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Columbia. Instructors for Economics in Columbia College. Considering Okun et al., 1951

 

This following 1951 memo by the head of the economics department at Columbia, Jamew W. Angell, to his colleagues about the relatively mundane matter of identifying potential candidates for an instructor vacancy in the undergraduate economics program in Columbia College, caught my attention with a paragraph describing the up-and-coming graduate student Arthur Okun. Five current instructors were identified by name together with three ranked potential candidates. I figured this would be as good a time as any, to see what sort of career information I’d be able to gather on the other seven names that I did not recognize. 

I was least successful with Mr. George F. Dimmler whose Google traces would indicate that he had gone on to teach briefly at Wharton and then worked as an economist at  the Commercial Investment Trust (CIT) Financial Corporation. But for the other six economists (as well as Okun) it was relatively easy to find obituaries!

While Arthur Okun was clearly the leading candidate considered for the position, the instructorship instead went to the Fellner student from Berkeley, Jacob Weissman. As of this post I do not know whether this means that Okun was not offered the job, or had been offered the instructorship but had a better opportunity.

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MEMO REGARDING POTENTIAL INSTRUCTORS FOR UNDERGRADUATE ECONOMICS AT COLUMBIA COLLEGE

CONFIDENTIAL

May 8, 1951

To Professors Bergson, Bonbright, A. F. Burns, A. R. Burns, Clark, Dorfman, Goodrich, Haig, Hart, Mills, Nurkse, Shoup, Stigler, Wolman

From James W. Angell

Because of the prospective shrinkage of the enrollment and the greater exercise of professional option by students of Columbia College, it will probably be necessary to reduce the number of appointments as Instructor of Economics in College from the present five to two for next year. The problem is further complicated by the fact that the College is adopting a general policy of not renewing appointments to instructor ships beyond a total term of five years. None of the present instructors will be dismissed, but all of them are being encouraged and helped to find new positions. Two of them, [George F.] Dimmler and [Daniel M.] Holland,  [see below]  have already made other arrangements for next year; and the other three, [Lawrence] Abbott [from Prabook], [Frank W.] Schiff [see below] and [Nian-Tzu] Wang [see below, have definite possibilities for other employment. It is improbable that we will lose all five of these men, but there is a definite possibility that one new instructor will be needed, and a rather remote possibility that we will need two.

Since definite action may not be required until the summer, when most of us will be away, I am now calling the situation to your attention. Horace Taylor, as Chairman of the Departmental Committee in the College, has proposed for consideration three men whom he regards as the most promising candidates known to him for appointment as Instructor, should a vacancy develop. I give below summaries of the records of these men, based largely or wholly on material which Taylor provided (entirely so in the case of Weissman). They are listed in Taylor’s order.

OKUN, Arthur. [Brookings Memorial] A. B. From Columbia College, 1949, with honors and special distinction in Economics; first in his class of over five hundred in the College; Green Memorial Prize; Phi Beta Kappa. Entered our Graduate Department in 1949, University Scholar, 1949-50, and University Fellow, 1950-51. Has A’s in all courses he took in the Graduate School. Passed the Qualifying Examination with A on the Essay, two A’s and 3 B’s on the Specific questions. Has passed language examinations in German and in Mathematics; certified in Statistics and in General Economic History. Will take the orals this spring, offering Economic Theory, Monetary Economics, Public Utility and Public Finance. Taylor writes: “He is regarded by everyone in the College staff as one of the most gifted students we ever have had, and I believe he is well known to members of the graduate faculty. My recollection is that he made the highest score ever made on the graduate record examination. Some of his teachers in graduate school have spoken of him as the ablest of the current group of students there. He has no teaching experience, but it is going to conduct some discussion sections of Robert Carey’s course in elementary economics next Summer Session. Okun was No. 1 man in his class of over 500 in Columbia College.”

