninety and nine who are not properly baptized. But I also read the bible and began to cherish private opinions about the character of the potentate in Heaven. Also I observed that his followers on earth did not seem to get what was promised them here and now. I developed an impish delight in dressing up logical difficulties which my grand aunt could not dispose of. She always slipped back into the logical scheme, and blinked the facts in which I came to take a proprietary interest.

                  I suppose there is nothing better as a teething-ring for a child who likes logic than the garden variety of Christian theology. I cut my eye-teeth on it with gusto and had not entirely lost interest in that exercise when I went to college.

                  There I began studying philosophy and economics about the same time. The similarity of the two disciplines struck me at once, I found no difficulty in grasping the differences between the great philosophical systems as they were presented by our text-books and our teachers. Economic theory was easier still. Indeed, I thought the successive systems of economics were rather crude affairs compared with the subtleties of the metaphysicians. Having run the gamut from Plato to T. H. Green (as undergraduates do) I felt the gamut from Quesnay to Marshall was a minor theme. The technical part of the theory was easy. Give me premises and I could spin speculations by the yard. Also I knew that my “deductions” were futile. It seemed to me that people who took seriously the sort of articles which were then appearing in the Q.J.E. might have a better time if they went in for metaphysics proper.

                  Meanwhile I was finding something really interesting in philosophy and in economics. John Dewey was giving courses under all sorts of titles and every one of them dealt with the same problem — how we think. I was fascinated by his view of the place which logic holds in human behavior. It explained the economic theorists. The thing to do was to find out how they came to attack certain problems; why they took certain premises as a matter of course; why they did not consider all the permutations and variants of those problems which were logically possible; why their contemporaries thought their conclusions were significant. And, if one wanted to try his own hand at constructive theorizing, Dewey’s notion pointed the way. It is a misconception to suppose that consumers guide their course by ratiocination — they don’t think except under stress. There is no way of deducing from certain principles what they will do, just because their behavior is not itself rational. One has to find out what they do. That is a matter of observation, which the economic theorists had taken all too lightly. Economic theory became a fascinating subject — the orthodox types particularly — when one began to take the mental operations of the theorists as the problem, instead of taking their theories seriously.

                  Of course Veblen fitted perfectly into this set of notions. What drew me to him was his artistic side. I had a weakness for paradoxes — Hell set up by the God of love. But Veblen was a master developing beautiful subtleties, while I was a tyro emphasizing the obvious. He did have such a good time with the theory of the leisure class and then with the preconceptions of economic theory! And the economists reacted with such bewildered soberness: There was a man who really could play with ideas! If one wanted to indulge in the game of spinning theories who could match his skill and humor? But if anything were needed to convince me that the standard procedure of orthodox economics could meet no scientific tests, it was that Veblen got nothing more certain by his dazzling performances with another set of premises. His working conceptions of human nature might be a vast improvement: he might have uncanny insights; but he could do no more than make certain conclusions plausible — like the rest. How important were the factors he dealt with and the factors he scamped was never established.

                  That was a sort of problem which was beginning to concern me. William Hill set me a course paper on “Wool Growing and the Tariff.” I read a lot of the tariff speeches and got a new sidelight on the uses to which economic theory is adapted, and the ease with which it is brushed aside on occasion. Also I wanted to find out what really had happened to wool growers as a result of protection. The obvious thing to do was to collect and analyze the statistical data. If at the end I had demonstrated no clear-cut conclusion, I at least knew how superficial were the notions of the gentlemen who merely debated the tariff issue, whether in Congress or in academic quarters. That was my first “Investigation” — I did it in the way which seemed obvious, following up the available materials as far as I could, and reporting what I found to be the “facts.” It’s not easy to see how any student assigned this topic could do much with it in any other way.

                  A brief introduction to English economic history by A. C. Miller, and unsystematic readings in anthropology instigated by Veblen reenforced  the impressions I was getting from other sources. Everything Dewey was saying about how we think, and when we think, made these fresh materials significant, and got fresh significance Itself. Men had always deluded themselves, it appeared, with strictly logical accounts of the world and their own origin; they had always fabricated theories for their spiritual comfort and practical guidance which ran far beyond the realm of fact without straining their powers of belief. My grand aunt’s theology; Plato and Quesnay; Kant, Ricardo and Karl Marx; Cairnes and Jevons, even Marshall were much of a piece. Each system was tolerably self-consistent — as if that were a test of “truth”! There were realms in which speculation on the basis of assumed premises achieved real wonders; but they were realms in which one began frankly by cutting loose from the phenomena we can observe. And the results were enormously useful. But that way of thinking seemed to get good results only with reference to the simplest of problems, such as numbers and spatial relations. Yet men practiced this type of thinking with reference to all types of problems which could not be treated readily on a matter-of-fact basis — creation, God, “just” prices in the middle ages, the Wealth of Nations in Adam Smith’s time, the distribution of incomes in Ricardo’s generation, the theory of equilibrium in my own day.

                  There seemed to be one way of making real progress, slow, very slow, but tolerably sure. That was the way of natural science. I really knew nothing of science and had enormous respect for its achievements. Not the Darwinian type of speculation which was then so much in the ascendant — that was another piece of theology. But chemistry and physics. They had been built up not in grand systems like soap bubbles; but by the patient processes of observation and testing — always critical testing — of the relations between the working hypotheses and the processes observed. There was plenty of need for rigorous thinking, indeed of thinking more precise than Ricardo achieved; but the place for it was inside the investigation so to speak — the place that mathematics occuped in physics as an indispensable tool. The problems one could really do something with in economics were problems in which speculation could be controlled.

                  That’s the best account I can give off hand of my predilection for the concrete. Of course it seems to me rather a predilection for problems one can treat with some approach to scientific method. The abstract is to be made use of at every turn, as a handmaiden to help hew the wood and draw the water. I loved romance — particularly William Morris’ tales of lands that never were — and utopias, and economic systems, of which your father’s when I came to know it seemed the most beautiful; but these were objects of art, and I was a workman who wanted to become a scientific worker, who might enjoy the visions which we see in mountain mists but who trusted only what we see in the light of common day.

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

                  Besides the spice of rationalizing which doubtless vitiates my recollections — uncontrolled recollections at that — this account worries me by the time it is taking yours as well as mine. I’ll try to answer the other questions concisely.

                  Business cycles turned up as a problem in the course of the studies which I began with Laughlin. My first book on the greenbacks dealt only with the years of rapid depreciation and spasmodic wartime reaction. I knew that I had not gotten to the bottom of the problems and wanted to go on, so I compiled that frightful second book as an apparatus for a more thorough analysis. By the time it was finished I had learned to see the problems in a larger way. Veblen’s paper on “Industrial and Pecuniary Employments” had a good deal to do with opening my eyes. Presently I found myself working on the system of prices and its place in modern economic life. Then I got hold of Simmel’s Theorie des Geldes — a fascinating book. But Simmel, no more than Veblen, knew the relative importance of the factors he was working with. My manuscript grew — it lies unpublished to this day. As it grew in size it became more speculative. I was working away from any solid foundation — having a good time, but sliding gayly over abysses I had not explored. One of the most formidable was the recurring readjustments of prices, which economists treated apart from their general theories of value, under the caption “Crises.” I had to look into the problem. It proved to be susceptible of attack by methods which I thought reliable. The result was the big California monograph. I thought of it as an introduction to economic theory.

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

                  This conception is responsible for the chapter on “Modern Economic Organization.” I don’t remember precisely at what stage the need of such a discussion dawned upon me. But I have to do everything a dozen times. Doubtless I wrote parts of that chapter fairly early and other parts late as I found omissions in the light of the chapters on “The Rhythm of Business Activity.” Of course, I put nothing in which did not seem to me strictly pertinent to the understanding of the processes with which the volume dealt. That I did not cover the field very intelligently, even from my own viewpoint, appears from a comparison of the books published in 1913 and 1927. Doubtless before I am done with my current volume, I shall be passing a similar verdict upon the chapter as I left it last year.

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

                  As to the relation between my analytic description and “causal” theory I have no clear ideas — though I might develop some at need. To me it seems that I try to follow through the interlacing processes involved in business expansion and contraction by the aid of everything I know, checking my speculations just as far as I can by the data of observation. Among the things I “know” are the way in which economic activity is organized in business enterprises, and the way these enterprises are conducted for money profits. But that is not a simple matter which enables me to deduce certain results — or rather, to deduce results with certainty. There is much in the workings of business technique which I should never think of if I were not always turning back to observation. And I should not trust even my reasoning about what business men will do if I could not check it up. Some unverifiable suggestions do emerge; but I hope it is always clear that they are unverified. Very likely what I try to do is merely carrying out the requirements of John Stuart Mill’s “complete method.” But there is a great deal more passing back and forth between hypotheses and observation, each modifying and enriching the other, than I seem to remember in Mill’s version. Perhaps I do him injustice as a logician through default of memory; but I don’t think I do classical economics injustice when I say that it erred sadly in trying to think out a deductive scheme and then talked of verifying that. Until a science has gotten to the stage of elaborating the details of an established body of theory — say finding a planet from the aberrations of orbits, or filling a gap in the table of elements — it is rash to suppose one can get an hypothesis which stands much chance of holding good except from a process of attempted verification, modification, fresh observation, and so on. (Of course, there is a good deal of commerce between most economic theorizing and personal observation of an irregular sort  — that is what has given our theories their considerable measure of significance. But I must not go off into that issue.)

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

                  Finally, about the table of decils. One cannot be sure that a given point on the decil curves represents the relative price of just one commodity or the relative wage of just one industry. For it often happens, particularly near the center of the range covered, that several commodities and industries have identical relatives in a certain year and these identical relatives may happen to be decil points. But I think the criticisms you make of my interpretations of the movements of the decils are valid. Frederick C. Mills makes similar strictures in his Behavior of Prices, pp. 279 following, particularly p. 283 note. The fact is that when writing the first book about business cycles I seem to have had no clear ideas about secular trends. The term does not occur in the index. Seasonal variations appear to be mentioned only in connection with interest rates. Of course certain rough notions along these lines may be inferred; but not such definite ideas as would safeguard me against the errors you point out. What makes matters worse for me, I was behind the times in this respect. J.P. Norton’s Statistical Studies in the New York Money Market had come out in 1902, I ought to have known and made use of his work.

                  That is only one of several serious blemishes upon the statistical work in my 1913 volume. After Hourwich left Chicago, and that was before I got deep into economics, no courses were given on statistics in my time. I was blissfully ignorant of everything except the simplest devices. To this day I have remained an awkward amateur, always ready to invent some crude scheme for looking into anything I want to know about, and quite likely to be betrayed by my own apparatus. I shall die in the same sad state.

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

                  I did not intend to inflict such a screed upon you when I started. Now that I have read it over, I fell compunctions about sending it. Also some hesitations. I don’t like the intellectual arrogances which I developed as a boy, which stuck by me in college, and which I shall never get rid of wholly. My only defense is that I was made on a certain pattern and had to do the best I could — like everybody else. Doubtless I am at bottom as simple a theologian as my grand aunt. The difference is that I have made my view of the world out of the materials which were available in the 1880’s and ’90’s, whereas she built, with less competent help than I had, out of the material available in the farming communities of the 1840’s and ’50’s. Perhaps you have been able to develop an outlook on the world which gives you a juster view than I had of the generations which preceded me and of the generation to which I belong. If I did not think so, I should not be sending you a statement so readily misunderstood.

Ever yours,
Wesley C. Mitchell.
(Copy by J.M.C. )

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Special Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection. Box C8, Ch-Ec. Folder “Clark, John Maurice v.p., 8 Apr 1926 & 21 Apr 1927 to Wesley C. Mitchell 2 a.l.s. (with related material)”.

Image: Wesley Clair Mitchell.  Detail from a departmental photo dated “early 1930’s” in Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections, Columbiana. Department of Economics Collection, Box 9, Folder “Photos”. Colorized at Economics in the Rear-view Mirror.

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Columbia Industrial Organization Labor Socialism Syllabus Undergraduate

Columbia. Excerpt from Contemporary Civilization Syllabus. Industrial Problems, 1921

Columbia College’s freshman course on Contemporary Civilization, a.k.a. “CC”, has been a core element in the undergraduate experience for over a century. This is the second post providing an excerpt of the third edition of the course syllabus (1921) that should be of particular interest for economists. Topics include: industrial organization, regulation, organized labor, and alternate systems of economic control. As in the earlier post, links to all the items referenced have been added.

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Another Post from the Syllabus

Book III, Sections 1-5. Historical background of contemporary civilization, 1400-1870.

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BOOK VIII. INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS

1. A survey of the prominent features of the modern industrial system.

  1. Private property.
    *Seligman, Principles of Economics, 125-138; *Hamilton, Current Economic Problems, 762-775; R.T. Ely, Property and Contract in their Relation to the Distribution of Wealth, Vol. I, 165-190.
    1. The meaning of the right of private property: the exclusive control over valuable things by private persons.
    2. Theories concerning the basis of property rights
      1. Occupation, or seizure.
      2. Natural rights.
      3. Labor.
      4. Legal theory
      5. Social utility.
    3. Property rights — rights vested in the owner of private property.
      1. Right of gift.
      2. Right of disposition by contract.
      3. Right of use.
      4. Right of bequest.
      5. Right of unlimited acquisition.
      6. Right to exclude.
    4. Limitations on property rights: social considerations limit the extent of private property rights.
      1. Right of use limited by principle of “eminent domain.”
      2. Right of use restricted by laws against “nuisances,” etc.
      3. Right of bequest limited by inheritance tax laws.
      4. Proposed limitations on the right of unlimited acquisition; the modern attitude toward great fortunes.
    5. Property and social authority. In the modern economic system private property is the chief basis of social authority and power.
  1. Competition as an economic principle. (See 3.A. below)

The doctrines of individualism and laissez faire are still regarded by modern business and industry as the basis for economic operation. It is felt that competition stimulates producers and protects both producers and consumers.

  1. The use of machinery and artificial power.
    *Marshall and Lyon, Our Economic Organization, 207-227; *Clay, H., Economics for the General Reader, 21-27; Marshall, Wright & Field, Materials for the Study of Elementary Economics, 158-160, 198-199.
    1. The standardization and mechanization of industrial processes and of industrial labor.
    2. Resulting tendency toward an elaborate technical division of labor, and toward a reduction of human effort to the simple repetition of a single operation. This mechanical character is typical of modern productive processes even where machinery is not employed.
    3. Limitations to the use of machinery.
      1. Unadapted to processes incapable of reduction to routine.
      2. Not applicable where tastes of individual consumers must be considered; the demand for quality and distinction.
  1. The factory system. (See above, p. 29.)
    *Hamilton, 112-113.
  2. The wage system.
    *Hamilton, 121-122; 617-619.
    1. The elaboration of the means of production has rendered ownership of the productive equipment by the laborers impossible under the present system.
    2. Modern industrial workers are thus in large part detached from direct personal control and responsible interest in the production and sale of commodities; dependent for livelihood upon employment as wage-workers by the owners of the means of production. The wage connection (“cash nexus”) the primary bond between the worker and his work. The proletariat.
    3. The mobility of labor under the wage system.
  1. The extensive use of capital and credit in promoting and conducting business and industrial undertakings.
    *Ely, Outlines of Economics, 212-230; *Hamilton, 110-112, 185-195, 206-208, 211-215; Clay, 97-104.
    1. Distinction between business and industrial units.
      1. The business unit: the unit of promotion and management. Types of business units.
        1. The individual business enterpriser.
        2. The partnership. (See (c) below.)
        3. The corporation. (See (c) below.)
      2. The industrial unit: the unit of production; the store, workshop, and factory.
    2. The necessity of capital and credit in industry today.
      1. The use of extensive plants and complicated machinery.
      2. The interval between production and sale may be long. Stock must be carried, workers must be paid, and other business and industrial expenses met in the meantime.
    3. Means of securing capital and credit.
      1. Individual and partnership enterprises.
        1. Use of capital of individual owners of the business.
        2. The use of bank credit.
          1. Banks as depositories of idle capital.
          2. Banks as agencies of credit.
      2. The corporation.
        1. Capital secured by sale of stock.
          1. Types of stock — common and preferred.
          2. The function and rights of stockholders.
        2. Capital secured by borrowing; the issuance of bonds.
          1. Types of bonds.
          2. The function and rights of bondholders.
      3. The use of bank credit.
    4. The relation of the business enterpriser (entrepreneur) to the owners of capital.
      1. The function of the promoter or organizer of a large corporation.
        1. The work of promotion.
        2. The relation of the promoter to the investors.
        3. The rewards of the promoter.
      2. The function of the executive officials of a corporation.
        1. The powers of the board of directors.
        2. The theoretical and actual relation of the directors to the investors and creditors.
      3. The possibility of misuse of power by the business representatives of owners of capital.
    1. The social importance of the separation of the actual ownership of property from direct control of that property.
      1. Corporate type of organization is breaking the direct relation of ownership between men and goods.
      2. Resulting change in the nature of the institution of private property.
  1. The dominance of large-scale enterprise in certain lines of industry.
    *Taussig, Principles of Economics, Vol. I, 49-66; Clay, 123-127. (Note — This section treats only the “legitimate” aspects of large scale production. Monopolies, combinations and “trusts” are treated under 3.B below).
    1. Marked increase in the size of the industrial unit within recent years.
    2. Reasons for the development of large-scale enterprises.
      1. Industrial reasons.
        1. Tendency toward increasing returns in industry.
        2. Advantages of standardization of product.
        3. Utilization of by-products.
        4. Economy of power.
        5. Greater division of labor possible.
        6. Scientific and technical research possible.
      2. Business reasons.
        1. Elimination of cost of competition.
        2. Selling advantages.
        3. Buying advantages.
        4. The stimulus of promoter’s profits.
    3. Restriction of the tendency toward large-scale production to certain industrial fields.
    4. Large scale enterprise and wide markets. As local specialization develops and the size of the productive unit increases, the entrepreneurs are driven to more distant markets to sell their produce. Large-scale enterprise is therefore dependent upon good means of transportation.
      1. Requirements for effective means of transportation.
        1. Speed: the importance of the time element in transportation, especially in the case of perishable goods. Refrigeration cars. Interest on invested capital while goods are in transit.
        2. Regularity: e.g. the milk supply of New York City. Commutation.
        3. Safety: passenger traffic, fragile goods.
        4. Cheapness: high rates reduce the size of the market. “Discriminating rates” in U. S.
          *Marshall, Wright & Field, 259-266.
        5. Elasticity: ability of the transportation systems to meet
          1. the peak-load requirements; e.g., coal in U. S. The after-the-harvest situation.
          2. the needs of the localities off the main lines of communication. The great increase in motor-truck transportation in the U. S.
      2. [Can the economic and social demands for means of transport be met by private companies? See 5.B.f below]
  1. The interdependence of all parts of the industrial structure.
    *Hamilton, 113-115, 204-205, 208-211; L. Alston, How It All Fits Together, 14-49.
    1. Industrial and geographical division of labor; resulting interdependence of different industries and regions. The whole industrial system thus constitutes what is in effect a single productive machine.
    2. The credit structure knits all modern business and industry together. The credit basis typical of modern business.
    3. Modern monetary and banking systems international in their scope.
    4. Manifestations of this interdependence: financial panics and industrial depressions. (Business cycles.) Railway strikes.

2. The organization of production: problems arising from the conflicting interests of certain of the agents of production.