WEISSMAN, Jacob. [see below] Taylor writes: “A more mature man than Okun. Has had business and industrial experience, in the sense that he was General Manager of a steel company in which his family is interested. He resigned this $20,000 job to take up graduate study of economics at the University of California. Messrs. Davisson, Fellner, and Gordon of of U. of C. have written letters recommending him in the highest terms. One or two of them even said that Weissman is the ablest graduate student of economics at the U. of C. in some years. He is now at Cambridge, Massachusetts, to be in touch with Mr. Fellner, who is directing Weissman’s dissertation. I had Weissman to lunch when he passed through New York last summer, and was greatly impressed with his good mind, excellent training, and modesty. He is eager for a job here.”

AHEARN, Daniel. [see below]  A.B. from Columbia College, 1949; Phi Beta Kappa; graduate fellowship from Columbia College for 1949-50. Entered our Graduate Department in 1949; Kazanjian Scholar, 1950-51; Master’s thesis on the business cycle fluctuation in 1932-34, now in process with Professor Hart. Passed Qualifying Examination in 1950, with a B average. Seven A’s and one B in graduate courses. Has passed the German examination and has certified in Statistics and American Economic History. Will take orals this spring, offering Economic Theory, Monetary Economics, Business Cycles and Industrial Organization. Taylor writes: “Now in graduate school, and probably well-known to most staff members. He was a classmate of Okun, and ranked third in the class in which Okun was first. A man of unusual ability, excellent personal qualities, is highly regarded by the College staff.”

There are doubtless also other men whom you would like to suggest for consideration. I shall greatly appreciate receiving such suggestions promptly, together with as much information about them as you can provide; and also your own judgment and comparative rating of the men discussed above.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Robert M. Haig Papers, Box 107, Folder: Haig Correspondence A, 1949-1952”.

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Jacob Weissman’s initial appointment, 1951-52.

He replaced Daniel M. Holland. Appointed July 1, 1951 for one year, annual salary $3600.

Source:  Columbia University Libraries Manuscript Collections. Columbiana. Department of Economics Collection, Box 4, Budget, 1945/1946-1954/1955, Folder “Budget 1951-52”.

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Weissman appointment extended to a fifth year

Jacob Weissman will have served four years as instructor, but we seek his reappointment for a fifth year at his present salary [$3,800], and that permission for this be sought from the President of the University under section 60 of the Statutes. The ground for this request are that Weissman expects to submit his dissertation on “The Law of Oligopoly: A Study of the Relationship between Legal and Economic Theory” at the University of California in the Spring of 1955, when we expect to be in a better position to assess his worth. Also, Weissman has done and is doing much for the College, and it seems fair to him to let him get his degree before seeking a position elsewhere, if we have eventually to let him go.”

Source: Report of College Committee on Economics to the Executive Officer, Department of Economics (November 15, 1954) by Harold Barger, Chairman of the College Committee, Department of Economics”

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Jacob I. Weissman
Obituary
(July 13, 2006)

Jacob I. Weissman, a lawyer, inveterate storyteller and Phi Beta Kappa scholar who chaired the economics department at Hofstra University before retiring to Martha’s Vineyard, died peacefully July 11 at Henrietta Brewer House surrounded by family and friends. He was 92.

Professor Weissman would often tell friends that he disagreed with the general description of economics as a dismal science and that had coined his own term: the trivial science.

He explained: “Economists don’t deal sufficiently with aspirations, and ambitions of people or other variables.”

According to his wife, Nikki Langer Weissman, this quote summarized his world view. “Despite his considerable academic achievements,” she said, “Jacob was a man who never lost sight of the fact that human beings come before statistics and that human behavior defies predictive models.” Professor Weissman was born and raised in Detroit. In 1935, he graduated from the University of Michigan Phi Beta Kappa with a degree in economics.

After graduation, he enrolled in the University of Michigan Law School, completing his J.D. degree and graduating first in class and was also editor of the Michigan Law Review. Following law school, he spent a year traveling to Japan, China, southeast Asia, the Middle East and Europe.

Prior to graduation from law school, he had been invited to work as clerk to the chief justice of the supreme court of Michigan. However, due to his father’s illness, he felt obliged to decline, as he was needed to run the family business, where he remained as president for 12 years.

After this detour, Professor Weissman decided to return to the world he loved – academia. In 1947, he enrolled at the University of California at Berkeley for a Ph.D. in economics. While completing his dissertation, he taught at Columbia University in New York until 1956, when he received his doctorate in economics. He was hired by the University of Chicago as a research associate in law and economics at the law school and later associate professor of law and economics at the University of Chicago’s Graduate School of Business.

He often attributed his love of academics to his teaching experience at Columbia “because the university used many of its faculty to teach not only in their own disciplines, but in a wonderful general education program.”

“I became very enriched by that teaching and my vision of an ideal academic life was fulfilled,” he once told a reporter. “An element of chance was involved in this path I chose, but it suited me well.”

In 1963, he was invited to join the faculty at Hofstra University in New York as professor of economics and chairman of the economics department. He also served as speaker of faculty, a post he held for two years. In 1982, he was appointed interim dean of Hofstra University’s School of Business.

At Hofstra, he met and married Shirley (Nikki) Langer, who was associate professor of psychology. They remained at Hofstra University until his retirement in 1983.

In 1969, impressed by the vitality and community spirit on the Vineyard, they became homeowners in Chilmark.Professor Weissman gave generously of his time and talents on the Vineyard.

He served on the board of directors of the Martha’s Vineyard Hospital and as chairman of its ethics committee. He was a board member and treasurer of Howes House (West Tisbury Council on Aging). He and his wife gave lessons at the various senior centers on creativity, aging and other topics.

His publications on law and economics were included in The American Economic Review, The Journal of Political Economy and The University of Chicago’s Journal of Business.

In addition to his wife, Nikki Langer Weissman of Chilmark; his son, Stephen Weissman of London; his sister, Helen Rosenman of San Francisco; his stepson, Kenneth Langer of Takoma Park, Md.; his stepdaughter, Elizabeth Langer of Washington, D.C.; six grandchildren, Max Weissman and Maisie Weissman, Ben Langer Chused, Sam Langer, Nora Langer and Amelia Langer; and two great-grandchildren, Kate and Toby Weissman.

Source: Vineyard Gazette, July 13, 2006.

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Daniel S. Ahearn
Obituary
(April 6, 2016)

AHEARN, Daniel S., Ph.D. 90, of Winchester, March 30, 2016. Beloved husband of Louise (Freeman) Ahearn. Loving father of Barbara Ahearn of Arlington and the late Kathleen and JoAnne Ahearn. Born in New York City, Daniel was the son of the late Daniel and Margaret (Walter) Ahearn. A World War II veteran, he served in the 399th Infantry 100th Division from 1943 to 1946 in France and Germany. He received his bachelor’s degree from Columbia College in 1949 and his Ph.D. in economics from Columbia University in 1961. His book “Federal Reserve Policy Reappraised 1951-1959” was based on his Ph.D. thesis. Daniel spent his roughly 65-year working life in positions involving economics, investments and monetary and fiscal policy. From 1961 to 1995, he was at Wellington Management Company with positions including senior vice president, partner and chairman of the investment policy group. In 1963 he left Wellington to serve as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Debt Management until 1965. He also advised the Treasury Dept. for about 25 years as a member of the Government and Federal Agencies Securities Committee of the Public Securities Assoc. After leaving Wellington, Daniel formed Capital Markets Strategies where he continued advisory work. In Winchester, where he was a resident for 47 years, Daniel was an Investment Trustee of Winchester Hospital from 1974-2012. He is widely remembered for his reports on investments to the annual meeting of the Winchester Hospital board.

Source: Boston Globe obituary from Legacy.com.

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Frank W. Schiff
Obituary
(August 28, 2006)

Frank W. Schiff, 85, who served as vice president and chief economist of the Committee for Economic Development from 1969 to 1986, died Aug. 17 at Inova Mount Vernon Hospital of complications from a back injury.

At the Committee for Economic Development, an independent organization of business executives and university administrators, Mr. Schiff coordinated statements and monographs on a wide range of national and international economic policy issues. His efforts involved tax reform, budget deficits, the federal budget process, energy independence, job training, public-private partnerships and the international monetary system.

He played a key role in the creation of local Private Industry Councils under the federal Job Training Partnership Act. He had a special interest in flexible work arrangements, such as greater use of “flexiplace” and work sharing as an alternative to layoffs or women leaving the workforce.