  1. The agents of production.
    *Ely, Outlines of Economics, 116-130; *Clay, 46-63, 92-94; Seligman, Principles of Economics, 283-287; Seager, Principles of Economics (Second Edition), 122-169; Marshall, Wright & Field, Materials, 58-61, 106-108, 204-206.
    1. Natural agents: the basis of all production; the source of raw materials.
      1. Types of natural agents.
        1. Agricultural land.
        2. Urban land, furnishing sites for dwellings, stores, office-buildings, factories, etc.
        3. Forests.
        4. Mines and quarries.
        5. Waterways and harbors.
        6. Sources of natural power: wind, waterfalls, etc.
      2. Certain characteristics of natural agents.
        1. Incapable of material increase in amount.
        2. Different units may vary in productivity.
        3. Varying locations make different units more or less accessible.
    2. Labor: physical and intellectual activities conducing to production.
      1. Labor and natural agents are the two primary factors in production.
      2. The gain in efficiency secured by division of labor. (See above, p. 30.)
      3. Different individuals possess varying degrees of productive ability.
    3. Capital.
      1. Technical meaning of the term “capital”: goods produced by man and used by man to assist him in further production.
      2. The money value of capital goods not to be confused with the concrete capital goods.
      3. The function of capital in production.
        1. Increases the efficiency of man’s labor by enabling labor to be more effectively applied.
        2. Enables labor to be supported during the process of production.
    4. Business enterprise, or organization.
      1. The necessity of an organizer in modern production. In the modern highly complex industrial system natural agents, labor and capital have to be brought together and suitable arrangements made for their cooperation in the production of any desired commodity. The task has become especially important under modern industrial conditions, for the productive factors are in general separately owned.
      2. The function of the business enterpriser in production.
        1. To organize the factors in production.
        2. To evaluate the services rendered by each factor to his undertaking.
        3. To assume, in part, the business risks involved in the enterprise.
      3. The relation of the enterpriser to production under the corporate form of organization. (See above.)
      4. The work of the business enterpriser may involve labor of management, which is separately remunerated. The business enterpriser may invest his own capital, for which service he is also separately remunerated.
  1. The relation of the business enterpriser to labor; conditions underlying the labor problem; the conflict of interests.
    *Hamilton, 615-619, 628-635.
    1. The business interests of the employer.
      1. Maximum profits : ordinarily secured by
        1. Efficient and well-disciplined labor force.
        2. Low labor costs.
        3. Production on basis of market conditions. The process of production is normally subordinated to that of sale, for advantage must be taken of changing market conditions, (e.g., coal.) This may result in irregular production.
        4. Limitation of expenditures on plant to those which will increase profits.
      2. Complete control of his own business and of his working force.
    2. The interests of the laboring force.
      1. High wages.
      2. Short hours.
      3. Protection against industrial accident and disease by elimination of dangerous and insanitary working conditions.
      4. Regular employment.
      5. Participation as responsible agents in the industrial process.
    3. These competing interests, together with the necessity of cooperation in production, give rise to the labor problem.
  1. The machinery of agreement; methods of adjusting the conflict of interests.
    1. Individual versus collective bargaining.
      *Hamilton, 32-37, 636-640. M.R. Beard, A Short History of the American Labor Movement, 19-21; L.C. Marshall, Readings in Industrial Society, 560-569.

      1. The system of individual bargaining.
        1. The meaning of individual bargaining. Separate agreements made between employer and each of his employees as to wages and general conditions of employment; both parties to the contract free and equal agents; laborers free to work for any employer and to leave at will; employers free to employ any one they choose, and to terminate that employment at will.
        2. The assumptions underlying the system of individual bargaining.
          1. Laissez faire; the interests of the whole are advanced by allowing complete freedom to each individual. (See above: Competition, p. 71, and also below, p. 88.)
          2. Bargaining equality of employer and employee.
          3. The rôle of the employer in this concept of the industrial relation: a private individual engaged in a private enterprise, employing private property and subject to no control, except that furnished by business competition.
        3. Advantages claimed for the system of individual bargaining.
          1. Costs kept down and production increased by allowing full liberty to the employer.
          2. A mobile, elastic labor supply is thus secured. The employer is free to increase force when business is good, and to decrease force when business conditions call for limited production. The free and independent laborer, following his own interests will be found where he is wanted and when his labor is needed. Supply and demand given free play.
          3. Domination by organizations of laborers prevented when each man is free to bargain individually with the employer.
          4. Each individual worker secure in the superior advantage of his own efficiency.
        4. Defects charged to the system of individual bargaining.
          1. Fallacies in the assumption of complete equality between the parties to the bargain.
            1. The stakes at issue are not the same: for the employer it is a question of one employee more or less in any individual case; for the worker it is a question of the means of livelihood for himself and his family. He is thus forced to accept employer’s terms, and is not free to bargain in regard to them.
            2. The employee may be a minor, in which case there can be no equality of bargaining power.
          2. The system has resulted in the exploitation of minors and of many classes of male and female workers.
          3. The right of the employer to take on and discharge at will, depending upon business conditions, leads to irregularity of employment and consequent suffering on part of workers.
      2. The system of collective bargaining.
        Different interpretations of “collective bargaining.”

        1. The right of wage-earners within a given industrial unit (e.g., a factory or mine) to organize and to bargain with their employer through representatives elected from their own number.
        2. “The right of wage-earners to organize without discrimination, to bargain collectively, to be represented by representatives of their own choosing in negotiations and adjustments with their employers in respect to wages, hours of labor and conditions of employment.” (Resolution presented to Industrial Conference at Washington, October 22, 1910, by Labor Group.)
        3. The concept of full collective bargaining: bargaining between representatives of organized employees and of organized employers in a given industry. (e.g., New York Garment Workers; English Industrial Conference program.)

(The use of the system of collective bargaining, and its advantages and defects, will be considered in connection with the discussion of labor organizations below.)

    1. Collective bargaining further considered ; the combination movement in labor.
      1. Causes of the movement toward combination.
        *Hamilton, 619-622.
        1. Development of large-scale industry with increased use of capital after the Industrial Revolution led to a sharp differentiation between employers and workers, creating a class of industrial wage-workers divorced from the land. (See III.4.F)
        2. Weakness of the individual employee under a system of individual bargaining.
        3. Desire of workers to escape labor competition in regard to hours, wages, and conditions of employment. “The union organization attempts to cover the industrial field within which there is labor competition with respect to hours, wages, and conditions of employment.” Hoxie.
        4. Development of class consciousness among the permanent wage-workers. (The Communist Manifesto.)
      1. Main types of labor combinations. Labor unionism is complex, many-sided, and opportunistic.
        *Hoxie, Trade Unionism in the United States, 31-53.

        1. Structural division of labor combinations.
          1. The craft or trade union: an organization of wage-workers engaged in a single craft.
          2. The federation of craft unions.
            1. The local trades council.
            2. The state or district federation.
            3. National or international federation. In a federation the constituent organizations retain a large part of their individual independence.
          3. The industrial union: an organization of wage-workers employed in a given industry; attempts to unite skilled and unskilled in a single group. Industrial unions may be plant, local, district, national, or international, (e.g., the I.W.W.; the French syndicates.)
          4. The labor union: an organization of all workers in a given district regardless of craft or industry (e.g., The Knights of Labor).
          5. The “inside union” (employers’ union).
        2. Functional classification of unionism. (Hoxie.)
          1. Business unionism.
            1. Characteristics: trade conscious, conservative, aiming at immediate results, “more.”
            2. Methods: collective bargaining, trade agreements, strikes and boycotts as last resort, (e.g., R.R. brotherhoods.)
          2. Friendly or uplift unionism.
            1. Characteristics: conservative, law-abiding, idealistic.
            2. Methods: collective bargaining, mutual insurance, profit-sharing and cooperation, (e.g., Knights of Labor.)
          3. Revolutionary unionism.
            1. Characteristics: class conscious, radical in view-point and action, repudiating existing institutional order, and refusing to be bound by prevailing morals and laws.
            2. Methods: direct action, sabotage, strikes. Collective bargaining and mutual insurance regarded as conservative. (e.g., the I.W.W.)
          4. Predatory unionism.
            1. Characteristics: opportunistic, selfish and ruthless.
            2. Methods: may be those of open bargaining combined with secret bribery and violence (e.g., those of certain building trades organizations) or a secret “guerilla” warfare (e.g., that carried on by Bridge and Structural Iron Workers a few years ago).
      1. Labor combinations in the United States.
        Hoxie, Trade Unionism in the United States, 89-98, *103-135; Brissenden, The I.W.W.; C. H. Parker, The I.W.W., Atlantic Monthly, November, 1917; Marshall, Wright & Field, Materials for the Study of Elementary Economics, 668-694, 700-704.

        1. The early character of labor combination in both England and U. S. was idealistic, friendly, and altruistic. The members favored political action, cooperation and education. The Knights of Labor in the U. S. is an illustration.
        2. The American Federation of Labor.
          1. General characteristics.
            1. A loose federation of virtually independent unions. Because of the elastic character of the organization room has been found within the A.F. of L. for many diverse types of unions. Originally a federation of craft unions. Recently several industrial unions have been admitted to membership (e.g., United Mine Workers of America).
            2. Non-theoretical and opportunistic. Immediate results sought.
          2. Types of subordinate organizations.
            1. National and international unions.
            2. Local unions.
            3. Local and district councils: organizations of local craft unions in the same or allied industries to govern interrelations and deal with employers.
            4. City central labor unions: composed of delegates from the local unions of the A.F. of L. in a given city.
            5. State federation: organization of A.F. of L. union bodies within a given state.
            6. The departments: federations of allied national and international unions.
          3. Organic character of the A.F. of L.
            1. The annual convention, the sovereign power.
            2. The permanent executive council, to carry out the will of the convention.
          4. General functions of the A.F. of L.
            1. Administration of intercraft union affairs; settling jurisdictional disputes.
            2. Advancing labor’s interests by labor legislation.
            3. Maintenance of a labor press.
            4. Promoting the organization of wage-workers.
            5. Promoting the use of the union label.
            6. Mediation between unions and employers.
            7. Giving financial and moral assistance to unions on strike.
            8. Education and publicity.
          5. Weaknesses charged to the A.F. of L.
            1. Limited membership: less than 10% of workers.
            2. Lacks adherence of several strong unions, (e.g., R.R. brotherhoods.)
            3. Inability to organize laborers in great trust-controlled industries.
            4. Failure to organize and help unskilled labor.
            5. Jurisdictional disputes within A.F. of L.
            6. Tendency to pursue immediate results; opportunistic policy said to have limited its accomplishments.
            7. Craft form of organization not adapted to progressive specialization found in scientifically managed industries.
        3. The Railroad brotherhoods.
          1. General characteristics.
            1. Models of pure craft unions.
            2. Highly centralized control, disciplined membership.
            3. Skilled, specialized and highly paid membership.
            4. Conservative type business union.
            5. Recent tendency to change policy because of problem of government ownership of railroads — The Plumb Plan.
          2. Methods:
            1. Collective bargaining, trade agreements. Avoidance of strikes except as last resort.
            2. Legislation.
            3. Mutual insurance.
            4. Recent movement for Plumb Plan.
        4. The unions in the clothing industry.
          Budish and Soule, The New Unionism, 27-45, 256-273, 191-204.

          1. The nature of the clothing industry.
            1. Seasonal demand and seasonal unemployment.
            2. Highly competitive system and “contracting out” in small producing units.
            3. Prevalence of immigrant labor, large percentage of women.
          2. Union organization of the industry.
            1. Early prevalence of the sweat shop with low wages and bad sanitary conditions.
            2. Early failures to correct these evils by legislation and union organization.
            3. Rapid growth of unionism after 1914.
            4. The establishment of trade agreements and joint boards with impartial chairmen.
          3. Policies of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers as a type.
            1. Belief in industrial unionism.
            2. Ultimate aim to establish self-government and control in industry.
            3. Encouragement of collective bargaining, shop committees and “industrial government.”
            4. Opposition to sabotage as a hindrance to the training of the workers in self-government.
            5. Promotion of workers’ education and cooperative enterprises.
            6. Anti-restrictionist attitude toward immigration.
            7. Promotion of separate political action.
        5. Revolutionary Unionism.
          The types of labor combinations given above stand for the modification and improvement of the status of the laborer under the existing systems of government. Revolutionary unionism is opposed to the existing political as well as economic organization. It believes that no real improvement of the position of labor can take place under the present political regime. It is organized therefore with the expressed purpose of over-throwing the governments as they are, and reorganizing society so that labor will receive its proper share of the national dividend. The Industrial Workers of the World is the most prominent example of this form of labor combination in the U.S. (See 5.B.h.iv below. American Syndicalism: the I.W.W.)
      2. Labor combinations in Great Britain.
        S. & B. Webb, Industrial Democracy; G.D.H. Cole, An Introduction to Trade Unions; G.D.H. Cole, The World of Labor.
        British industry is rather thoroughly organized into unions of many varieties and types. Craft unions, industrial unions and general labor unions are found side by side, often competing for members in the same industry. Since these unions have grown up haphazardly, without control or direction, no common principle of organization is found. In England, as in the United States, there are two rival types at present contending for supremacy: craft unionism and industrial unionism.

        1. The growth in strength of organized labor in Great Britain.
          1. 1892: total population, United Kingdom, 40,000,000; membership of unions, 1,500,000; 4% of population organized; 20% of male manual workers organized; 3% of women workers organized.
          2. 1915: total population, 46,000,000; membership of unions, 4,127,000; 9% of population organized; 45% of male manual workers organized; 10% of women workers organized.
          3. In 1917 the total membership in the unions was 5,287,522.
        2. Types of labor organizations in Great Britain.
          1. The Miners’ Federation of Great Britain: a strong industrial federation.
            S. & B. Webb, Industrial Democracy, 51, 57, 146.
          2. The National Union of Railwaymen: an industrial union.
          3. Transport Workers’ Federation: a federation of unions among dock and vehicle workers.
            Webb, History of Trade Unionism, 499-502.
          4. Cotton, engineering (steel-working), and ship-building industries organized into a great many separate craft unions, of which the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (A.S.E.) is the most powerful.
          5. General labor unions: strong organizations including unskilled and general laborers in many industries. General labor unions have developed comparatively recently, for up to 1890 craft unions of skilled workers dominated the labor movement in Great Britain. The organization of unskilled workers has been carried forward rapidly since that date.
        3. Mechanism of unification and cooperation.
          S. & B. Webb, Industrial Democracy, 265-278.

          1. Trades’ councils; federations of local trade union branches in each particular district; workers in different industries included.
          2. National federations of trade unions: federal combinations of local or of national trade unions. These federations, many of them strongly centralized, add strength and unity to labor organization.
          3. The Triple Alliance: the first great inter-industrial federation in the British labor movement. A general alliance between the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain, the National Union of Railwaymen and the Transport Workers’ Federation to secure joint action in industrial disputes. The disintegration of the Triple Alliance in 1921. S. and B. Webb, History of Trade Unionism (1920), 516-517.
          4. The Trades Union Congress. (Approximately 75% of the membership of British trade unions are included in this Congress.)
            S. and B. Webb, History of Trade Unionism (1920), 561-575, 649-663.

              1. Character of the Congress: an annual conference of delegates from affiliated societies.
              2. The Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress. The central executive authority of the Congress.
                1. Limitation of powers, because it cannot enforce any obligation upon the affiliated unions.
                2. Resemblance to Executive committee of the A.F. of L.
              3. The functions of the Trade Union Congress and its parliamentary committee primarily industrial.
          5. The Labor Party. A federation of trade unions, socialist and other societies organized for purposes of political action. (See below: The use of the political weapon by labor.)
            Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 441-447.
        4. Policies and methods of British unions.
          1. Policies.
            1. Earlier policies: conservative uplift unionism.
            2. Radical character of recent policies: the fight for nationalization and participation in control. (See below.)
            3. The proposed use of the industrial weapon for political purposes.
          2. Methods.
            S. & B. Webb, Industrial Democracy, 796-806.

            1. Mutual insurance and benefits.
            2. Collective bargaining.
            3. Trade agreements; the standard rate.
            4. Legislation.
            5. Combined industrial action: the methods of the Triple Alliance.
    1. Combination among employers.
      *Hoxie, 188-206; Marshall, Wright and Field, Materials, 694-699.

      1. Types of employers’ organizations. There are many structural and functional types, corresponding closely to similar union bodies. In general, two main functional types may be distinguished.
        The conciliatory association, seeking to maintain industrial peace

        1. largely through bargaining and conciliation.
        2. The militant association, one of the chief objects of which is to break union organizations.
      2. Methods of militant employers’ associations.
        1. Effective counter organization, paralleling union structure.
        2. War on closed shop, by action and propaganda; blacklisting.
        3. Mutual aid; assistance given employers in time of strikes.
        4. Establishment of welfare plans, insurance and pension schemes which are subject to forfeiture in case of strike.
        5. Organization of counter-unions.
        6. The use of the law: injunctions and damage suits, etc.
        7. Methods of political action.
      3. Mediatory employers’ associations.
        1. Organization paralleling union structure.
        2. Collective bargaining and conciliation. (See below.)
      4. The employers’ associations and the principle of individualism. Significant departure from strict laissez-faire principles is involved in the formation of strong employers’ organizations.
    2. Relations between labor combinations and employers.
      1. Typical forms of collective bargaining in operation.
        *Hoxie, 254-275; Seager, Principles of Economics, 548-572; Taussig, Principles of Economics, Vol. 2, 313-322; Hamilton, 638-650, 663-666, 602-605, 731-739, 788-793; Marshall, Wright and Field, Materials, 683-691; Arthur Young, The International Harvester Industrial Council Plan; J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., The Colorado Industrial Plan.

        1. The “inside union”; collective bargaining with Works Committees. The Colorado plan; the Midvale plan; the International Harvester plan.
        2. Negotiation and trade agreements between organized workers and organized employers.
          1. Examples of negotiation in American industry: the bituminous coal situation; the garment workers.
          2. Subjects of negotiation and character of agreements reached. The principle of uniformity; the standard rate; the minimum wage.
          3. The legal character of trade agreements.
        3. Mediation, conciliation and arbitration by outside agencies as modes of securing industrial peace.
          Report of President Wilson’s Second Industrial Conference.

          1. Limited applicability. Questions of recognition of union and of open versus closed shop not usually open to arbitration.
          2. Boards of arbitration, public and private.
        4. Compulsory arbitration: employers and employees must accept decision of a judicial arbitration tribunal; the case of New Zealand.
          1. The object of compulsory arbitration: to prevent industrial stoppage due to strikes and lockouts.
          2. Difficulties of compulsory arbitration.
            1. Difficulty of enforcing findings against labor.
            2. In attempting to determine what are “fair” wages the tribunal must determine what are “fair” profits and “fair” interest. Whole distributive process thus subject to regulation.
          3. The present status of compulsory arbitration: the attitude of labor; the situation in New Zealand and Australia.
        5. Kansas Industrial Relations Court plan.
          Allen, Party of the Third Part.
          Some provisions of the law:

          1. Creation of a tribunal vested with “power, authority and jurisdiction” to hear and determine all controversies which tend to threaten the operation of essential industries.
          2. All essential industries must be operated with reasonable continuity. Permission to discontinue must be given by Court.
          3. Right of collective bargaining is recognized.
          4. Violations of the act are punishable by fine or imprisonment or both.
      2. The appeal to force.
        *Hamilton, 650-659, 677-680; Marshall, Wright & Field, Materials, 705-709; Adams and Sumner, Labor Problems, 175-212.

        1. The weapons of the unions.
          1. The strike in relation to collective bargaining.
            1. Definition: The refusal of a number of workingmen to sell their labor for less than a stipulated price or to work under other than specified conditions of employment, coupled with the refusal of the purchaser of that labor to accede to their demands.
            2. The sympathetic strike.
            3. The utility of the strike as a weapon for the attainment of union ends. The right to strike considered by labor to be an essential element in collective bargaining.
            4. Criticisms of the strike. Strikes and violence. Proposed laws prohibiting strikes.
          2. The ostracism of non-union workers.
          3. The boycott and the “unfair list”: means of discouraging the purchase of products of a hostile employer. The law against the boycott; the Danbury Hatters’ case.
        2. The weapons of the employer.
          1. The lockout.
          2. The black-list.
          3. The use of strike-breaking and detective agencies.
          4. The employers’ associations sometimes in a position to use the power of the state in breaking strikes.
      3. The weapons of revolutionary unionism. Disavowal of collective bargaining, conciliation, arbitration, and trade agreements.
        1. The strike.
        2. The general strike: a general stoppage of work in all industries.
          1. Attempts to utilize the weapon of the general strike in the past.
          2. The general strike as the weapon by which the revolutionary unionists hope to achieve their final objects.
        3. Sabotage; “Ca Cannie”; the “strike on the job.” The reduction of output by disabling machinery, working less efficiently, or destroying part of the product.
  1. Points of conflict between labor and capital and proposed solutions.
    *J. B. Andrews, Labor Problems and Labor Legislation, 23-44.
    (The discussion above has been confined largely to a description of the machinery of agreement, the means by which cooperation in production is normally secured. Some of the points at issue, other than that of collective bargaining, are now to be considered.)
    1. The struggle for higher wages.
      Hamilton, 586-602; 591-593; Marshall, Wright and Field, 643-647, 659-669; Seager, 583-590.

      1. Factors in the wage dispute.
        1. Earlier theories of wages according to which the remuneration of the laborer was fixed by agencies not in his control.
          1. Malthus and the subsistence theory of wages.
          2. The wages-fund theory.
        2. Wage levels in the early years of the Industrial Revolution. (See above, p. 30.)
        3. The standard of living and the fight for higher wages.
          1. Education and the standard of living.
          2. The struggle to maintain and to raise the standard of living an ever-present cause of conflict over wages.
          3. The standard of living and rising prices.
        4. The wage question and unionism. The standard rate an essential element in collective bargaining.
      2. Methods of adjusting wage disputes.
        1. Trade agreements as to wages. Such agreements constitute merely temporary solutions.
        2. Profit-sharing: an attempt to eliminate wage disputes, increase efficiency of workers and harmonize the interests of employers and employed by giving the workers a share in the profits.
          1. Types of profit-sharing.
          2. Advantages and defects of profit-sharing.
          3. Failure of profit-sharing to eliminate industrial disputes.
        3. Bonus and premium systems, involving additional rewards to exceptional men for added output.
          1. Object: increase in output without increase in labor cost per unit.
          2. Opposition of organized labor to these systems, based upon
            1. Tendency of such arrangements to weaken collective spirit in laborers.
            2. Danger of pace-making.
            3. Alleged cutting of rates by employers if earnings of men become large.
        4. The legal minimum wage.
          1. Definition: A minimum wage established by the state for work of a certain sort or workers of a certain class.
          2. The argument against the minimum wage: wages are automatically adjusted to the productive ability of the worker, and cannot be set above this point by legal enactment.
          3. The argument for the minimum wage.
            1. Exploitation of workers, especially women and children, must be prevented.
            2. Adequate standard of living must be maintained, and it is the duty of the state to see that this standard is not lowered.
          4. The application of minimum wage laws presents the problem of providing for the inefficient and the unemployable.
    2. The struggle for shorter hours.
      *Andrews, Labor Problems and Labor Legislation, 45-69; Hamilton, 784-787; Seager, 574-583; Goldmark, Fatigue and Efficiency; Marshall, Wright and Field, 716-721; Commons and Andrews, Principles of Labor Legislation, 221-286.

      1. The efficiency argument for short hours.
        1. Investigations concerning the relation of fatigue to efficiency.
        2. The experience of the war: the economy of short hours.
      2. Other arguments for short hours.
        1. Necessity of protecting women and children.
        2. Necessity of regulating hours in dangerous occupations.
        3. Short hours and democracy. Necessity of leisure for education and participation in the life of the democracy.
      3. The legal regulation of hours.
        1. Laws regulating hours of labor of children. State and federal legislation in United States.
          1. The federal law of 1916 forbidding interstate traffic in goods produced by children working long hours; set aside by Supreme Court.
          2. The federal tax on the profits of establishments employing children between 14 and 16 at night or for more than 8 hours daily. 1919.
        2. State legislation limiting hours of labor of women.
        3. Recent movements toward legal regulation of men’s hours. The Adamson railroad law establishing 8 hours as the standard for pay.
      4. Limitation of hours through collective bargaining.
        1. The 8-hour day being largely established through direct bargaining.
        2. The movement toward further reduction of hours: the 44-hour week.
      5. Increased productivity versus shorter hours.
        *Hamilton, 700-705.
    3. Conditions of employment.
      Andrews, Labor Problems and Labor Legislation, 69-82, 83-92; Hamilton, 566-570; 577-578, 584-586; Seager, Principles, 583-590; Seager, Social Insurance; Marshall, Wright & Field, 721-723; Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 568-641. Commons and Andrews, 323-382.

      1. Safety.
        1. General nature and causes of industrial accidents. Types of dangerous occupations.
        2. The cost of industrial accidents.
          1. The burden as borne by the workers; the theory that wages are adjusted to risk.
          2. Social results of this system.
        3. Methods of reducing the number of industrial accidents.
          1. Trade union regulations concerning working conditions.
          2. Industrial safety laws.
        4. Workmen’s compensation laws as a means of relieving the worker of the cost of accidents.
      2. Health.
        1. Nature and causes of occupational diseases.
        2. The improvement of working conditions and the reduction in amount of occupational disease through legal and trade union action. Prohibition of dangerous substances and regulation of working conditions.
        3. The movement for social insurance as a method of relieving the worker of the burden of sickness.
      3. Working conditions under the “sweat-shop” system.
        1. The evils of tenement house manufacture: congestion, unsanitary conditions, low wages, long hours, child labor.
        2. The fight against the sweating system.
    4. Scientific management.
      *Hamilton, 705-713; *Hoxie, 296-348; Marshall, Wright & Field, 219-233; Goldmark, Fatigue and Efficiency, 192-210; Marot, Creative Impulse in Industry, 29-55.

      1. The meaning of “scientific management.”
        1. The application to machines and workers of scientifically established laws governing the processes of production and the modes of payment for the purpose of increasing efficiency in industry.
        2. Time and motion study the method by which the facts and laws of efficient production are to be established.
          1. Narrow conception of time and motion study: an instrument for task-setting and efficiency rating merely.
          2. Broader conception: time and motion study as a method of analysis applicable to every feature of the productive and distributive process.
      2. Scientific management and production. Systematic scientific study of productive processes and methods affords possibility of great increase of world’s productive efficiency, a possibility which should be utilized.
      3. Scientific management in the mechanical and in the human sphere.
        1. The unquestioned success of scientific management in dealing with the mechanical, material factor in production; efficient mechanical arrangements and processes have been established.
        2. Inability of scientific management to discover objective laws of universal validity in regard to the human factor.
        3. Danger that scientific management will reduce workers to a little-skilled, interchangeable, unorganized mass.
          1. The tendency to extreme specialization.
          2. Traditional craft knowledge systematized in the hands of the employer; the workers’ skill vested in the foreman and manager.
          3. Established crafts and craftsmanship tend to break down.
      4. The opposition of organized labor to scientific management.
        1. Reasons given for labor opposition.
          1. Danger of narrow specialization and loss of craftsmanship.
          2. Undemocratic character of scientific management, with tendency to break down collective bargaining.
          3. Unfair character of tasks set and wages paid.
          4. Scientific management a device for increasing production and profits.
          5. Scientific management a speeding up and sweating system.
          6. Work under scientific management is monotonous routine.
          7. Continuity and certainty of employment lessened.
        2. Fundamental antagonism of scientific management and dominant type of modern unionism, the essential principle of which is uniformity.
      5. The problem of securing the benefits of increased productivity which scientific management can give, without reducing the status and craftsmanship of the worker.
        1. Antagonism of labor will persist if scientific management is used as an instrument for profit-making and exploiting the workers.
        2. Human defects of scientific management may in part be overcome by
          1. A broad and universally applied system of industrial education.
          2. Fuller and more intelligent participation by labor in the processes of industrial production.
    5. Insecurity of employment.
      Hamilton, 545-566, *547-549, 554-566; Marshall, Wright and Field, 709-715; W.H. Beveridge, Unemployment; Andrews, 7-21; F. C. Mills, Theories of Unemployment and of Unemployment Relief, 118-164.

      1. General causes of insecurity of employment.
        1. Seasonal fluctuations in the demand for labor.
        2. Cyclical fluctuations in the demand for labor.
        3. Necessity of labor reserve due to the casual character of employment in many industries.
        4. Changes in industrial structure resulting in decreased demand for labor of certain types.
        5. Deficiencies of industrial training.
        6. Old age and personal deficiencies.
      2. Results of insecurity of employment.
        1. Decreased productivity of industry.
        2. Evil effects of uncertainty of employment upon the worker.
        3. The evil of under-employment and under-nourishment.
        4. The development of the habit of casual employment.
        5. The migratory laborer a product of seasonal and casual demand for labor. Evil results of a migratory existence.
      3. Proposed methods of remedying insecurity of employment.
        1. The organization of the labor market. Haphazard hawking of labor should be replaced by systematic placing of labor through governmentally organized employment offices.
        2. The regularization of industry.
        3. Diversification of industries and systematic distribution of public work to offset fluctuations in demand for labor.
        4. Adequate industrial training.
        5. Unemployment insurance to protect worker during periods of unavoidable unemployment.
    6. Immigration in its relation to the labor problem.
      Hamilton, 496-527; 496-516; Frances Kellor, Immigration and the Future, 227-258. *See Appendix III, 4 (p. 146).

      1. The character of recent immigration to the United States contrasted with earlier immigration.
        1. Marked predominance of northern and western Europeans prior to 1890.
        2. The influx of southern and eastern Europeans since 1890; the stimulation of immigration by steamship companies and large employers of labor.
      2. Date of change in character of immigration practically corresponds with date of exhaustion of free land in U.S. Immigrants after 1890 thus became definitely laborers, rather than settlers and independent farmers.
      3. Problems arising from the changed character of recent immigration.
        1. Language and educational differences; the necessity of immigrant education today.
        2. Differences in standards of living.
          1. Inability of workers with high standards to compete with some of new arrivals.
          2. The forcing down of wages in unskilled occupations.
        3. Difficulties arising from the congestion of immigrant population in large cities; relation to unemployment and to the sweating system.
        4. Recent immigrants and organized labor.
          1. Occasional use of immigrants as strike-breakers.
          2. Difficulty of organizing immigrants.
          3. Successful organization of immigrants in certain industries within recent years.
      4. The problem of future immigration.
        1. Reasons advanced for curbing immigration.
          1. The alleged racial inferiority of certain types.
          2. The question of “hyphenated” Americans.
          3. The maintenance of the American standard of living.
          4. The danger of over-population and of forcing wages to a subsistence level.
          5. The difficulty of educating and absorbing large numbers of immigrants of a different culture.
        2. Arguments advanced for a continuance of our former immigration policy.
          1. There is no basis for the claim of racial inferiority of certain types.
          2. The United States must continue to furnish a haven for the oppressed of the world.
          3. American industries need a large supply of immigrant labor. More labor, not less, is needed, for overpopulation is a very distant danger.
          4. Immigrants make intellectual and moral contributions which are valuable to American democracy.
          5. Education and absorption will not be difficult if congestion in large cities is prevented.
        3. Proposed policies.
          1. The continuance of a selective immigration policy.
            1. Exclusion of paupers and illiterates.
            2. Prevention of stimulation of immigration.
            3. Perfection of machinery for educating and absorbing immigrants.
          2. Complete exclusion, permanently, or for a term of years.
        4. The recent immigration act, 1921.
    7. Recognition of the Union.
      The closed versus the open shop.

      1. Open shop with no recognition of unions.
      2. The closed shop with the closed union may result in a form of labor monopoly.
      3. The closed shop with the open union.
    8. Participation in management. (The demands of organized labor have in the past been confined in the main to questions of hours, wages and conditions of employment. Within recent years, however, questions of management and control have come within the scope of labor’s interest. In England and, to a lesser extent, in the United States, organized labor is now seeking to secure a share in the control of industrial undertakings, especially the large public service enterprises such as mining and transportation. This question is taken up below, in the section on “The problem of control in industry.”)

3. The organization of production: competition versus combination and monopoly.
*Clay, Economics for General Reader, 107-115; Seligman, 139-150. *Hamilton, 429-478; Seager, Chaps. XXIII, XXV.

  1. The meaning and significance of competition.
    1. The doctrine of laissez-faire in industry; its importance during the nineteenth century. The basis of laissez-faire: the belief that an individual in seeking to advance his own interests is thereby, “as if led by a hidden hand,” advancing the interests of society.
    2. The meaning of modern business competition: the struggle to obtain the largest possible amount of wealth in exchange for commodities produced or services rendered.
    3. Competition the regulating factor by which the flow of economic goods is directed.
    4. Relation between competition and cooperation: both a conflict and a community of interests between individuals and groups in the modern economic system.
    5. The extent of competition today.
      1. Limitations placed on competition by government.
      2. Limitations placed on competition by agreement and combination between competitors.
      3. Inherent limitation because of the unnecessary expenses of competition in advertising; duplication of plant and services.
      4. Ultimate limitation claimed by some, who point out the general waste and social loss resulting from unregulated competition. This loss is illustrated by over-production, unequal, “unfair” and cut-throat competition.
  1. Combination in business and industry.
    (Note — Monopolistic control may be obtained by forcing competitors out of business either by underselling or by taking them into a combination. The latter form has been the more prominent in recent years.)
    1. The movement toward combination in recent years.
      1. Causes of movement toward combination. (See above.)
      2. Forms of combination.
        1. The selling agreement.
        2. The pool.
        3. The trust.
        4. The holding company.
        5. The giant (unified) corporation.
      3. To what extent has the movement toward combination been a natural one and to what extent a forced one?
    2. Advantages of combination.
      1. General advantages of large-scale production. (Cf. above.)
      2. Monopolistic or semi-monopolistic advantages due to limitation of competition and partial or complete control of prices and markets through the complete or partial limitation of the supply of the monopolized commodity.
    3. Disadvantages of combination.
      1. Difficulty of adequate supervision and control.
      2. Tendency toward loss of personal initiative among employees.
      3. Burden of uneconomical charges carried (e.g., promotors’ profits, “water” of various types, etc.).
  1. Competition versus combination in relation to the consumer
    1. Productive advantages of combinations in certain industries and avoidance of competitive charges make possible a lowering of price to consumers.
    2. If a combination secures a monopolistic or semi-monopolistic position extortionate prices may be charged. Thus competitive charges may be in some cases lower and in some cases higher than those of a combination. The problem is: How may the advantages of large-scale production be secured without placing unregulated monopolistic power in the hands of combinations? Governmental action has been found necessary to secure this.
  2. The attitude of the state toward combinations.
    1. The historical development of governmental policy.
      1. The early attempts to enforce competition and to prohibit combination. Anti-trust laws: the Sherman Act, 1890, prohibiting monopolies and combinations “in restraint of trade.”
      2. The recognition of the necessity of permitting combination in certain fields; the problem of regulating combination.
    2. The present situation in the United States.
      1. The Clayton Act; reenforces the Sherman Act and makes illegal
        1. Intercorporate stockholding when the effect may be to lessen competition.
        2. Interlocking directorates.
        3. Discriminatory trade practices.
      2. Federal Trade Commission; vested with wide powers of investigation and supervision.
  1. Proposed solutions of the Trust problem.
    1. Regulatory remedies.
      1. Full publicity.
      2. Strict prohibition of unfair competition.
      3. Prevention of monopolistic practices.
      4. Federal incorporation.
      5. Strict regulation by government commissions.
    2. Remedies involving greater changes in the industrial system. (Government ownership, and socialistic and syndicalistic proposals are discussed below.)

4. Problems connected with the distribution of the annual social income.
King, Wealth and Income of the People of the United States, 154-167; Ely, Outlines of Economics, 384-405; Seager, Chap. XI; Seligman, 352-431; Clay, 279-354. See Appendix, III, 5, (p. 147).

  1. General statement of the problem. The total volume of goods produced each year constitutes an annual flow of consumable commodities and services which are apportioned among the agents of production. A share goes to the owners of the natural agents, a share to the owners of capital, a share to the laborers, and a share to the business organizers of production — the entrepreneurs. Money income is merely a claim to a share in the distribution of commodities and services which constitute the real income of an individual or a group. Many of the current economic problems arise from disputes concerning the right of certain of the agents of production to shares in this distribution, and from attempts of the different agents to increase their own shares. As the organizing factor in production the business enterpriser evaluates the services rendered by each of the other factors. Payment of the shares in distribution to the other agents is made through him. The fundamental question in distribution is: What determines the amount the business enterpriser must pay to each of the other agents and the amount he may keep for himself?
  2. Briefly stated, the following are the principles on which distribution takes place today:
    1. The owners of the natural agents of production receive a share in the social income which is called rent. The amount of the rent paid the owner of any particular piece of land depends upon the relative advantage resulting from the utilization of that piece, as compared with others. This differential advantage may be due to
      1. Favorable location.
      2. Fertility (or richness, as in the case of mines). Payment to the owners of these natural agents is based upon the fact of possession. The question as to whether the owner inherited the site, bought it when it was worth little and held it till its value increased, or bought it at its present value with money earned by his own labor has nothing to do with his receipt of a share in the social income, under the present distributive system.
    1. Interest. The owners of capital receive a return which is called interest. The amount of interest paid at any time for the use of a given amount of capital depends upon the amount of available capital in existence and upon the strength of the demand for the use of it. Business men are willing to pay for the capital borrowed because, by the use of capital, the productiveness of labor is increased (e.g., a man with a plough is more effective in tilling the soil than a man with a pointed stick). It is believed that the stimulus of interest is necessary in order to promote saving. Interest is paid to the owner of capital irrespective of the means by which he may have acquired ownership, whether by personal abstinence, inheritance, gift, or other means.
    2. Wages. The share of the annual income paid for labor, physical or mental, is called wages. In general, those who receive this form of income may be divided into six non-competing groups, set off from each other by differences of education and training, environmental differences, and differences of inborn gifts:
      1. Unskilled day laborers.
      2. Semi-skilled workers.
      3. Skilled workmen.
      4. Clerical workers.
      5. Professional workers.
      6. Salaried business managers.

Within each of these groups wages tend to a rough equality. The wage received by an individual within any group is fixed, in general, somewhere between a lower limit set by the standard of living (a standard of bare physical subsistence in the lowest group) and an upper limit determined by the relative degree of efficiency or indispensability of the labor constituting that group. This degree of indispensability will depend upon his productive ability, upon the number of workers within the group of equal productive ability, and upon the character of the demand for workers of that particular type. The point at which wages will be fixed between these two limits is determined by the relative bargaining power of employers and workers.