He said in 1983 that in situations where flexiplace — working at home or other places other than the office — had been tried, productivity improved in most cases 10 to 20 percent and sometimes substantially more.

Mr. Schiff was born in Greisswald, Germany, and fled the Nazis in 1936. He was 15 when he and his family arrived in New York, where he finished high school in New Rochelle and graduated Phi Beta Kappa from Columbia University. He also did graduate work in economics at Columbia.

From 1943 to 1945, he served in the Army in the 35th Infantry Division in France. After the war, he was an economics instructor at Columbia.

Beginning in 1951, Mr. Schiff held several positions with the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. Among them was head of the Latin American unit and assistant vice president of research.

He went to Vietnam in the early 1960s to advise the government on creation of a central bank.

As senior staff economist with the Council of Economic Advisers from 1964 to 1968, Mr. Schiff had responsibility for international finance, coordination of international economic policies and domestic monetary policy. He regularly represented the council at international monetary policy meetings in Paris.

He served as deputy undersecretary of the Treasury for monetary affairs from 1968 to 1969 and was involved in domestic economic policy and international monetary policy formulation and negotiations, debt management and relations with the Federal Reserve.

Mr. Schiff lived in Washington from 1964 to 1983, when he moved to Alexandria. He retired in 1986.

He was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Conference of Business Economists and served as president and chairman of the National Economists Club.

In 1990, Mr. Schiff returned to his childhood home in Germany on a trip with Sen. Rudy Boschwitz (R-Minn.). Vivid memories flooded his mind as he stood in the 1915 art deco apartment building where he grew up in what became a West Berlin residential area. “It was very pleasant here before the Hitler period,” he said.

Survivors include his wife, Erika Deussen Schiff, whom he married in 1974, of Alexandria; and a brother.

Source: Washington Post.August 28, 2006.

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Daniel M. Holland
Obituary
(January 8, 1992)

Daniel M. Holland, professor emeritus of finance at the Sloan School of Management and a widely known expert on taxation and public finance, died December 15 at Beth Israel Hospital, Boston, while under treatment for a heart condition. Professor Holland, a Lexington resident, was 71.

A memorial service is being planned for some time in February at the MIT Chapel.

Professor Holland was an MIT faculty member from 1958 until his retirement in 1986, when he became an emeritus professor and senior lecturer. He also served as an assistant to the provost from 1986 to 1990.

He was a consultant over the years to government agencies, including the US Treasury, foreign governments and private companies.

He was editor of the National Tax Journal for more than 20 years, served as president of the National Tax Association in 1988-89, and was the author of several books on taxation and numerous articles both in professional journals and other publications. His books included Dividends Under the Income Tax and Private Pension Funds: Projected Growth, for which he received the Elizur Wright Award of the American Risk and Insurance Association.

Professor Abraham J. Siegel, former dean of the Sloan School, said, “Dan was a great colleague and friend, broadly gauged in his knowledge and interests. Those of us who have known him for over 30 years, as well as his younger colleagues, will miss him enormously.”

Professor Holland, who was born in New York City, received AB and PhD degrees from Columbia University, in 1941 and 1951, respectively.

He served three years in the Navy during World War II, mostly aboard a destroyer escort in the Pacific theater.

He was a member of the research staff of the National Bureau of Economic Research before becoming an associate professor of economics at New York University in 1957, the year before he came to MIT, also as an associate professor. He was promoted to full professor at MIT in 1962.

His professional groups included the American Economic Association, American Finance Association, Royal Economic Society, International Institute of Public Finance and the International Fiscal Association.

He leaves his wife, Jeanne A. (Ormont) Holland; two children, Andy of New York City, a scenic artist, and Laura Roeper of Amherst, Mass., a writer; two grandchildren and four nephews.

SourceMIT News, January 8, 1992.