    1. Profits. The share in income which the business enterpriser receives is called profits. It is a residual share, left over after the other agents of production have been paid. Profits vary greatly in amount depending upon the degree of risk undertaken, the extent to which competition or monopoly operates in a given industry, and the degree of exceptional efficiency found in a given individual. Competitive profits tend to disappear, insofar as true competition operates, but profits based upon a monopolistic advantage do not.
      Summary. The distribution of the annual social income today is thus, in general, based upon the strategic strength of the position occupied by the owners of the various agents of production. Those individuals or groups which are in a relatively strong position, whose services are indispensable, (or relatively so) for any one of a number of reasons, secure a relatively high return. Those whose services are less indispensable, due to weaker demand for their products, greater number of competitors, lower efficiency, receive a lower return. The degree of indispensability, it is important to note, may depend upon personal efficiency, or upon any one of a number of other factors.
  1. Arguments advanced to justify the present distributive system.
    1. Distribution under the present system is based upon competitive efficiency. Society gains by giving high prizes to the highly efficient.
    2. Inequalities of capacity must be recognized; corresponding inequalities of reward are justified.
    3. The various distributive shares at present criticized, such as interest, rent, profits, high salaries, are necessary to secure the services called forth — thrift necessary for accumulation of capital, effective use of land, and high business ability.
    4. Such payments as do not represent services (as rent) are necessarily involved in the retention of the system of private property, and are therefore legally and economically justifiable.
  1. Arguments advanced against the present system of distribution.
    1. Distribution today is based chiefly upon the power to take, and only secondarily upon productive efficiency. Accordingly not all shares in distribution serve as stimuli to production.
    2. Men would save their surplus money, use their land effectively, and develop their individual capacities to the full without the bribe of a special pecuniary reward.
    3. Rent, in particular, does not arise as a result of personal effort and therefore should belong to the community as a whole.
    4. The stimulus of profits has perverted business enterprise from the production of commodities as the chief end to that of profit-making, with a consequent loss to the consumers. Greater profits may be made in some cases by limiting production than by increasing production.
  1. Proposed changes in the system of distribution.
    *Russell, Proposed Roads to Freedom, 86-110.
    1. Continuance of present system, insofar as payments are based upon efficiency and productive ability, but with state appropriation of unearned increments; limitation of great fortunes and of rights of inheritance; the use of taxation as a means of correcting distributive injustice.
    2. [Socialistic and communistic ideals. (See below, p. 94.)
      1. Distribution on the basis of need; i.e., approximately equal distribution, irrespective of work performed.
      2. Distribution on the basis of sacrifice; payment based on irksomeness of various occupations.]

5. The problem of control in industry.

  1. [The present system of control and management in industry: a brief restatement.
    1. Chief characteristics of modern system
      1. The system of private property.
      2. The four-fold division of function in production.
      3. The status, and degree of initiative, responsibility and control resting in each of the agents of production.
      4. The importance of large-scale industry today.
    2. Advantages claimed for the present system of management.
      1. Strong and efficient leaders reach the top and exercise power.
      2. Scope given for initiative and individual ability.
      3. Quantity production secured.
      4. Prices kept down by rigorous competition for markets.
      5. Compatible with human nature; strong instincts of acquisitiveness and pugnacity satisfied in a competitive system based on private property and survival of the strongest.
    3. Defects charged to the present system.
      1. Characterized by inefficiency in production.
        1. Duplication of services; competitive waste.
        2. Business side of industry over-developed at expense of productive efficiency; production subordinated to profits.
      2. Chaotic system of distribution; lack of order and system in marketing organization.
      3. Periodic breakdowns (financial panics and business depressions) constitute a fundamental weakness.
      4. Many individuals performing no useful service continue to share in the social income, while many productive workers continue to live in poverty.
      5. An autocratic rather than a democratic form of government exists in industry.
      6. Continual labor unrest affords evidence that the present industrial system does violence to human nature.
  1. Proposed solutions of the problem of industrial control.
    1. Competitive individualism: continuance of the nineteenth century system without state interference.
      1. Conditions involved in this type of solution.
        1. Maintenance of full private property rights.
        2. Restoration of complete freedom of competition.
        3. Restoration and maintenance of individual bargaining; denial of right of collective bargaining; refusal to recognize labor organizations.
      2. Advantages claimed for competitive individualism. (Cf. above.)
      3. Difficulties involved in this solution. (Cf. above.)
        1. Recent changes in industrial structure, type and size of modern industrial unit, development of corporate form of organization, large scale enterprise, render impossible the maintenance of such a system.
        2. Return to this individualistic system impossible in view of present unrest.
    2. Continuance of present system of control; amelioration of labor conditions and limited degree of regulation of industry by the State.
      Object: The maintenance of the advantages of the present competitive system and the avoidance of competitive excesses by state protection of labor and state regulation of competition and monopoly. ‘The New Freedom.’
    3. Continuance of present system of management with collective bargaining in matters of wages, hours, and general conditions of employment.
      1. Collective bargaining in the organized trades today. (Cf . above.)
      2. Trade union control under this system.
        1. Negative character of trade union control; union rules and regulations necessarily restrictive, in that direct and positive control is exercised by the employer.
        2. This control, though negative, constitutes an important factor in the management of industry today.
      3. Inability of trade unions and industrial unions as at present organized to take over more effective control.
        1. Faulty organization; jurisdictional disputes.
        2. Lack of effective coordination between unions.
        3. Lack of adequate leadership.
        4. Technical experts and managers not included in union organization.
        5. The difficulty of securing capital.]
    4. Full collective bargaining, with a share in control vested in labor; the English program.
      *Hamilton, 716-729; Memorandum of the Industrial Situation after the War, (Garton Foundation), 158-175.

      1. Recognition and encouragement by the State of organization on the part of employers and workers.
      2. The National Industrial Council: a national council to secure joint action between representative organizations of employers and workers, prevent and adjust industrial disputes, and to serve as official consultative authority to the government upon industrial relations.
      3. Machinery of organization within each industry. The Whitley scheme.
        1. Joint Standing Industrial Councils (National) composed of representatives of employers and employed in each industry.
        2. District Councils: representative of trade unions and employers’ associations in each district.
        3. Works Committees: representative of management and workers in particular plants.
      4. Functions of Works Committees, District Councils and National Councils.
        1. To deal with questions of hours, wages and conditions of employment.
        2. To provide security and continuity of earnings and employment.
        3. To provide for technical education, training, and industrial research.
        4. To deal with proposed legislation affecting the industry.
      5. The advantages and limitations of the Whitley Plan and similar proposals: attitude of organized labor.
    5. The Cooperative system.
      Seager, Chap. XXXI; S. and B. Webb, A Constitution for the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain, 248-263.

      1. The object of cooperation: the elimination of the managing employer and of private profits; general policy settled and risks assumed by cooperators as a body; ownership and control vested in a body of cooperating equals.
      2. Cooperation in retail and wholesale trading; success of the Rochdale stores and the Schulze-Delitzsch societies.
      3. Cooperation in production. Comparative lack of success in this field.
        1. Character of operations fundamentally different from those of retail trading and banking.
        2. Difficulty of carrying on production on large scale, due to lack of capital.
        3. Failure to secure capable leaders.
      4. Cooperative Credit Societies.
    6. Government ownership of great public service industries (nationalization); control by joint boards representing workers, managers, and public.
      1. The proposed organization of the English coal mining industry; the Sankey Report.
        *Coal Industry Commission Act, 1919 Second Stage, Reports, 5-26.

        1. State purchase of coal royalties and coal mines.
        2. Control by councils of workers, consumers and technical experts, under the general supervision of a Ministry of Mines; the National Mining Council, District Mining Councils, and Local Mining Councils.
      2. The Plumb Plan for railroad re-organization in the U.S. [Plumb Plan Weekly: Vol. I, No. 1; Vol. I, No. 2; Vol. I, No. 3; Vol. I, No. 4; Vol. I, No. 5; Vol. I, No. 6; Vol. I, No. 8; Vol. I, No. 9]
        *The Sims Bill. [Representative Thetus Sims of Tennessee was the ranking Democrat of the House Interstate Commerce Committee]

        1. Government purchase of all railroad systems, on basis of capital invested.
        2. Administration.
          1. Operation of roads by a board of fifteen directors, five representing the public, five the managers, five the classified employees.
          2. Rate-making by Interstate Commerce Commission.
        3. Division of surplus between government and employees, provided that if surplus exceeds a certain percentage of the operating revenues, rates must be reduced; deficits to be met by government.
      3. The present status of the Sankey scheme and the Plumb Plan. Significance of these proposals.
    7. Collectivism: ownership and control of all industrial undertakings by the state; State Socialism.
      *Hamilton, 847-860; *Russell, Proposed Roads to Freedom, 1-31; Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 477-567; Gide and Rist, History of Economic Doctrines, 407-479.

      1. The general principles of Socialism.
        1. Abolition of private property in the means of production (land and capital), with retention of private property in articles of personal use. Collective (State) ownership of means of production.
        2. Administration of collectively owned industrial system through a democratic political organization.
        3. Abolition of wage system as at present constituted.
      2. The basic doctrines of Marxian Socialism.
        1. The materialistic interpretation of history. All human phenomena can be explained in terms of the underlying material facts of life. Irresistible economic forces shape human history.
        2. The law of the concentration of capital. Capitalistic undertakings tend to become larger and larger; small competitive enterprises tend to disappear, and to be replaced by great trusts.
        3. The class war. Increasing concentration of capital leads to division of society into two great classes, the capitalist class and the wage-earning class, bourgeoisie and proletariat. Between these two classes a struggle will go on until all wage earners combine, locally, nationally and internationally, and take over the ownership and control of land and capital for the common good. View of Marx that this process of concentration of capital, increasing misery, class war and ultimate social control is natural and inevitable, a working out of irresistible economic forces. The Communist Manifesto. The great influence of Marx on socialist thought.
      3. Other types of socialistic doctrine; the Fabian policy of securing reforms and collective ownership gradually, by the use of constitutional methods; the Socialist Party in politics.
      4. The Socialist program today; arguments advanced for a Socialistic organization of industry, and objections to it.
    8. Syndicalism: ownership and control by the workers in each industry. (See above: The Industrial Workers of the World.)
      Russell, Proposed Roads to Freedom, 56-85; Kirkaldy, Economics and Syndicalism; Gide and Rist, 479-483; Brissenden, The I.W.W., 155-177, 259-282.

      1. General principles of syndicalism.
        1. Organization of industry by the workers as producers, not as consumers. The industry as the unit of ownership and control; ownership by organized labor.
        2. Substitution of industrial (direct) action for political action; boycott, union label, strike, and sabotage. The general strike the chief weapon.
        3. Destruction of the state.
      2. Syndicalism in practice.
        1. French syndicalism: The C.G.T.
        2. [American syndicalism: The I.W.W] (See iv below.)
      3. Syndicalism as a working principle of industrial organization; advantages claimed for it and objections to it.
      4. The Industrial Workers of the World.
        C. H. Parker, The Casual Laborer.

        1. Their principles.
          1. Class conflict. “The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the world organize as a class, take possession of the earth and the machinery of production, and abolish the wage system”: Preamble of the I.W.W. Constitution.
          2. Abolition of the wage system.
          3. Organization on industrial instead of craft lines.
            1. The doctrine of working class solidarity, “One Big Union.”
            2. The organization of the unskilled together with the skilled; opposition to labor aristocracy.
          4. Accomplishment of ends by direct industrial action.
            [Note: A seceding wing of the Industrial Workers of the World (Detroit Branch) favors political action, but the dominant group (Chicago Branch) disavows political organization.]
          5. Ultimate complete control of the industrial system by the workers; control of the political system will necessarily accompany industrial control.
        1. The structure of I.W.W.
          1. The local industrial union.
          2. The District Industrial Council.
          3. The International Industrial Department.
          4. The General Executive Board.
            1. Power originally strongly centralized in the Executive Board.
            2. The movement toward decentralization; present weakness of the central authority.
        2. Method and tactics of the I.W.W.
          1. Direct action; various forms of direct action; sabotage.
          2. Free speech fights as means of propaganda.
          3. The general strike.
        3. The I.W.W. today.
          1. Membership.
            1. Confined to textile, steel, lumber, mining, farming, railroad construction and marine transportation industries.
            2. Majority of members migratory unskilled workers; a radical, militant, relatively unstable group recruited from industries characterized by irregularity of employment and bad working conditions.
            3. Numerical strength: not over 60,000 members at present. Actual influence not measured by paid-up membership.
          2. The I.W.W. as a social phenomenon; conditions and causes of its existence.
          3. Weaknesses of the I.W.W.
            1. Inability to maintain stable membership.
            2. Organic weaknesses due to internal conflict.
              1. Centralization of power versus decentralization.
              2. Constructive industrial unionism versus the revolutionary ideal of uncontrolled agitation, “guerilla” warfare against authority.
            3. Financial weakness.
            4. Membership unfitted for constructive endeavor.
          4. The future of industrial unionism in the United States; the agitation for industrial unionism in the A.F. of L.; dual unionism versus “boring from within.”
    1. Guild Socialism: a compromise type of organization, standing between collectivism and syndicalism.
      *Russell, 80-85; G.D.H. Cole, Self Government in Industry; S.G. Hobson, Guild Principles in War and Peace; *Hamilton, 860-870, G.D.H. Cole, Guild Socialism, 187-195.

      1. General principles of guild organization.
        1. Ownership of the means of production by the State, as trustees for the community.
        2. Management of industrial undertakings by guilds or workers in each industry, acting also as trustees for the community; payment of tax or rent to State.
        3. The Guild Congress: a body consisting of representatives of all National Guilds, and having supreme authority in industrial matters.
        4. Parliament to retain supreme authority in political matters; Parliament to represent consumers.
        5. Joint Committee of Parliament and Guild Congress to deal with conflicts arising between the two bodies; Joint Committee to reconcile interests of producers and consumers.
        6. Adjustment of prices by Joint Committee.
        7. Adjustment of pay within each industry by the National Guild controlling that industry.
      2. Guild socialism as a possible working principle; advantages claimed for it; objections to it.

Source: Columbia University. Introduction to Contemporary Civilization — A Syllabus, (Third edition, 1921), pp. 70-96.

Image Source: Cover of Labor Problems and Labor Legislation by John Bertram Andrews (1919).

 

 

 

Categories
Columbia Economic History History of Economics Philosophy Syllabus

Columbia. Excerpt from Contemporary Civilization Syllabus. Economic History, 1921

Columbia College’s freshman course on Contemporary Civilization, a.k.a. “CC”, has been a core element in the undergraduate experience for over a century. This is the first of two posts that provide portions of the third edition of the course syllabus from 1921 that should be of particular interest for economists. The parts of the syllabus that deal with Western economic history and the history of economics from 1400-1870 together with links to all the items referenced cab be found below.

I dare anyone to try just this subset of this 1921 syllabus for a two-semester course required for first year undergraduates. Maybe only try this from the relative safety of a tenured position. 

____________________________

Introductory Note

The Faculty of Columbia College determined at its meeting in January, 1919, to discontinue the required courses in History and Philosophy and, beginning in September, 1919, to substitute a course on Contemporary Civilization which should meet five times a week and be required of all Freshmen…

…The Syllabus has been prepared by certain of the instructors of the course who include members of the Departments of Economics, Government, History and Philosophy: Wallace E. Caldwell [History], Harry J. Carman [History], John J. Coss [Philosophy], Irwin Edman [Philosophy], Austin P. Evans [History], Horace Leland Friess [Philosophy], Elmer D. Graper [Politics], Adam Leroy Jones [Philosophy], Benjamin B. Kendrick [History], Sterling Power Lamprecht [Philosophy], Robert Devore Leigh [Politics], Frederick Cecil Mills [Economics], Parker T. Moon [History], Herbert W. Schneider [Philosophy], and William Ernest Weld [Economics].

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SECOND DIVISION
SURVEY OF THE CHARACTERISTICS
OF THE PRESENT AGE

BOOK III. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF CONTEMPORARY CIVILIZATION, 1400-1870

Introduction: The fundamental conceptions of the present age.

                  Man’s nature in its original character remains unchanged from the dawn of history, and nature in its basic resources has not altered greatly. But man’s store of knowledge has increased, and in the western world new conceptions have arisen so important as to be considered new tools which human beings use when they attempt to control their situation. These conceptions will be shown in their development in Book III. They are presented here for the sake of preliminary emphasis.

  1. The belief in the value of the scientific study of man and nature — the intellectual revolution.
    1. The early emphasis on knowledge as power — Francis Bacon and the Renaissance scientists.
    2. The exact study of specific activities shows the fashion in which men and things behave, and makes possible the limited control of natural forces and human nature.
      1. Newton and the 18th century conception of nature and natural law.
      2. Belief in human progress through a scientific study of man — psychologists, political philosophers, and economists of the 18th century.
    3. The expansion of the method of inquiry to the place of man in nature — development of biology in the 19th century and the theory of evolution.
    4. The application of scientific knowledge to industrial pursuits, and the present “age of applied science.”
  1. The new developments in agriculture, the factory system of production, and the era of world trade — the economic revolution.
    1. The discovery of the new world and of new routes to the East led to an expansion of commerce, transformed the methods of business, and created a demand for increased manufacture — the commercial revolution.
    2. These changes hastened the decline of the manorial system, the rise of private property in land, and the introduction of new agricultural methods — the agricultural revolution.
    3. The demand for increased manufacture was satisfied by the invention of machinery and the application of science to industry which gave rise to modern “mass production,” the method dominant in industry today, and responsible for many social changes apparent during the past century — the industrial revolution.
    4. These revolutions in commerce, agriculture, and industry tended to link the world together. Products are now manufactured for a world market, and western influence has been extended into every quarter.
  1. The participation of adult citizens in their own government — the political revolution.
    1. The belief in man’s ability (intellectual revolution) and the changes in his economic life (commercial, industrial, and agricultural revolutions) led to a widening of the group participating in government. The American, French, and 19th century revolutions.
    2. In industrialized lands political problems are now generally approached in term of popular determination through some form of democratic control. Development of political democracy during the 19th century.
    3. With the widening of the group participating in political decisions the sentiments of patriotism and of loyalty to the political group have been strengthened — Nationalism.
1. The intellectual outlook of the Renaissance— the birth of modern science, and the rise of national cultural traditions in Western Europe.
  1. Comparatively little progress in natural science had been made during mediaeval times.
    1. Examples of erroneous ideas: the Ptolemaic cosmology, the “four elements,” etc.
    2. Reasons for the backwardness of science.
      1. Lack of instruments.
      2. Reliance upon authority and upon deductive reasoning — scholasticism.
      3. Interest deflected from nature to the supernatural and other worldly.
  1. From the thirteenth century on increasing attention was paid to scientific observation and experimentation.
    1. Decline of scholasticism.
    2. Humanism and the revival of ancient learning.
    3. Fresh interest in nature appears.
    4. Travel and explorations on land and sea.
    5. Remarkable discoveries begin the development of the natural sciences.
      1. Astronomy: Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Newton.
      2. Physics: Galileo, Newton.
    6. Formulation of scientific method.
      1. Experiment and induction advocated by Francis Bacon.
      2. Mathematical analysis advocated by Rene Descartes.
  1. The Protestant revolt.
    *Hayes, Vol. I, 167-169; A. C. McGiffert, Protestant Thought before Kant, 9-20; Taylor [Vol. I; Vol. II].
    1. Protestantism, though not in sympathy with the new science nor inspired by a faith in man’s ability, weakened the authority of the mediaeval tradition over the mind.
    2. Protestantism and the religious controversies which it engendered gave rise to educational movements of an extensive character.
    3. Protestantism championed by many secular princes gave added prestige and power to these governments — “religion nationalized.”
  1. The rise of national culture traditions in western Europe.
    *Hayes, Vol. I, 185-196; Robinson, History of Western Europe, 329-347; F. S. Marvin, The Living Past, 140-193, Taylor [Vol. I; Vol. II].
    1. Decline of mediaeval Latin and the development of the vernaculars.
    2. Rise of national literatures — Dante, Cervantes, Molière, Luther, Shakespeare.
    3. Painting, sculpture, and architecture — DaVinci, Michelangelo, Raphael, Rubens, Velasquez, Rembrandt, Dürer, Wren.
    4. The cultural unity of Europe gives way to a group of competing nations, each with its own language, and in many cases with its own government.

2. The Commercial Revolution.

  1. Definition.
    1. It may be defined as that expansive movement by which commerce radiated from Europe as a center to all parts of the world.
    2. This process, which covers the period of geographical discovery and colonization, began in the middle of the 15th century and continued for about 300 years. It may be regarded as the first phase of the Europeanization of the world.
      *Map study — Appendix, II, 1 (page 120).
  1. Influence of Geography on Civilization — Appendix I.
    1. River valleys as highways of migration and commerce.
    2. Mountains, deserts and oceans as barriers.
    3. Social consequences.
  1. Development of mediaeval trade.
    *Hayes, Vol. I, 36-39, 43-49; *Cheyney, Industrial and Social History of England, 75-94.

    1. Rise of fairs, cross-road markets, towns at trade-junctions.
    2. Organizations of commerce largely on a municipal basis.
      1. The merchant guild.
      2. The staple town.
      3. Social consequences.
    3. Trade and trade-routes.
      1. Trade with the East.
        1. Influence of the Crusades in stimulating Eastern trade.
        2. Rôle of the Italian cities.
        3. Influence of geography in determining routes.
      2. Trade in Europe.
        1. Commodities.
        2. Advantageous situation of Italian, German, Dutch and Flemish cities.
  1. European exploration and commercial expansion.
    *Hayes, Vol. I, 49-69; Wallas, The Great Society, 3-19.

    1. Factors which combined to produce this exploration and expansion.
      1. Intellectual curiosity,
      2. Desire of nations on Atlantic seaboard to share in profitable trade with the East.
      3. Religious zeal.
      4. Improvements in the art of navigation.
    2. Consequences.
      1. Decline of Italian and German city-states; rise of national states of Western Europe; impetus to nationalism and dynastic aggrandizement.
      2. New commercial methods: chartered companies; mercantilism; banking and credit.
      3. Stimulation of economic life in general; hence, increased wealth,
      4. Growth of the trading class, the bourgeoisie.
      5. Enrichment and expansion of European culture; progress of science.
      6. Colonization.
      7. Slavery and the slave-trade.
      8. New commodities of commerce; growing interdependence of all parts of world.
      9. Changes in mental outlook, due to increased facilities for communication and broadening of interests.
  2. Remarkable growth of commerce during the 18th century.
    *Hayes, Vol. I, 399-403; Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 73-87.

    1. Continuation of effects of exploration and commercial expansion.
    2. The rising commercial and maritime power of England.
    3. Restrictions and handicaps.
      1. Mercantilism.
      2. Internal tariff and customs barriers.
      3. Wars.
      4. Lack of rapid and cheap transportation.
    4. [The movement to emancipate commerce.]
      1. The Physiocrats (see 5.C.b.i below).
      2. Adam Smith (see 5.C.b.ii below).

3. The Agricultural Revolution.

  1. Relation to the Industrial Revolution.
    1. The Agricultural Revolution occurred almost simultaneously with the Industrial Revolution; the former did for agriculture what the latter did for industry.
    2. The Agricultural Revolution had begun before the Industrial Revolution, and helped to render the latter possible by releasing labor from the land and by providing an increased supply of food and raw materials.
    3. The Industrial Revolution, in turn, promoted the Agricultural Revolution by providing capital and machinery for scientific farming.
  2. Definition.
    1. In general, by the Agricultural Revolution is meant the destruction of the manorial system of agriculture and the introduction of
      1. Modern ideas of absolute ownership of land: Freehold.
      2. Scientific methods of tillage and breeding.
      3. Specialized production for market rather than for local consumption.
    2. Aside from these general features, the Agricultural Revolution meant different things in different parts of Europe (see below).
    3. The Agricultural Revolution might be regarded as a long process, continuing from the 13th to the 19th centuries, and culminating in a series of rapid, revolutionary changes in the period 1760-1845.
  3. General aspects of mediaeval agriculture.
    *Hayes, Vol. I, 28-36, 395-399; *Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 18-44; Cheyney, 31-52, 136-147.

    1. Majority of the population rural.
    2. Organization of agriculture, chiefly manorial.
      1. Significant features of the manorial system (contrast with modern conditions).
        1. Social inequality: serfdom and aristocracy.
        2. Attachment of peasant to soil.
        3. Burdensome obligations of serf.
        4. Inefficiency and self-sufficiency.
    3. Methods.
      1. Persistence of wasteful primitive methods:
        1. The three-field system.
        2. Crudity of implements.
        3. Unscientific cattle-raising.
        4. Connection between primitive methods and manorial organization.
    4. Social consequences of agricultural conditions.
      1. Economic necessity of large rural population.
      2. Relatively low standards of comfort.
      3. Intellectual isolation and conservatism of economically self-sufficient rural Communities.
      4. Lack of effective impetus to invention, enterprise, and improvement.
      5. Discontent of peasantry.
  4. The agricultural transformation.
    *Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 37-44, 117-132, 187-188.

    1. The abolition of serfdom.
      1. In England it had gradually disappeared by 1700.
      2. In France during French Revolution (see p. 33 ff. of syllabus).
      3. In other countries subsequently: Prussia, 1807; Austria, 1848; Russia, 1861, etc.
      4. Manorial system and serfdom never widely or firmly established in the United States.
        Becker, The United States, an Experiment in Democracy, 145-185.

        1. Prevalence of freehold tenures.
        2. Abundance of unoccupied land.
        3. Influence of these economic conditions in promoting spirit of democracy.
    2. Breakdown and partial disappearance of the manorial system.
      1. In England.
        1. Decline of serfdom: contractual labor.
        2. Rapid progress of enclosure.
          1. Increased profitableness of arable farming, due to
            1. Rise of industrialism.
            2. Growth of population.
            3. Enlarged demands for foodstuffs.
            4. Improved transportation.
          2. Ease of obtaining special legislation necessary for enclosures. Parliament dominated by landlords.
          3. Advocacy of enclosures by economists, notably Adam Smith.
          4. Methods by which enclosures were effected.
          5. Approximate area enclosed.
          6. Social consequences.
            1. Decline of the class of small holders, and concentration of landownership in hands of a relatively small class.
            2. Widespread public discontent.
            3. Shift in population from country to town and city. (cf. §4. Industrial Revolution below, p. 28 of syllabus.)
            4. Possibility of introducing new agricultural methods on large scale.
      2. On continent breaking up great estates and increase of small holdings.
        1. Peasant-proprietorship.
        2. Metayage as in France.
        3. Exceptions in East Prussia, Sweden and some other countries.
    3. Improvement of agricultural technique.
      1. Stimulated by
        1. Steady increase in prices of agricultural produce, due to economic and to artificial causes (Corn Laws).
        2. Industrial Revolution.
        3. Napoleonic Wars.
        4. Work of scientific men, inventors, agricultural societies, and “gentlemen farmers.”
      2. Scientific rotation of crops.
      3. Great advance in art of stock-breeding.
      4. Introduction and improvement of agricultural machinery.
      5. Improved methods of fertilization.
      6. Drainage.
    4. Application of capital to agricultural enterprise for
      1. Improvement of soil: fertilization and tillage.
      2. Experimentation with new crops and with fancy stock.
      3. Purchase of machinery.
      4. Development of cooperation and agricultural credit institutions.

4. The Industrial Revolution.

Probably no other event has so profoundly affected the ordinary every-day life of the average man, and, at the same time, exercised so vital an influence in politics and even in the domain of education and culture, as the Industrial Revolution. It is one of the main foundations of Contemporary Civilization. When it occurred, how and why it came about, and how it has affected and is affecting civilization, are questions of first-rate importance for him who would understand present-day civilization.

  1. Definition.
    1. As an historical event: the rapid introduction and development of machine-processes, capitalistic organization, and the factory system into certain English industries, notably the textile and metal industries and transportation, in the period, approximately, between 1770 and 1815 or 1830.
    2. As a continuing process:
      1. Continuing substitution of manufacture by complicated machine processes for manufacture by hand and with simple tools.
      2. Ever-expanding utilization of artificial power: water, steam, gas, oil, electricity.
      3. Ever-expanding application of mass-production, standardization, and subdivision of labor.
      4. Continuous growth of factory system and of capitalistic organization.
      5. Introduction and development of these features of modern industry in other countries besides England: United States since about 1800, in Western Europe since about 1815, in Eastern Europe since about 1850, in Japan since about 1870. The Industrial Revolution still in its infancy in China, India, etc.
  1. Industry prior to 1770.
    *Hayes, Vol. I, 40-42; *Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 45-64
    1. General aspects of medieval industry.
      1. Its relatively small place in economic life.
      2. Lack of machinery and of applied science.
      3. The handicraft system and the craft guilds.
      4. Inter-relation of agriculture and manufacturing.
    2. Gradual decline of the craft guilds; reasons for decline.
    3. Rise of the “domestic system.”
      1. Definition of domestic system.
      2. Conditions favorable to its growth: increase of capital, expansion of markets and of commerce, development of industrial technique, growth of population.
    4. General growth of industry in eighteenth century.
    5. Social consequences.
      1. Rise of industrial classes.
      2. Tendency toward substitution of modern wage-system for medieval guild-system.
      3. Rise of competition and economic individualism (see below, p. 31).
  1. Conditions favorable to the Industrial Revolution in England. Map Study — Appendix II, 2. (p. 123).
    *Hayes, Vol. I, 67-69; Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 133-135.
    1. Prosperous and progressive condition of English industry and commerce in the 18th century.
      1. England the “nation of shopkeepers.”
      2. Thriving commerce; colonial markets; necessity of expanding markets as
        encouragement to expanding industry.
      3. England less embarrassed by wars than Continental nations.
      4. English industries relatively free from regulation.
      5. Abundance of capital; capitalistic system and factories beginning to develop even before the epoch of great inventions.
    2. Possession of basic raw materials: iron, coal, wool; possession of water-power; ease of importing cotton.
    3. Climatic conditions favorable to textile manufacture.
    4. Agricultural progress, releasing cheap labor for industry, and making it more nearly possible to feed a large industrial population. See above §3.D. (p. 27 of syllabus).
  1. The great mechanical inventions.
    *Hayes, Vol. II, 69-75; Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 135-145; Cheyney, 199-212.
    1. Conditions necessary for successful mechanical inventions.
      1. Economic demand.
      2. Sufficiently advanced state of skill in handicrafts to make construction of machines possible.
      3. Application of scientific knowledge.
    2. Inventions in the textile industry.
      1. Hargreaves and the Jenny.
      2. Arkwright’s water-frame.
      3. Crompton’s mule.
      4. Cartwright’s loom.
      5. Whitney’s cotton gin.
    3. The steam-engine and its applications.
      1. Fore-runners of James Watt.
      2. Watt’s achievements.
      3. Application to spinning-mule and to loom.
      4. Use in mining and metallurgy.
      5. The steamboat.
      6. The locomotive.
      7. The steam printing-press.
    4. Other industries rapidly revolutionized by inventions and by application of steam-power.
  1. Capitalism and the factory system.
    *Hayes, Vol. II, 77-80; *Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 145-147.
    1. Effect of the inventions in promoting the factory system and capitalistic control of industry.
      1. Expense of machines.
      2. Necessity of large factories.
      3. Necessity of large-scale buying and selling.
      4. Subdivision of labor.
      5. Utilization of cheap and unskilled labor.
    2. Sir Richard Arkwright as an early type of the factory-owner
    3. Rapid growth of the factory system.
  1. Significant consequences of the Industrial Revolution.
    *Hayes, Vol. II, 75-77. 80-97; Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 147-152.
    1. Expansion of commerce and industry, hence, increase of wealth and gradual
      rise of standard of living.
    2. Rapid growth and urban concentration of population.
    3. Rise of acute social problems.
      1. Child labor.
      2. Employment of women.
      3. Prevalence of poverty, vice, and disease among factory and mine workers.
      4. Industrial over-production, crises, and unemployment.
      5. Labor agitation; destruction of machines by workingmen; trade-unionism; discontent of “proletariat.”
      6. Growth of slums in cities.
    4. Temporary triumph of “economic individualism” or laissez-faire.
      1. The philosophy of economic individualism.
      2. Gradual emancipation of industry and commerce from governmental restrictions and oppressive tariffs.
      3. Unwillingness of factory-owners in first half of 19th century to permit trade-unionism or to sanction labor-legislation.
      4. Early protests against economic individualism: Robert Owen, Saint-Simon, Fourier, Louis Blanc.
    5. Enrichment and strengthening of bourgeoisie.
      1. Increased numerical and economic power of bourgeoisie.
      2. Demand of bourgeoisie for a voice in the government; hence, tendency of Industrial Revolution universally to stimulate demand for representative government.
      3. Tendency of bourgeoisie to use political power for their own economic interests; illustrations from English and French history, 1830-1848.
    6. Progress of science and education.
      1. Larger leisure class.
      2. Cheap printing: newspapers and books no longer the rich man’s luxury.
      3. Prestige of science, enhanced by economic utility of applied science.
      4. Improved means of communication.
      5. Influence of urbanization.
    7. Greater mobility of civilization; society no longer as static and unchanging as before the Industrial Revolution; spirit of innovation and invention.

5. The development of thought in the 18th century—humanitarianism, rationalism, and romanticism.
*Hayes, Vol. I, 414-426; Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modern Europe, Vol. I, 157-182; Thilly, History of Philosophy, 307-391; A. C. McGiffert, Protestant Thought before Kant, Chap. X; J. B. Bury, History of Freedom of Thought, Home University Library, Chap. VI.

  1. Continuing development of the natural sciences. Sedgwick and Tyler, 304-323.
    1. Experimentation in electricity, chemistry, biology, medicine, and geography.
    2. Popularity of science in the 18th century; patronage by governments, formation of scientific societies, the Encyclopedia.
  1. The conception of nature and of natural law.
    J. Dewey, Reconstruction in Philosophy, 53-76.
    1. Tendency to conceive the world of nature as a mechanism — Newton.
    2. This conception applied to theology by the deists — critique of the miraculous as a violation of the laws of nature.
    3. The emergence of atheism — serious concern with the problem of evil. Voltaire, Candide.
  1. Man conceived as natural, as acting in accordance with natural laws, and as having natural rights.
    1. Application of the mechanistic hypothesis to the psychology of the human mind — Helvetius and Bentham.
    2. Attempt to discover natural laws in economics — rise of the science of political economy.
      H. J. Laski, Political Thought from Locke to Bentham, 290-302; Gide & Rist, History of Economic Doctrines, 1-118; W. A. Dunning, A History of Political Theories from Rousseau to Spencer, 57-65.

      1. Ideas of the physiocrats — Quesnay and Turgot.
        1. The natural order providentially ordained for our happiness by God has three foundations: private property, security, and liberty.
        2. Free trade and free circulation of grain.
        3. Legislation to be reduced to a minimum — laissez faire.
        4. State to be a passive policeman; defend private property, promote education and public works.
      2. Adam Smith developed similar ideas and applied them more broadly to industry and commerce — criticism of the mercantile system. “The Wealth of Nations,” 1776.
    3. Attempt to discover natural laws in politics.
      Laski, 38-55; W. A. Dunning, Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu, 335—435; [W. A. Dunning,] Political Theories from Rousseau to Spencer, 1-129; Merriam, American Political Theories, 38-176; Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws [Volume I; Volume II]; Rousseau, Social Contract.

      1. Locke’s political philosophy: the state of nature, the laws of nature, the social contract, the right of revolution.
        S. P. Lamprecht, The Moral and Political Philosophy of John Locke.
      2. Development of Lockian political philosophy in France: Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rousseau.
      3. Development of Lockian political philosophy in America: Paine, Franklin, Jefferson.
      4. New analyses of government based on historical studies and travels.
        1. Montesquieu, and the separation of governmental powers.
        2. John Adams and James Madison — the faith in a “natural aristocracy.”
    4. The conception of natural rights criticized — Jeremy Bentham.
      W. L. Davidson, Political Thought in England from Bentham to J. S. Mill, 46-113.

      1. Social utility, not nature, the test of human institutions.
      2. This utilitarian theory made the basis of a sweeping criticism of the old ‘ regime,
      3. Far-reaching constructive ideas of Bentham on legislation, administration, jurisprudence, penology, education.
      4. Many of these ideas fruitful in the 19th century.
  1. Violent criticism of established institutions as disutile, unnatural, and unreasonable.
    1. Criticism of ecclesiastic institutions, “divine right” monarchy, the economic and social systems.
    2. Toleration, and respect for the natural man demanded — humanitarianism.
    3. Confidence in the powers of human reason — rationalism.
    4. Trust in the emotions as naturally good — romanticism.
    5. Belief in progress and the perfectibility of man through education — Helvetius, Rousseau, Condorcet.

Source: Columbia University. Introduction to Contemporary Civilization — A Syllabus, (Third edition, 1921), pp. 23-32.

 

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Stanford. Kenneth Arrow’s mini-cv at age thirty. 1951

This post repackages the information contained in the mini-c.v. for the Social Science Research Council fellow of 1951-52, Kenneth Arrow, then a thirty year old freshly minted Columbia economics Ph.D. and associate professor of economics at Stanford. Fellows were asked to limit their cited publications to ten. It is interesting to note that Arrow could have easily added three other items but didn’t. It is also interesting to see that he gave a citation to the French translation of a chapter he published in English. Does any one have a clue to why Arrow might have made that choice? 

The data below come from the publication Fellows of the Social Science Research Council, 1925-1951  that is simply chock-full of mid-career biographical information for other economists as well

______________________

ARROW, KENNETH (JOSEPH)
Research Training Fellow 1951-52

[Personal:]

b. New York, N. Y. August 23, 1921.
m. Selma Schweitzer 1947.

[Education:]

B.S. 1940, City College, New York;
M.A. in mathematics 1941, Ph.D. 1951, Columbia, economics.

[Employment:]

Actuarial clerk 1941, Guardian Life Insurance Company;

USAAF 1942-46, captain;

Instructor in economics, summer 1946, City College, New York;

Research associate 1947-49, Cowles Commission for Research in Economics;

Assistant professor of economics 1948-49, University of Chicago;

Acting assistant professor 1949, associate professor of economics and statistics 1950—, Stanford University, Stanford, Calif.

Home: 4 Aliso Way, Menlo Park, Calif.

Consultant:  Bureau of the Budget 1948;
Rand Corporation 1948-51.

Publications:

On the Use of Winds in Flight Planning,” J. Meteorology 1949; in Econometrica: (with D. Blackwell and M. A. Girshick) “Bayes and Minimax Solutions of Sequential Decision Problems” 1949; “Homogeneous Functions in Mathematical Economics: Comment” 1950. “A Difficulty in the Concept of Social Welfare,” J. Polit. Econ. 1950; “L’Utilisation des Modèles Mathématiques dans les Sciences Sociales” in Les “Sciences Politiques” aux États-Unis (ed. D. Lerner and H. A. Lasswell) 1951 [Original english version (?) as Chapter 8 in “Mathematical Models in the Social Sciences” in Daniel Lerner and Harold D. Lasswell (eds.), The Policy Sciences: Recent Developments in Scope and Method (Stanford University Press, 1951)]; “Alternative Proof of the Substitution Theorem for the Leontief Model in the General Case” in Activity Analysis of Production and Allocation (ed. T. C. Koopmans) 1951; Social Choice and Individual Values 1951.

Fellowship program: study in Western Europe of statistical problems arising in economic planning.

Current research: welfare economics; foundation of statistical inference; index number theory; statistical problems in “model building”; theory of economic behavior under conditions of uncertainty.

Source: Fellows of the Social Science Research Council, 1925-1951. pp. 11-12.

Image Source: From the book ad placed by the bookstore La Memoire du Droit (Paris) at the AbeBooks website. As of this posting it is available for US$ 50.30 + shipping cost. Economics in the Rear-view Mirror is here solely for educational and research purposes and provides such information solely to satisfy the pecuniary curiosity of its visitors.

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U.S. Economics Graduate Programs Ranked, 1957, 1964 and 1969

Recalling my active days in the rat race of academia, a cold shiver runs down my spine at the thought of departmental rankings in the hands of a Dean contemplating budgeting and merit raise pools or second-guessing departmental hiring decisions. 