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Nian-Tzu Wang
Obituary
The New York Times (Aug. 29 to Aug. 30, 2004)

WANG-Nian-Tzu, N.T., of Larchmont, NY, died of cancer, on August 26, 2004. Loving husband of Mabel U, devoted father of June, Kay (Leighton Chen), Cynthia (Daniel Sedlis), Geraldine, and Newton, and proud grandfather of Christine, Stephanie and Lucy. In his autobiography, “My Nine Lives”, NT wrote of his lives as number one son, traditional scholar, foreign student, public servant, instructor, international servant, advisor, academician, and immigrant. NT was born in Shanghai on July 25, 1917. Initially trained to be a Confucian scholar, he received a classical education at home, where he was tutored in Chinese poetry, painting, the Classics and other literati skills. Math, science, and languages were introduced later by his father, Pai Yuan (PY) Wang, a sophisticated banker when he decided to school his four sons in Western ways when they were teenagers. In 1937, NT went abroad to study at the London School of Economics and Germany. He transferred to Columbia where he graduated Phi Beta Kappa with honors in economics in 1941, and went on to receive an M.A. and PhD in economics from Harvard. NT will be remembered throughout the international community for his dedicated efforts in advising businesses and governments around the world on ecomonic development. He made many contributions to his homeland of China, the U.S., his home since 1939, and to countless countries which he helped through his work at the U.N. Economic and Social Council. After retiring from a 28 year career at the United Nations, as the Director of the Centre on Transnational Corporations, he returned to Columbia Univ. to teach at the School of Business and the School of International and Public Affairs. He thoroughly enjoyed his time with his students, organizing seminars, creating training programs for Chinese academic and business leaders, and working tirelessly as the Director of the China-International Business Project. In his final days, he was polishing his keynote speech as part of Columbia University’s 250th anniversary celebration. He was an honorary professor of ten universities, a fellow of the International Academy of Management, and a recipient of many awards, including the New York Governor’s Award for Outstanding Asian American. In addition to his many professional achievements, his passions included dancing with his life partner of 62 years, Mabel, and playing tennis. NT exhausted his daughter Kay playing two and a half hours of tennis after celebrating his 87th birthday just one month ago. Throughout his life, he took time to compose classical Chinese poems, which his family will compile as the tenth chapter in his life, ‘The Poet’. A memorial service will be announced later. Contributions may be made to Community Funds Inc. for the N.T. and Mabel Wang Charitable Fund, which will continue the mission of the China-International Business Project he established at Columbia University, c/o Community Funds Inc., 2 Park Avenue, NY, NY 10016.

SourceLegacy.com obituaries.

Image Source: Arthur Okun. Yale Memorial Webpage.

Categories
Chicago Columbia Sociology Teaching Undergraduate

Columbia. Encyclopedia article on teaching and university research in sociology. Tenney and Giddings, 1913

 

 

About a dozen posts ago I provided the text to a 1913 article on economics education written by E. R. A. Seligman and James Sullivan that was published in A Cyclopedia of Education, edited by Paul Monroe and published by Macmillan. Since the field of sociology was a fraternal twin of economics in many academic divisions at the time and not an uncommon field for graduate students of economics to choose as one of their fields of examination, this post provides now the text for the analogous article on sociology education published in the same 1913 “Cyclopedia”.

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SOCIOLOGY.

Alvan A. Tenney, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor of Sociology, Columbia University.

Franklin H. Giddings, Ph.D., LL.D.
Professor of Sociology and the History of Civilization, Columbia University.