But let a half-century go by and now, reborn as a historian of economics, I appreciate having the aggregated opinions of yore to constrain our interpretive structures of what mattered when to whomever. 

Research tip: sign up for a free account at archive.org to be able to borrow items still subject to copyright protection for an hour at a time. Sort of like being in the old reserve book room of your brick-and-mortar college library. This is needed if you wish to use the links for the Keniston, Carter, and Roose/Andersen publications linked in this post.

___________________________

1925 Rankings

R. M. Hughes. A Study of the Graduate Schools of America (Presented before the Association of American Colleges, January, 1925). Published by Miami University at Oxford, Ohio. (See earlier post that provides the economics ranking from the Hughes’ study)

1957 Rankings

Hayward Keniston. Graduate Study and Research in the Arts and Sciences at the University of Pennsylvania (January 1959), pp. 115-119,129.

Tables from Keniston transcribed here at Economics in the Rear-view Mirror:
https://www.irwincollier.com/economics-departments-and-university-rankings-by-chairmen-hughes-1925-and-keniston-1957/

1964 Rankings

Allan M. Cartter, An Assessment of Quality in Graduate Education Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, 1966.

1969 Rankings

Kenneth D. Roose and Charles J. Andersen, A Rating of Graduate Programs. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, 1970.

Tables transcribed below.

___________________________

Graduate Programs in Economics
(1957, 1964, 1969)

Percentage of Raters Who Indicate:
Rankings “Quality of Graduate Faculty” Is:
1957 1964 1969 Institution Distiguish-
ed and strong
Good and adequate All other Insufficient Information
Nineteen institutions with scores in the 3.0 to 5.0 range, in rank order
1 1* 1* Harvard 97 3
not ranked 1* 1* M.I.T. 91 9
2 3* 3 Chicago 95 5
3 3* 4 Yale 90 3 7
5* 5 5 Berkeley 86 9 5
7 7 6 Princeton 82 9 10
9 8* 7* Michigan 66 22 11
10 11 7* Minnesota 65 19 15
14 14* 7* Pennsylvania 62 22 15
5* 6 7* Stanford 64 25 11
13 8* 11 Wisconsin 63 26 11
4 8* 12* Columbia 50 37 13
11 12* 12* Northwestern 52 32 16
16 16 14* UCLA 41 38 21
not ranked 12* 14* Carnegie-Mellon Carnegie-Tech (1964) 39 35 26
not ranked not ranked 16 Rochester** 31 39 1 29
8 14* 17 Johns Hopkins 31 56 13
not ranked not ranked 18* Brown** 20 52 1 27
15 17 18* Cornell** 21 56 2 21
*Score and rank are shared with another institution.
**Institution’s 1969 score is in a higher range than ist 1964 score.

 

Ten institutions with scores in the 2.5 to 2.9 range, in alphabetical order
(1969)
Duke
Illinois
Iowa State (Ames)
Michigan State
North Carolina
Purdue
Vanderbilt
Virginia
Washington (St. Louis)
Washington (Seattle)

 

Sixteen institutions with scores in the 2.0 to 2.4 range, in alphabetical order
(1969)
Buffalo*
Claremont
Indiana
Iowa (Iowa City)
Kansas
Maryland
N.Y.U.
North Carolina State*
Ohio State
Oregon
Penn State
Pittsburgh
Rice*
Texas
Texas A&M
Virginia Polytech.*
* Not included in the 1964 survey of economics

 

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Carnegie Institute of Technology Columbia Economists Tufts

Columbia. Economics PhD alumnus, Leonard Stott Blakey, 1912

In today’s edition of Meet an Economics Ph.D. alumnus we encounter a 1912 Columbia economics Ph.D. who had fallen through the cracks of my list of Columbia University economics graduates. Leonard Stott Blakey actually did manage to obtain an economics professorship at the Carnegie Institute of Technology for a couple of years. His Columbia thesis adviser was the sociologist Franklin Giddings at a time when the gap between academic economics and sociology was relatively small.

Blakey died at age 38 after a car ran into him in Chicago where he had found a job as economic advisor to the Benjamin Electric Company. So there is not much of a shadow cast into future economic research, but his story still possesses value as a one mosaic tile in the greater sweep of the history of economics. 

________________________

Leonard Stott Blakey
(1881-1919)

1881. Born April 15 in Racine County, Wisconsin. Son of Charles and Ella Apple Blakey.

1883. Family moved to a farm near Spirit Lake, Iowa.

Family later moved to Estherville, Iowa where Leonard attended grade and high school.

1900. Graduated from high school.

1904. B.S. from Beloit College.

Taught in high school at Savanna, Illinois and Memorial University, Mason City, Iowa.

1907-08. University scholarship, Columbia University. Columbia Spectator (June 1, 1907), p. 1.

1908-09. Schiff Fellow, Columbia University.

1910. The Boston Globe (September 18, 1910), p. 56. Tufts hired Leonard Stott Blakey, a graduate of Beloit, as instructor in economics.

Courses taught by Blakey  at Tufts:  From the catalogues 1910-1912

1. Elements of Economics. Ely’s Outlines of Economics will be used as a guide
2. Modern Industrial History of Europe
22. Economic and Industrial History of the United States. Bogart’s Economic History of the United States is used as a guide.
4. Principles of Public Finance. The Elements of Public Finance, by Daniels, is used as a guide.
5. Money, Credit, and Banking. Dewey’s Financial History of the United States is used as a guide.
14. Theory of Statistics.
15. Social Statistics.

1911-12. Annual Report of the President of Tufts College 1911-12.  “The following gentlemen have severed their connection with the ‘College on the Hill,’ either through resignation or the expiration of their terms of office,…Leonard Stott Blakey, B.S., Instructor in Economics and Statistics” p. 4

1912. Ph.D. Thesis: The Sale of Liquor in the South: the History of the Development of Normal Social Restraint in Southern Commonwealthsby Leonard Stott Blakey, A.M., Sometime Schiff Fellow in Columbia University, Associate Professor of Economics and Sociology in Dickinson College
“This work owes its origin to a suggestion which came to the writer from his instructor, Professor Franklin H. Giddings of Columbia University, while pursuing graduate courses of study in that institution.”

1912-13. Assistant Professor of Economics and Sociology
Catalogue of Dickinson College 1912-1913. Carlisle, PA.

1913-14. Professor of Economics and Sociology
Catalogue of Dickinson College 1913-1914
. Carlisle, PA

Dickinson College
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY

Professor Blakey

In its course of instruction, the chief aim of the department of Economics and Sociology is to give a general view of the most important subject matter in the economic and sociological sciences, beginning with the elements of the science and passing by degrees to courses of an investigative order. In addition to this broad general outline the courses and the methods of study are arranged to give some specialized preparation to students looking forward to business careers.

A. ELEMENTS OF ECONOMICS.

This course will give the student a general survey of the fields of theoretical and practical economics. The first part deals with the principles of production, distribution, exchange and consumption of wealth; the second part, with the present organization of industry and the economic and social problems arising from the relations of employers and employees. Among the problems considered are the labor problem, including the history and policies of trade unions, injunctions, arbitration, co-operation, profit-sharing, child labor, factory legislation, workingmen’s insurance, and socialism. Taussig’s Principles of Economics will be used as a text.

Required of all Sophomores. Three hours per week.

B. MODERN INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF EUROPE.

After a brief survey of the economic conditions in the European countries at the close of the Middle Ages, the course deals with the commercial and industrial development of the chief European countries since the middle of the eighteenth century, with special attention to Great Britain.

Lectures, supplemented by prescribed topical readings. Open to Juniors and Seniors. Three hours per week. First half-year.

C. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

A brief survey of the economic life of the colonists will be followed by a study of the factory system, public land policy, transportation facilities, and shipping before the Civil War; export trade, scientific agriculture, and railway extension after the War; recent development of large scale production, industrial combinations, and labor problems.

Lectures, supplemented by prescribed topical readings.

Open to Juniors and Seniors. Three hours per week, second half-year.

D. COURSES B AND C COMBINED.

E. INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION AND BUSINESS MANAGEMENT.

This course will include an examination of the human and physical factors in the organization and processes of industry; the internal economies of organization due to the division of labor, etc.; external economies of organization due to the concentration and integration of businesses; and the influences of the modern means of intercommunication on businesses. Special emphasis will be given to the growing size and complexity of modern business structure and to the managerial, financial, and political questions arising from business concentration, and the programs proposed for their solution will be analyzed.

Attention is given to the general nature and the different types of business management, and to the functions of the entrepreneur. The various problems involved in the philosophy, demands, and applicability of scientific management will be examined. The course closes with an analysis of the growing spirit of co-operation in business management, the growing interest in the problems of vocational guidance, and the tendency to interpret industry in terms of human worth.

Lectures, assigned readings, and discussions. Open to Seniors. Three hours per week.

F. PRINCIPLES OF SOCIOLOGY.

Beginning with a study of the biological and psychological bases of human society, this course traces its evolution under the operation of the various forces — physical environment, growth and migration of populations, social institutions, etc. and analyzes social phenomena with the view of arriving at certain laws of social progress and noting their bearing upon present social problems.

Chapin’s Introduction to the Study of Social Evolution will be used as a text. Open to Juniors and Seniors. Three hours per week.

G. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROBLEMS.

The work of this course will consist largely of practical investigations, by individual members of the class, of some selected problem in economics or sociology, to be assigned by the instructor and pursued under his direction. A paper will be prepared on the assigned topic, the results presented before the class for criticism and discussion. The course will open with an introduction to the principles, theory, and practice in the statistical method. Open to Seniors completing Economics E or Sociology F. Three hours per week.

SourceCatalogue of Dickinson College, 1913-1914, pp. 31-33.

1914-15.  Professor of Economics and Sociology at Dickinson College (Absent on leave)

1914. Review of H.R. Seager’s Principles of Economics: Being a Revision of Introduction to Economics. In Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (September 1914, pp. 294-296). Identified as “Leonard Stott Blakey, Dickinson College).

1914-16[?]. Worked at the air nitrates plant in Muscle Shoals, Alabama

1916. Assistant Professor of Economics and Business Administration, School of Applied Science, Carnegie Institute of Technology. Pittsburgh.

1918. The Pittsburgh Post (February 21, 1918), p. 14.
Assistant Professor of economics and business administration of the Carnegie Institute of Technology.

End of the WWI, associated with the Bing and Bing Construction Co. of New York.

1919. He had accepted a position as Economics Advisor to the Benjamin Electric Company of Chicago.

1919. “Prof. Leonard Blakey of the Carnegie Institute of Technology, Pittsburgh, died yesterday in the county hospital. He was struck by an automobile Friday night.” Blakey “had come to Chicago to make arrangements with a. W. Shaw & Co. for the publication of his book, which deals with the high cost of living.” Brother A.R. Blakey lives in Chicago. Chicago Tribune (October 5, 1919), p. 1.

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Other Newspaper Accounts
of Leonard Blakey’s death

Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (Oct. 6, 1919), p. 20.

“[Leonard Blakey] was not connected with the Carnegie Institute of Technology at the time of his death, according to officials of the institution.
Prof. Blakey, two years ago, was assistant professor of commercial engineering at the Pittsburgh school, but left here to go to Washington, where he entered government service.”

Evening Times-Republican, Marshalltown, Iowa (December 15, 1919), p. 2.

At time of his death in Chicago, Leonard Blakey just completing a book called “Wage Scales and the Living Costs”, a comprehensive survey of the wage question and cost of living put down in a concise and readable form. The book, which is just now making its appearance, following his death, is creating a great amount of interest throughout the country, as it deals with present day conditions. The New York Sun introduced the book, noting Blakey was born in Racine, Wisconsin, educated there and in Iowa, graduated from Beloit College, taking post-graduate course at Columbia University. Instructor in economics in Tufts College and at Dickinson, and Carnegie Institute of Technology. “During the war he was the labor expert at the Mussels Shoals air nitrate enterprise. In January 1919 he began his study. He went to Chicago (as opposed to New York City to get speedy publication”. “He met his death as he was on his way to have his final revision of the last chapter retyped for the printers.

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Obituaries for Leonard Stott Blakey transcribed at the Find-A-Grave Website

Leonard Blakey Hit By Auto
Was In Chicago Attending to Business Matters – Struck By Speeding Car
Just Completed Gov. Book
Was Brought Here for Burial, Was a Son of Chas. Blakey, a Former Resident Here

Estherville Enterprise, Estherville, IA, October 8, 1919.

Friends of Leonard Blakey of the Chas. Blakey family, were greatly shocked on Sunday last to learn of the sudden death by accident of Leonard Blakey in Chicago. He had been connected with a New York firm and was making a change to Chicago. He came there and took rooms with his father, sister and brother Roy, who is in the Rush Medical school. He had been down to the city during the day consulting his new employer and that evening went to the Y.M.C.A. building to get some stenographic work done. It was about 9 o’clock in the evening and it is supposed he was returning from the Y.M.C.A. building when an auto struck him. He was so badly injured he never regained consciousness. He had no Chicago address and the police rushed him to the hospital. On his clothing was his Pittsburg address and they at once endeavored to get in touch with someone there. In the hospital was an Intern who remembered there was a medical student in Rush by that name and after twenty-four hours after the accident they got in touch with Roy Blakey. The Blakey family in the meantime had made an endeavor through the police to locate him.
The remains were brought to this city for burial.

The following is the obituary used by Rev. Voorhies who officiated at the funeral services:

Leonard Stott Blakey was born in Racine County, Wis., April 15, 1881, the son of Charles and Ella Apple Blakey. He attended school near Spirit Lake, Iowa, the family having moved to a farm near there when he was two years old. Later the family moved to Estherville where Leonard attended the grade and high school, graduating in 1900. In the Fall of the same year he entered Beloit College where he graduated in 1904. Following this he taught in the high school at Savanna, Illinois, and Memorial University, Mason City, Iowa. Then he attended Columbia University, New York, receiving the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in 1911 (sic). He again took up teaching, going first to Tufts College, Boston, and later to Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa. The following year he went to Muscle Shoals, Alabama, to take up employment work with the Air Nitrates plant. At the close of the war he became associated with the Bing and Bing Construction Co., of New York. During the latter period he has been writing a book on the subject: Has Labor Carried Its War Burden,” which is now in the hands of the publishers. He had just accepted a position as Economics Advisor to the Benjamin Electric Company of Chicago. Surviving members of the family are: His father, Charles Blakey, his brother Roy Blakey, and sister Dorothy Blakey, all being residents of Chicago.

Book of A Local Boy is Popular
Leonard Blakey’s Work Now Running in New York Sun Was Recently Killed
Work Has to Do With the Wage Scale and High Cost of Living – Is Authority

Vindicator and Republican, Estherville, IA, December 10, 1919

At the time Leonard Blakey met with his death in Chicago last fall he was just completing a book called “Wage Scales and the Living Costs.” It is a comprehensive survey of the wage question and the cost of living put down in a concise and readable form. The book which is just now making its appearance following his death, is creating a large amount of interest throughout the country as it deals with present day conditions.
Leonard Blakey was an Estherville boy. He was known to the great majority of our people and his career followed with a great deal of interests by local people. His untimely death last fall was deeply mourned by all his former friends. Had he been permitted to live he would have accomplished great things in this world. As it is, he leaves behind this scientific analysis which is being used throughout the country in settling important questions of the day. The Vindicator and Republican has on file a copy of the New York Sun containing the first installment of the book and we will be glad to loan it any former friends who may wish to read it. Following is the tribute paid to the memory of Leonard by that paper at the beginning of the article:
Leonard Blakey, economist and professor, from whose last work the following analysis of Wage Increases and Living Costs was taken, was killed accidentally by an automobile in Chicago recently just as he was to reap the fruits of years of study. He was born thirty-eight years ago in Racine, Wisconsin, was educated in the public schools there and in Iowa, and graduated from Beloit College, taking a post graduate study course at Columbia University in this city.
He was an instructor in economics in Tufts College and at Dickson, and then was attached to the Carnegie Institute of Technology. During the war he was the labor expert at the Mussels Shoals air nitrate enterprise. Last January Mr. Blakey began his study of wage increases and living costs with the idea that the findings might be of value to the nation in its reconstruction problems. When the report was partly completed he was urged to publish it in book form for use as a text book at Columbia and at Carnegie Tech. He also planned to send copies for use of the Industrial conference in session in Washington.
Owing to conditions in the book trade in New York Mr. Blakey went to Chicago to get speedy publication. The A. W. Shaw Company took up the work. He met his death as he was on his way to have his final revision of the last chapter retyped for printers.

Source: Wayback machine archived copy of the Find-A-Grave entry for Leonard Stott Blakey (1881-1919).

Image Source: Carnegie Institute of Technology yearbook, The 1918 Thistle, p. 80. Portrait of Professor Stott Blakey.

Categories
Bryn Mawr Columbia Economists NYU Pennsylvania Wellesley

Columbia. Economics Ph.D. Alumnus, Henry Raymond Mussey. 1905

Time to meet another economics Ph.D. alumnus.

This post provides a chronology of the life and career of Henry R. Mussey who received his graduate economics (and sociology) training at Columbia University. His useful editing skills landed him jobs twice at The Nation where he served as managing editor for a number of years. A man of convictions sufficiently strong to quietly resign his Columbia/Barnard position in protest of the dismissal of psychology professor James McKeen Cattell and English/comparative literature assistant professor Henry Wadsworth Longfellow Dana in 1917 for allegedly disseminating “doctrines tending to encourage a spirit of disloyalty to the Government of the United States.” Historian Charles Beard’s resignation also in protest of these dismissals was both public and fiery. It is not clear why Mussey did not create more of a fuss, but I would guess his personality was the opposite of a fist-pounding, door-slamming alpha-academic. 

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Other posts with Henry R. Mussey related content

His 1910 essay “Economics in the College Course.

Civil rights activist’s Virginia Foster Durr’s recollection of “Professor Muzzy” at Wellesley College in the early 1920s.

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Henry Raymond Mussey
Timeline

1875. December 7. Born in Atkinson, Illinois to parents William Alvord Mussey (1839-1926) and Louise Nowers (1845-1928).

Began his collegiate studies at the Geneseo Collegiate Institute, Illinois.

1900. A.B. Beloit.

Fun fact.  In 1899 H.R. Mussey (’00) played the role of Antigone. Performances of Greek dramas given in English were a staple of Beloit College life.
Source: Edward Dwight Eaton, Historical sketches of Beloit College, (Second edition, 1935), p. 234

1901-02. Presented a paper “The Theory of Monopolies” in John Bates Clark seminar in political economy and finance that met every other week.

1902. Fellow in the Columbia Department of Economics, appointed instructor in Economics to replace A.M. Day who had resigned to work for the new Tenement House Commission of New York City. “Mr. Mussey has already acquired much popularity and confidence among the students in his classes.” Columbia Daily Spectator, Vol. XLV, No. 42 (21 March 1902), p. 1.

1903. The “Fake” Instalment Business. New York: The University Settlement Society.

1903-05. Assistant Professor of Economics and Industry in New York University School of Commerce .
Source: Barnard College, Morterboard, 1912, p. 28.

1905. Ph.D., Columbia University. Thesis: Combination in the Mining Industry: A Study of Concentration in Lake Superior Iron Ore Production. (vol. XIX, No. 3) New York: Columbia University Press.

1905. Engaged to Miss Mabel Hay Barrows of New York. Ca. 1902 she directed a revival production of the Greek play The Ajax of Sophocles at the university. Winter 1904-05 Ajax performed in New York. Also given in different colleges (Manhattan, Chicago, University of California) travelling as far West as California. “Mr. Mussey accompanied the players as general director of stage manager. He is professor of economics and history in New York university.” The Minneapolis Journal (Jan 24, 1905, p. 11).

“The music for the occasion has been composed by Miss Constance Mills and the costumes worn by the actors and singers have been copied form Greek vase paintings. Preceding the idyls a chorus of maidens will sing the oldest piece of Greek music of which both words and notes are preserved—the Delphic Hymn to Apollo. The production will be rendered further interesting by three Greek dances, one of the religious type, one mimetic in character, and the other a reminiscence of the nymphs of sea and land, which will be given between the scenes from Theocritus.”
Source: Brooklyn Life (February 11, 1905, p. 32).

1905. June 28. Married Mabel Hay Barrows (1874-1931) in Georgeville, Quebec. One son.

1905-07. Associate Professor of Economics at Bryn Mawr College.
Source: Barnard College, Morterboard, 1912, p. 28.

1907-09. Assistant Professor of Sociology in the University of Pennsylvania.
Source: Barnard College, Morterboard, 1912, p. 28.

1908. Passport application (May 6). Permanent residence given as Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania. Occupation university professor. Passport to be sent to Loan Hall, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA.

1909-1917. On the faculty of Barnard College.

1910. Economics in the College Course. Educational Review, Vol. XL (October, 1910), pp. 239-249.

1910. Drs. Agger and Mussey project. “Intersection debate” conducted by the Barnard Literary Association. Teams selected of four students from each class to debate, “Resolved that the common ownership of all the means of production will promote social welfare.”

1911. Adjunct Professor of Economics.
Source: Barnard College, Morterboard, 1911, p. 27.

1911. Henry Raymond Mussey, editor. The Reform of the Currency. In the Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, vol. 1, no. 2, (January 1911).

1912. Assistant Professor of Economics, Barnard College.
Source: Barnard College, Morterboard, 1912, p. 28). Under his faculty portrait: “A smile that puts to flight all care and troubles, withal it teaches us of poverty and rents.”

1912. [identified as Associate Professor of Economics, Columbia University] Mussey, Henry Raymond. “Discussion of Investments on Instalments.” Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, vol. 2, no. 2, 1912, pp. 107–08.
JSTOR https://doi.org/10.2307/1171942

1916. Passport application (January 17). Permanent residence Croton-on-Hudson, New York. Plan to leave from the port of Seattle on the Awa Maru on March 7, 1916 to travel and study in Japan and China.

1916. Associate Professor of Economics in Columbia University, representing Beloit College at Vassar College Fiftieth Anniversary Celebration

1917. “took part in the arranging the program of a convention of the academy at Long Beach, L.I. in May, 1917, which caused comment because of alleged pacifist and pro-German speeches.” From Mussey’s New York Times obituary (February 11, 1940), p. 48

Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, Vol. VII, Nos. 2,3 (July 1917). Edited by Henry Raymond Mussey and Stephen Pierce Duggan.

Part I. 1. The Democratic Ideal in World Organization; 2. Future Pan-American Relations.
Part II. 3. Future Relations with the Far East; 4. Investments and Concessions as Causes of International Conflict.

1917. Associate Professor of Economics on the Barnard College Foundation. Tendered resignation to be effective at the convenience of the University.
Columbia Daily Spectator, Vol. XLI, No. 47 (4 December 1917), p. 1

“Rumours that circulated about the University yesterday to the effect that Professor Henry Raymond Mussey, Associate Professor of Economics on the Barnard Foundation, had tendered his resignation because of his sympathy with Professor Beard’s recent similar action were thoroly dispelled by various authorities on the campus, including Professor Mussey himself.
Source: Columbia Daily Spectator, Vol. XLI, No. 48 (5 December 1917), p. 1

 

“Although Dr. Mussey refused to comment at the time, it was reported that the resignation was designed as a protest against the dismissal by the university of two other faculty members [James McKeen Cattell and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow Dana]”
From New York Times obituary (February 11, 1940), p. 48

1918. Edited National Conference on War Economy. Vol. VIII, No. 1 (July 1918) of the Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York.

1918-20. Managing editor of The Nation.

1922. Joins the Wellesley College faculty.

PROFESSOR HENRY R. MUSSEY TO TEACH HERE
Appointed to Position in Economics Department
The Wellesley News (January 26, 1922), p. 2.

                  Dr. Henry R. Mussey has recently been appointed a member of the Department of Economics and Sociology, and is to come to Wellesley at the beginning of the second semester.

                  Dr. Mussey has had a distinguished career as teacher in several of the colleges of highest standing. He has been at various times Assistant Professor of Economics and Industry in New York University School of Commerce, Assistant Professor of Sociology in the University of Pennsylvania, Associate Professor of Economics at Bryn Mawr College, and Associate Professor of Economics at Barnard and Columbia.

                  For the past four years Dr. Mussey has given his time to journalism and public affairs, serving successively as managing editor of the Nation and of the Searchlight, and as executive secretary of the People’s Legislative Service at Washington.

                  Wellesley is fortunate in having the first fruits of Dr. Mussey’s extra-academic experience.

“Through the studies which I have recently made in Washington of American shipping interests and the Merchant Marine,” said Mr. Mussey, new professor in the Department of Economics….[made] during the time he was conducting investigations for senators and congressmen at Washington, just before he joined the faculty of Wellesley College.”
Source: The Wellesley News (February 23, 1922), p. 5.

1922-1929. Joined Wellesley College February 1922, left in 1929 to serve as Managing Editor of The Nation. Returned to Wellesley in 1931. The Wellesley News (February 15, 1940)

1929-31. Returns to The Nation as managing editor.

1930. Mussey prepared survey “for the League for Independent Political Action in which need for the formation of a new political party to deal with unemployment was set forth.” From New York Times obituary (February 11, 1940), p. 48

THIRD PARTY PLANS ARE LAID BY GROUP
League for Independent Political Action, Headed by Columbia Professor, Is Formed.
By the Associated Press.

NEW, YORK, September 9. Formation of the League for Independent Political Action, to help in organizing a new national political party, was announced yesterday. Prof. John Dewey of Columbia University is chairman.

The announcement said a national committee of 100 had been formed to start the movement opposing the Republican and Democratic parties.

Among the league’s aims, according to the announcement, are public ownership of public utilities, unemployment and health Insurance, old age pensions, relief for the farmer on, virtually a free trade basis, high progressive taxes on incomes, inheritances and increases in land values; abolition of “yellow dog” contracts and injunctions in labor disputes, independence of the Philippines and non-restriction of Negro and immigrant labor suffrage.

Officers include James Maurer, president of the Pennsylvania Federation of Labor; Zona Gale, of Wisconsin, author; Paul H. Douglas, professor of industrial relations, University of Chicago, and W. E. B. Dubois of New York, Negro educator, vice presidents.
SourceEvening Star, Washigton, D.C. (September 9, 1929), p. 16

1931. Returns to Wellesley College. [The Wellesley News (February 15, 1940)]

1931. Mussey’s wife, Mabel Hay Barrows, died at Neubrandenburg, Mecklenburg-Strelitz. November 30.

“Doctor and Mrs Mussey were abroad for a year, and she was taken suddenly sick while travelling through Germany.” Boston Globe (December 7, 1931), p. 11.

Date of death from American Consular Service, Report of the Death of an American Citizen. Cause of death: Intestinal Ulcers and intestinal complications as certified by attending physician (Duodenal Ulcer). Cremated.

1934. July 15. Married Miss Sara Corbett.

1936. “helped organize in Boston the Massachusetts Society for Freedom in Teaching.” From New York Times obituary (February 11, 1940), p. 48

1940. February 10. Henry Raymond Mussey, A. Barton Hepburn professor of economics, died in Wellesley, Massachusetts.

Image Source: Bryn Mawr College Yearbook, Class of 1907.

Categories
Barnard Columbia Principles Undergraduate

Columbia and Barnard. Essay on Economics in the College Course. Henry R. Mussey, 1910

In the next post you will be provided a proper introduction to the Columbia University economics Ph.D. alumnus (1905), Henry Raymond Mussey. In doing a proper background check on the man and his career, I found the following essay that many, or probably even most, historians of economics would not stumble upon. Mussey is thinking out loud about what should be done pedagogy-wise and his remarks seem remarkably current.

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ECONOMICS IN THE COLLEGE COURSE

Henry Raymond Mussey
Barnard College, Columbia University

                  The aim of economics teaching in college depends on the purpose of college training as a whole. Increasing wealth brings to our institutions growing numbers of students of varying earnestness and capacity. During the freshman year the college ought to weed out ruthlessly the indifferent and the incompetent. During the remaining years it ought to train for leadership a genuine intellectual and spiritual aristocracy, an aristocracy of keen mind, broad vision, and unfailing enthusiasm; an aristocracy capable of the wise, far-seeing leadership so essential in a democracy. The college gains nothing by yielding to the spurious utilitarianism that demands “practical” training, — that is, training immediately valuable in dollars and cents. I would hold fast to the cultural ideal, though I would not hold fast to the old idea of culture.

                  Four things the college ought to do for its students. It ought to interest them broadly in practically all human affairs, giving them a series of pegs, so to speak, on which to hang what they will learn in after life. It ought to bring them into contact with the world’s best minds past and present. It ought to teach them scientific habits of work and thought. It ought to develop in them a sense of proportion, sanity, balance, ability to look things full in the face, to form judgments and choose courses of action in view of all the consequences involved, both direct and indirect. Such is the culture the college ought to give its students — to the gifted few in rich measure, to ordinary students according to their capacity.

                  In such a college course, what is the aim of economics teaching? First of all, to train the student in scientific thinking and to cultivate in him the power of practical judgment. Before beginning economics, he should have had some training in mathematics and natural science, thus learning the first elements of scientific method in fields where conditions are simple and capable of experimental control. To form habits of exact and patient observation, to learn to formulate and test theories, and to make logical connections of cause and effect, — these things the student should learn from natural science. Passing then to the study of economics he meets a new and more refractory set of facts, that do not fit his formulas and that can be used by the skillful teacher to break down much of the cocksureness that often afflicts the immature student in his first enthusiasm at having really learned something in natural science. This greater complexity of facts compels him in each case not only to scrutinize carefully his premises, but to make sure that he has included all the important premises. Moreover, the facts, even when properly classified, do not “stay put.” Economic conditions are constantly changing, and even the human motives behind economic actions have nothing like the constancy and reliability of the law of gravitation, for example. The conclusions of economics, therefore, are at best only provisional; this very in exactness and partialness, in my judgment, give to the subject additional value as a means of scientific training. The student who has been led to work out the conditions and implications of the Malthusian theory of population, for example, will learn to walk warily among facts and to avoid hasty and sweeping generalizations. A science that teaches a student to pick out essential and underlying causes, and at the same time to give due weight to temporary disturbing influences, may fairly claim high rank as a means of developing scientific temper and habits of work.

                  Especially is it valuable for the development of practical judgment; for questions of social policy are rarely capable of mathematical demonstration. Statesman, legislator, administrator, reformer, — all alike must decide things on a balance of considerations. Even in everyday life there are few clear-cut questions of right and wrong, wise and unwise. A study like economics, in which some phenomena have been reduced to a considerable degree of order and coherence, while others remain intractable, is fitted in peculiar degree to further that sane, alert, cautious habit of judgment that characterizes both the true scientist and the level-headed man of affairs.

                  Further than this, economics in college ought to help students get rid of class prejudice. They come to college with all sorts of astonishing notions on economic and social affairs, unconsciously picked up from parents and friends: prejudices against trade unions and trusts, against foreigners and anarchists, against democracy and progress, against everything imaginable — but in any case prejudices and not reasoned convictions. They generally come, too, with a rich store of social good-will and desire to be really of use. Such desire, lacking wise direction, sometimes runs off into mushy sentimentalism or barren radicalism. Prejudices and enthusiasm alike need rationalizing; both alike give the teacher an opportunity of setting the student to thinking about the truth or falsity of his particular notion, of suggesting to him the tests he must apply to it. Since all social questions have an economic basis, this is peculiarly the opportunity of the economics teacher. Wherever he finds a prejudice he ought to destroy it, compelling the student either to abandon it, or to substitute for it a conviction based on reason. This is a part of that process of broadening the interest of the student which was suggested as the first duty of the college.

                  Finally, economics ought to help the student acquire a sane attitude toward social improvement. Realizing in some measure the importance of the social institutions worked out in the world’s experience, yet seeing that they are always relative to particular conditions of time and place, he can be brought to face the great problems of present-day economic reconstruction and social reform with broad sympathy, patient regard for facts, recognition of economic laws, tolerance of other opinions and points of view. His training in economics ought to give him not a set of cut and dried opinions, but a point of view and a method of work, the one sane, the other scientific. Rightly enough the country demands leaders with such equipment: college economics ought to help supply that equipment. The advancement of the science is a noble aim, but that task rests on the economist as investigator and university teacher. The college today, as ever, should be the maker of men and women. The sanction of economics teaching in college is primarily not scientific, but social. It attains its social end, however, only as it is uncompromisingly scientific.

                  This statement of aims indicates roughly when economics should be introduced into the college course, and what it should include. It is traditionally and rightly a junior subject. On the whole, it is rarely that a student will profit by formal economic study during the first half of the college course. Give him first some natural science and history. To allow freshmen to study economics is in my judgment distinctly wrong, and its election by sophomores, save in exceptional cases, is to be discouraged. It is better to take it too late rather than too early, no matter if the opportunity for advanced work is lessened thereby. Few college departments have much more to give a student after two years’ work.

                  The real problem is that of the elementary course, and it must be remembered that three students out of four will take no other. It should be a solid course of five hours a week, or its equivalent, throughout a whole year, taking a third of the student’s time. In my experience students in a five-hour course do much more than twice the same amount of work as in a three-hour one. (This change, by the way, I would extend to other subjects besides economics.) The increased frequency of impact of instructor on student, the student’s unpleasant consciousness that each day brings a new demand, the very momentum gained by daily meetings, — all combine to improve the quality of the work.

                  Yet more important, increased time makes possible an enlarged content, and this is vitally important. At the recent conference on the teaching of elementary economics [See Journal of political economy, December, 1909.] an astonishing diversity of ideas and methods was disclosed, yet it was pretty clearly shown that most teachers make theory the staple of their work, however much they sugar-coat it. They are right in so doing, for fundamentally they are trying to lead the student to explain economic phenomena. Theory can not be taught rapidly, and as most teachers feel it necessary to give a rather complete outline, a three-hour course leaves time for little else, except some “practical problems.” But pure theory is dry pabulum for the immature student; moreover, it is likely to be worthless and even dangerous to him. Consequently, while the first course should have a stiff backbone of theory, it ought to be built up of concrete description of phenomena as they exist today, with enough economic history to show the conditions out of which the present organization has arisen. It should contain enough of the history of economics to show the relativity and transitoriness of present theories, and it should show the relation of economic conditions and theory to past and present problems of social betterment. As it is today, most teachers, like most textbooks, divide their time between theory and so called “practical problems,” and leave out the other things. They can scarcely do otherwise. A thoroughly satisfactory course in elementary economics must wait till college authorities are willing to reorganize their curriculum so as to give it the added time above suggested, and till teachers are willing to do the amount of hard work involved in such a course. The gain will be well worth the cost.

                  The student should learn first how the production of wealth depends on labor, natural resources, artificial capital, and business organization, studying the actual organization of agriculture, mining, manufacture, and commerce, and familiarizing himself with important facts in their development. He should study our fundamental economic institutions, private property, competition, and freedom, observing their history, their limitations, and their actual present operation, discovering their relativity and the necessity for their readjustment to changing conditions. On the basis of these fundamentals he should build up a theory of value and distribution that takes account both of economic history — especially since the industrial revolution — and of the history of economic theory. I should insist on the history, in order to guard against too implicit faith in our own theory.

                  The latter part of the course may well be devoted especially to problems of trade unions, trusts, money, tariff, and the like, and schemes of economic reform, like cooperation, the single tax, and socialism. I would not fundamentally change the elementary economics course, but I would enrich and vivify it by giving the student a mass of concrete illustrative material, contemporary and historical, such as will make theory real to him. The work thus becomes dynamic, and always looks forward to the process of social adjustment in which we desire the student to take intelligent part. One thus trained ought not to become either an unintelligent reactionary, a visionary reformer, or a fire-eating revolutionary.

                  It is difficult to discuss separately the matter and the manner of the elementary course. I shall, therefore, turn directly to the question of how it should be presented. Most teachers use one of four methods: (1) Textbook; (2) lecture; (3) syllabus; (4) library work. Each method has its own disadvantages. Textbooks in general have a singular lack of emphasis. Most students do not distinguish the essential from the unessential, the terminology being new and the whole treatment more or less abstract. Of the ordinary evils of slavery to a text I need not speak. In a lecture course most undergraduates do no work. If a syllabus is used, most of the difficulties of the text are encountered, but with two or three books instead of one. Without unlimited library funds, library reading as a basis for class discussion is impossible. A hundred students are always wanting to get hold of half a dozen books. Most teachers, therefore, come back to a combination of textbook and lecture, with more or less effort at supplementary library work, — not a bad solution, though by no means an ideal one.

                  The root difficulty is to get into the hands of all the students concrete material that will serve as the basis for intelligent and informed discussion. Our students do not know the facts of economic life. Of late some books are beginning to appear that try to meet this need. A critic has said, with a good deal of truth, that if one knows no economics these books are useless, because they do not contain enough; and if he does know some economics they are useless, because he already knows all they contain. None the less I believe that the solution of our present difficulty is to be found in putting into the hands of students a large book, perhaps running to two or three volumes, consisting of well-selected studies of different phases of contemporary economic activity, selections from economic history, and the history of economics, and studies of pending problems in economic and social readjustment. The difficulty of keeping such a book up to date I fully recognize. Such a work could be to a considerable extent compiled from standard literature, but to meet the need it would also have to include considerable amounts of new descriptive matter. For example, in the study of value I would have a section showing the conditions of wheat production in the United States, Argentina, India, and Russia; the way in which the grain gets to market, where it is sold, and what influences determine its price; together with a sketch of the course of wheat prices during the nineteenth century. The question of value would thus immediately be tied up in the student’s mind not only with some vague formula of marginal utility, but with actual conditions of distribution of population, fertility of land, the consuming habits of the people, the use of machinery and scientific methods in agriculture, soil conservation, transportation, speculation, — the real influences that our formulas fail to suggest. By the use of a good textbook the student can at the same time learn as much of the technical jargon as is thought desirable, — but with this difference, that it will now have some meaning for him. After wheat I should treat some monopolistic commodity, such as kerosene or anthracite coal, bringing out similarities and differences as compared with wheat. The purpose of this reading or “source” book would be, not to furnish an inductive basis for elementary economics, for I doubt the possibility of teaching it inductively, but to give concrete illustrative material in which the student may examine actively at work every important principle laid down in text or lecture. He can thus be stimulated to study his own experience and employ his own observation and research in determining the truth or falsity of the hypotheses out of which economic theory is built up. According to this plan the teacher may lecture occasionally, but the student will do the work, because he will have something to work on. He will not be required to perform the impossible feat of grinding out scientific explanations in vacuo, which is about what we ask of him in his ignorance now. Description without explanation is empty; explanation without description, futile; description and explanation combined train the scientific thinker.

                  Given then a sourcebook such as has been suggested and a reasonably satisfactory text, the task of the teacher in the elementary course becomes fairly simple. It is summed up in two words — interest and drill. With proper equipment there is little excuse for failure to interest college students in economics, but interest is not enough; it needs to be combined with healthy compulsion. Considerable though their interest be, most elementary students, like other people, have no inclination to overwork. They need close supervision. To make this possible in large classes without entailing prohibitive work on the teacher, assignments of required material must be standardized, so that students can be handled in groups. The better ones can easily be grouped by themselves for special work in addition to that required of the ordinary ones. The better students are neglected by most teachers at present, their efforts being centered on the group of mediocrities who set the suggested reading book might well contain all the material the ordinary student could be expected to use. Then, instead of wasting the time of the whole class with assignments of books they will never read, the teacher could confine such recommendations to the special groups that will actually use them. Lacking such a sourcebook the standardizing of assignments and grouping of students are none the less desirable.

                  Into the technique of the introductory course I shall go no further. The constant effort must be to make the student think clearly, thoroughly, and broadly, and to express his thought simply, clearly, and directly. To this end I rely chiefly on constant classroom discussion of assigned reading. In many ways it is less valuable, however, than the written report, the topical investigation, the collection of material from newspapers, magazines, and public documents, the specific question for written answer and the written examination. All these methods unfortunately devolve a great amount of work on the teacher, and unless he can group students such methods become almost impossible as classes grow in size.

                  Advanced courses present a less difficult problem than the introductory one. The smaller number of students and their more select character, as well as the more specialized character of advanced work, which usually deals with some one part of the field, such as the labor problem, socialism, or money, make it possible to adopt university methods. The students can be thrown largely on their own resources and held responsible only for results. They can be trained to make careful and somewhat extended studies of special topics, and class work can be based to an extent on such studies, though it is fatal to take much time in having students present, often very badly, the results of immature thinking. I am of the opinion that these advanced courses, like the elementary one, would profit by being “fattened.” If it is thought impracticable for a student to give a third of his time to such a study, let him give at least a quarter. Let us have done with the leisurely two-hour undergraduate course, where the student leaves the classroom, say on Wednesday morning, with the pleasing consciousness that economics need trouble him no more till the next week. Let us cut down the number of courses and make serious business of those we do give. Too many college teachers are trying to do for their students what only the university can do.

                  In introductory and advanced work alike, one puzzling question is always presenting itself. What is to be the attitude of the college teacher of economics toward the great economic and political issues that divide classes and parties? He must discuss them, for they are the very questions that give interest to his subject, and on which its conclusions may be expected to throw light. Moreover, he must have opinions about them. A man who has no positive ideas about trusts and trade unions, a central bank, municipal ownership, conservation, and socialism, and who would therefore confine his teaching to a mere “scientific” statement of facts about them, — such a man has not red blood enough to teach economics to undergraduates. The economics teacher ought to have useful opinions if any one has. What shall he do with them?

                  Probably few men of scientific temper and honest disposition consider themselves justified in using their position as undergraduate teachers to play the propagandist for mere opinions, however firmly they may hold them. The classroom is no place for propaganda. Suppose, for example, that at the present juncture one believes in a central bank, — may he urge that view in his classroom? Certainly not, however popular it may happen to be with his trustees. As a scientist he ought to point out the scientific reasons for his opinion, and as a man of affairs he ought, if he desires, to take part in practical movements looking toward the realization of the end he believes wise — and this equally, whether the end desired is a central bank or a cooperative commonwealth. Such freedom is fundamental to having honest men in college and university. But as a teacher of immature students, the economist finds himself under obligation not to impose his views on minds more or less incapable of resistance. He will not wish to convert his students to an opinion that will be held more or less as a prejudice.

                  Two courses, then, are open to him. Either he may keep his opinions to himself, trying to present fairly the arguments on both sides and leaving the students to form their own conclusions; or, he may frankly state his own judgment, giving the reasons which lead him to his conclusion and the arguments on the other side. The first course in my judgment is unfortunate for two reasons: first, because we do not wish to create a race of civic jellyfishes. The spectacle of an economist out of whom one can not get a positive conclusion on any live subject is, to say the least, not an inspiring example for students whom we desire to have form the habit of reaching sane decisions. Secondly, any man, no matter how fair minded, will find it hard not to present more convincingly the arguments he believes than those he doubts. Hence, in taking up any disputed topic, I tell a class in advance what is my own conclusion, thus giving them, so far as possible, the opportunity to discount the element due to the personal equation. Students and teacher thus stand on a footing of mutual understanding that seems to me conducive to mutual respect and intelligent discussion. The teacher can not help imposing his ideas on his students to some extent, but he can, at any rate, avoid foisting off on them opinions that they absorb from him unconsciously, because they do not know that he holds them. But, after all, perhaps the particular method of dealing with this problem is less important than the spirit in which it is approached. To realize that college boys and girls are generally young and easily impressed, and that propaganda of disputed social policies on which scientific opinion is not united, is at the farthest remove from the teaching of science — to have this consciousness is the great requirement for dealing wisely and fairly in this matter with undergraduates.

                  A little the same thing may be said concerning the general problem of method. To see the fundamental importance of economic relations, to think clearly and systematically, to put things simply and directly, to be filled with enthusiasm for a better social order, — these are the characteristics that will enable the real teacher to touch his students with the live coal off the altar. None the less a method capable of general use needs to be developed as a pedagogical tool, serving the interests at once of sound scholarship, free science, efficient citizenship, and sane social progress.

Source: Educational Review, Vol. XL (October, 1910), pp. 239-249.

Image Source: Faculty portrait of Henry Raymond Mussey in the Barnard College Yearbook, The Mortarboard 1911.

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Barnard Columbia Economists Gender Vassar

Columbia. Economics Ph.D. Alumna, Margaret Good Myers (Beckhart), 1931

I feel as though some apology is due Vassar College from Economics in the Rear-view Mirror for having filed this post under Columbia University, the alma mater for Margaret Good Myers’ 1931 Ph.D. in economics. She did teach thirty years at Vassar College after all. I’ll use my pang of guilt as an opportunity to remind visitors that the focus of Economics in the Rear-view Mirror is the history of undergraduate and graduate economics education, so tagging economists to the institutions where they received their training makes sense as principle for ordering the artifacts transcribed and posted. While the where and how of any particular economist ending their performance on the stage of economics will matter for the biographer, we are taking the opposite perspective of the young economist beginning the performance of their lifetime.

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For more on economics @ Vassar

Shirley Johnson-Lans, “The History of Economics at Vassar College” (Feb. 2011).

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Margaret Good Myers (Beckhart)

1899. Born April 3 in Fremont, Ohio to Philetus ‘Leet’ Blanser and Katherine Mary Mangold Myers.

1920. A.B. Barnard College

1921. Married Benjamin Haggott Beckhart (1897-1975). One son.

1922. M.A. Columbia University

1920-22. Statistician, Federal Reserve Bank of N.Y.

1922. Monthly Production of Pig Iron, 1884-1903. Journal of the American Statistical Association 18 (June): 247-9.

1923-25. Director of Statistics, East Harlem Nursing and Health Demonstration

1926-30. Research consultant for the Council of Research in the Social Sciences of Columbia university

1931. Ph.D. Columbia University. Thesis: The New York Money Market, Vol. I: Origins and Development. Published by Columbia University Press.

1931-32. Fellow, Social Science Research Council. Research in economics at the Faculté de Droit of the University of Paris.

1933. Research at University of Vienna.

Research Consultant for the 20th Century Fund [

1934. Begins teaching at Vassar.

1936. Paris as a Financial Center. New York: Columbia University Press.

1940. Monetary Proposals for Social Reform. New York: Columbia University Press. [“Published in celebration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of Vassar College and in honor of Henry Noble MacCracken in the twenty-fifth year of his presidency.”]

1960. Listed in Who’s Who in America.

1964. Retires from teaching at Vassar.

1965 Summer. Visits Moscow, Leningrad, Tashkent, Samarkan, Kharkov and Kiev. Part of second reciprocal program of exchange visits initiated by Nikita Khruschev in 1963.
Source: Vassar Miscellany News, Volume L, Number 12, 15 December 1965, p. 3.

1970. A Financial History of the United States. New York: Columbia University Press.

1988. Died July 11 in Medford, NJ

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‘I had to fight to keep my own name.’
(1978 Interview)

            Margaret Myers, professor emeritus of economics, taught at Vassar from 1934 to 1964. Talking to Professor Myers is like talking to one of the original feminists, a Lucy Stoner.

            “I decided early on to be a feminist and not to be fully dependent on a man for my spending money. My husband fully agreed with me. I wouldn’t have married him if he hadn’t. Some girls are naive about that, not knowing where their future husbands stand on such issues.

            “Girls used to come up to me after class and ask why I didn’t believe in marriage. I’d say I had been married to the same man for thirty years.” Needless to say, the students were surprised for Miss Myers never changed her name. “I have always used my own name. I even vote in my own name, but I had to fight to keep it.”

            Although Professor Myers loved teaching, she felt ready to retire at 65. She had a book underway, A Financial History of the United States, now being translated into Japanese. She was also active locally in the League of Women Voters and in Planned Parenthood.

            “I have been on the Planned Parenthood board through two six-year terms. I feel that birth control is the most important element in social reform. I think that much crime can be traced back to unwanted, unloved, unskilled young people. The Right to Life people should have to pay taxes to support unwanted young children.”

            Miss Myers feels controlling family size might also be a way to reduce the infant death rate. ‘‘lnfant death rate in the United States is shockingly high. Sixteen other, countries have infant death rates lower than ours. But it seems that the idea that women can control their own bodies sends men into an hysterical rage.”

            While an undergraduate at Barnard College, Miss Myers took a course entitled ‘‘Women in Gainful Occupations.” “In that course, we read about women’s wages and women’s jobs in factories. It was the nearest thing to consciousness-raising for me.”

            Miss Myers had wanted to attend Vassar but couldn’t at that time because no financial aid was offered to freshmen. Instead she went to Barnard and met her husband, Haggott Beckhart, in a graduate course in statistics. Miss Myers recalled, “The class was so boring that we had to entertain each other.” In 1921 Miss Myers was married to Mr. Beckhart, then a professor in the Columbia Business School.

            During Myers’s years at Vassar, the Economics Department had an activist orientation, and its members were politically involved. Miss Mabel Newcomer, an economics professor and contemporary of Miss Myers, had been at Bretton Woods on a committee to establish the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development.

            When I met Edna Macmahon at the Bryn Mawr summer school in 1922, we were arrested for strikebreaking in Philadelphia, although we had only been interviewing the strikebreakers. The police were just arresting anyone near the factory.”

            Although she felt that the Economics Department was politically conscious when she came to Vassar, Miss Myers does not remember much of a feminist movement here. She does remember that there were more women on the faculty and in the administration than today. “Presidents McCracken and Blanding were pretty fair-minded about women in the faculty and administration. I don’t think that women felt discriminated against under these two.

            “The Depression was an awful setback for the women’s movement. Since women couldn’t get jobs, they just grabbed onto the nearest man. After World War II, there was a growth of patriotic motherhood. Again, women suffered a setback. Women just married and had children, and didn’t go to graduate schools. These factors made it unusual to be a feminist.”

            While these factors may have made it unusual for other women to be feminists, they never stopped Margaret Myers.

Source: Carla De Landri, “Six emeriti who chose Poughkeepsie,” Vassar Quarterly, Volume LXXIV, Number 3 (March, 1978), p. 31.

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Book reviews by Margaret Good Myers

1930/1. Book Review of “The Labor Banking Movement in the United States” by Princeton University, Industrial Relations Section. Personnel Journal 9: 191-.

1930/1. Book Review of “Robots or Men? A French Workman’s Experience in American Industry” by Dubreuil. Personnel Journal 9: 264-.

1931/2. Book Review of “Cost of Living Studies II. How Workers Spend a Living Wage” by Peixotto. Personnel Journal 10: 67.

1931/2. Book Review of “The Movement of Money and Real Earnings in the United States, 1926-28” by Douglas and Jennison. Personnel Journal 10: 67.

1931/2. Book Review of “The National Income and Its Purchasing Power” by King. Personnel Journal 10: 67.

1932. Book Review of “Le Crédit par acceptation: Paris, centre financier” by Pierre-Benjamin Vigreux. Political Science Quarterly 47: 301-.

1935. Book Review of “Le Crédit” by Louis Baudin. Political Science Quarterly 50: 150-.

1938. Book Review of “La Monnaie et la formation des prix. Partie I: Les Eléments” by Louis Baudin. Political Science Quarterly 53: 310-.

Source: Bibliography from Kirsten K. Madden, Janet A. Seiz and Michèle Pujol, A Bibliography of Female Economic Thought to 1940. Routledge, 2004.

Image Source: Carla De Landri, “Six emeriti who chose Poughkeepsie,” Vassar Quarterly, Volume LXXIV, Number 3 (March, 1978), p. 31.

Categories
Columbia Economists

Columbia. Excerpt from Dean’s Report dealing with faculty of political science. 1930-1931

The previous post was a backward look from October 1930 at the first fifty-years of Columbia’s Faculty of Political Science (home of its graduate economics department). The following excerpts from the annual report of the Dean of the Faculties of Political Science, Philosophy, and Pure Science give us a snapshot of the Faculty of Political Science for the year 1930-31.

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FACULTIES OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY, AND PURE SCIENCE

REPORT OF THE DEAN
FOR THE ACADEMIC YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 1931

To the President of the University

Sir:

As Dean of the Faculties of Political Science, Philosophy, and Pure Science, I submit the following report for the academic year ending June 30, 1931.

The year was marked by a number of events of interest and importance to the Graduate Faculties. Scarcely was it under way when the University celebrated with appropriate dignity and simplicity the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Founding of the Faculty of Political Science. The details of this celebration, having been elsewhere recorded in print, need not be repeated here. The presence on that occasion of the venerable founder of the Faculty, Emeritus Professor John William Burgess, still in vigor of mind and of personality, gave it peculiarly interesting and dramatic focus. It was a fortunate circumstance that this expression of the University’s homage and debt to him was given at that time. Only a few months thereafter, deservedly honored and mourned, he passed from the earthly scene.

As a permanently useful memento of this celebration there was published a Bibliography of the Faculty of Political Science containing the list of the several thousand books and important articles written by its members as well as the titles of the nearly seven hundred doctoral dissertations that have been prepared and published under its guidance. Important to our University life as the integrity and unity of this Faculty is both historically and presently, it is regrettable that because of this fact this Bibliography falls far short of including the total of our contributions to the field of the social sciences. A complete bibliography of our publications in this wide field would have included numerous books and articles by members of other faculties, notably the Faculties of Business and of Law.

But while the Faculty of Political Science momentarily paused on the threshold of the year to celebrate its semicentenary, to look back upon its achievements and modestly to rejoice in its traditions, its spirit was in 1930, as in 1880, the spirit of youth. Professor Burgess himself was only thirty-five when he fathered the Faculty. And of the early famous small group whom he called to aid him in his high adventure in scholarship Professors Mayo-Smith and Munroe Smith were only twenty-six, and Professors Goodnow and Seligman twenty-four. Even among later arrivals Professor John Bassett Moore was only thirty-one, Professor Dunning thirty-two, Professor Osgood thirty-five, and Professor Giddings thirty-seven, when they joined the Faculty. It was a youthful company courageously and energetically facing the future.

And so this Faculty continues. It was the Department of Economics that was especially called upon this year to take thought of tomorrow. It had suffered severe losses. Professor Henry L. Moore retired in the spring of 1930. Professor Seager died in August of the same year. Professor Seligman retired at the end of the year. Inevitably the School of Business and the Department of Economics have been developing along many related lines of teaching and research. It would have been calamitous had they developed at cross purposes or in ungenerous rivalry. Happily no such misfortune befell. From the inception of the School of Business these two units have been held to common purpose by ties of common sense and of that fine spirit of loyalty and of friendship that is so much a part of the Columbia spirit. But the breach in the ranks of the Department of Economics seemed an appropriate occasion for welding these separate units, at least in so far as graduate work is concerned, into closer organic integration. Everybody recognizes that under our more or less arbitrary, but certainly unavoidable, scheme of departmentalization there are subjects and interests appropriate to a professional school of business that might not properly be included under a graduate department of economics. Conversely, there are manifestly subjects and interests that not only may be, but also should be, included under both. We severed the knot of this difficult problem of University organization by asking five members of the Faculty of the School of Business to become members of the Department of Economics and accept seats in the Faculty of Political Science. These were Professors Bonbright, Haig, McCrea, Mills, and Willis. This is no mere paper arrangement; it means a vital amalgamation of intellectual forces working toward common ends.

In recognition of the growing rapprochement between law and the social sciences it seemed fitting also that two members of the Faculty of Law, whose fields of interest are considerably economic, should be invited into this enlarged departmental membership. Professors Llewellyn and Berle were in consequence drawn into the unit. This was in line with the historic dual relationship that has so long prevailed with profitable results to teaching and scholarship between the Department of Public Law and the School of Law.

In addition to these internal realignments several new members were added to the Department of Economics. These are: Leo Wolman, eminent economist and practitioner in the field of labor problems; Carter Goodrich, whose special field for development will be American economic history; and Harold Hotelling, a distinguished mathematician turned economist. Arthur R. Burns, Lecturer in Economics in Barnard College, will henceforth devote himself to graduate instruction and research upon problems of industrial and business organization. Michael Florinsky, working upon recent economic developments in Europe, and Joseph Dorfman upon the development of American economic thought, have been made Associates in the Department. The remolding of this important Department at a moment of unprecedentedly swift change in the economic world augurs for the years ahead rich results in scholarship and in service.

In the closely related Department of Social Science the appointment of Robert S. Lynd, distinguished sociological investigator and for some years past Secretary of the Social Science Research Council, is likewise an omen of certain promise. It can scarcely fail to quicken, expand, and deepen the activities of our sociologists in this great laboratory of society in which we live, the city of New York.

[…]

I express the deep grief of the University over the death in August, 1930, of Henry Rogers Seager, Professor of Political Economy, and in June, 1931, of Franklin Henry Giddings, Professor Emeritus in Residence of Sociology and the History of Civilization. For a quarter of a century or more here at Columbia, Professor Seager studied with and expounded to his students the problems of labor in a changing industrial society and the economic problems of corporations and trusts. Scholar, teacher, writer, humanitarian, active participant in welfare movements and organizations, he died at the age of sixty, depriving us of many years of companionship and service upon which we had never thought not to count. Beloved of both students and colleagues, his deep personal interest in and influence upon the former will not be easily supplied by another. His loss to the latter is irreparable.

Professor Giddings’ death brought to its close a long, rich life of labor, of profound reflection, and of purposeful achievement. Trail blazer in an almost unexplored and unstaked field of social inquiry he more than any other American gave meaning to the term sociology and direction to its course. His numerous writings attest the catholicity of his interests, the depth of his penetrating scholarship, and the clarity of his thinking on social problems and developments. Scholars the world over acclaimed him, while the large company of his students and the small company of his immediate colleagues held him in the affectionate regard which his rich humanity and his fineness of spirit inspired and compelled.

The end of the academic year brought with it the retirement from active service to the University of Edwin R. A. Seligman, McVickar Professor of Political Economy, and of Edward Delavan Perry, Jay Professor of Greek. Professor Seligman’s enormous and varied contributions to modern economic thought, especially in the field of public finance, as well as his numerous public and quasi-public services are so widely and so favorably known that it seems quite as useless as it is impossible summarily to estimate them here. His name is known and his views are valued wherever informed men in almost any land discuss problems of finance, and many are the important laws embodying fiscal policies of city, state, and nation that bear in their contours the impress of his studious acumen and practical genius. A scholar in affairs he was and continues to be. Happily he tarries with us in residence as active and as interested as ever. For him relief from classroom instruction can but mean an increase of productive scholarship and of public activity, if such a thing be conceivable.

[…]

Respectfully submitted,
Howard Lee McBain,
Dean

June 30, 1931

Source: Columbia University. Annual Report of the President and Treasurer to the Trusteesfor the year ending June 30, 1931. Pp. 202-204; 208-209; 214.

Image Source: Low Memorial Library, Columbia University from the Tichnor Brothers Collection, New York Postcards, at the Boston Public Library, Print Department.