Scope of the Subject. —

Sociology is the scientific study of society. Men, and many of the lower animals, live in groups. The scientific problem is to dis cover, by means of observation, induction, and verification, quantitative expressions for the regular ways in which group life operates, i.e. what, in quantitative terms, are the consequences of the fact that “man is a political animal.” Study of this problem necessitates inquiry into the origin, composition, interrelationships and activities of groups. It includes consideration of the environmental, biological, and psychological factors which, historically, have conditioned the character of such groups as the process of evolution has produced. It requires investigation also of such differences and resemblances among groups as are of significance in explaining the control which the group exercises over the individuals composing it. For quantitative expression the statistical method must be used. The ultimate aim of such study is to create a scientific basis for the conscious control of human society, to the end that evolution may be transformed into progress both for the race and for the individual. Unfortunately the scope of the subject has not been always thus conceived by teachers who label their courses Sociology. The latter half of the nineteenth century, the pioneer period in scientific sociology, witnessed a remarkable development of interest in the problems of philanthropy and penology. Inquiries into the causes of poverty and crime stimulated inquiry into the broader field of social causation in general, and the term sociology was used loosely to cover any portion of these fields. (See Social Sciences.) The term “applied sociology” for some time was equivalent to philanthropy and penology (q.v.). Recognition of the fact, however, that a theory of sociology can be “applied” in the guidance of public policy in every department of social life has initiated a movement, in America especially, to segregate the special problems of philanthropy and penology under the term social economy. This movement has not worked itself out fully, and there are still many courses given as sociology that should be called social economy. Sociology, in the scientific sense, of necessity uses the materials of history, and the demonstration or the concrete illustration of sociological principles has led naturally to systematic treatment of the historical evolution of society. It has been customary, therefore, to include, as a legitimate part of the scientific study of society, the history of social institutions. Beyond these limits there is a more or less indefinite zone of subjects such as social ethics, civics, social legislation, or even certain special questions in political economy and philosophy that have been included under the term sociology. The popular tendency, however, to make the term cover discussion of any social question whatsoever is gradually disappearing.

The present status of sociology as a science has been a direct result of the history of the subject itself. No one has yet done for sociology what Marshall did for economics. None of the textbooks is entirely satisfactory nor has entire agreement yet been reached as to the subjects which should receive most attention in a fundamental course. Nearly all the pioneers in sociology, with the exception of the very earliest, still retain leadership both in the science itself and in university chairs. Though all such leaders agree on fundamental points, each has naturally emphasized in his teaching that phase of the subject to which he has contributed most. At the present time, however, both the leaders and the large body of younger teachers who have been trained by them are beginning to place somewhat the same relative emphasis on the various factors that have been found useful in explaining the problems of the science. Nevertheless, even now the teacher is compelled to organize his own courses to a considerable extent on the basis of his own reading and such special training as he may be fortunate enough to have had. The particular form which that organization takes in any given instance is usually dependent to a considerable degree upon the university at which the teacher has studied and upon the sources with which he has become familiar. The conditions which have made this situation inevitable can be appreciated only by understanding the history of the subject itself and thus realizing both the richness of the field and the freedom in choice of material which is open to the teacher.

History of the Subject. —

The beginning of sociology, in the study of society itself, must have commenced far earlier than historical records permit proof of the fact; for the propensity of individuals to take thought as to how a group of men may be controlled can hardly be considered a recently acquired trait. Primitive man early developed systematic methods for teaching youth the means whereby both nature and man could apparently be controlled, and the teaching of that part of primitive magic which pertained to social control must have constituted one of the first courses in sociology. Problems of warfare, leadership, and group dominion must have also led both to practical knowledge of the nature of group activity and to the transmission of that knowledge from generation to generation.

Of necessity the statesman has ever been a sociologist. Likewise the philosopher has always busied himself with the relation of man to his fellow man. When Plato wrote the Republic and Aristotle the Politics the philosophical study of the subject was well advanced. A considerable part of the education of a Grecian youth was thus definitely in the field now called sociology. Later, when the evolution of world-empires led to the study of how great bodies of heterogeneous groups might be maintained in a single organized and harmoniously working system, men began to construct theories of group action, e.g. those of sovereignty and of the contractual nature of the state. Machiavelli, Bodin, Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau each added elements to the growing body of social theory and helped to render the theory of group action more precise. Finally, in the nineteenth century, when the bounds of knowledge had become world-wide, when the development of the natural sciences had demonstrated the utility of exact scientific method and when the rise of modern nations, the growth of the industrial system, the ideals of democratic government, and the theory of evolution had begun to influence men, Comte and Spencer led the way in the construction of a comprehensive theory of society, utilizing scientific method to elucidate modern problems of social evolution and of social progress. August Comte (q.v.) first used the word sociology in the Cours de Philosophie positive, and it was he who first insisted upon the use of the positive method in the development of the subject. It was Herbert Spencer, however, who in Social Statics, in the various volumes of the Synthetic Philosophy, and in The Study of Sociology attempted by wide observation to demonstrate that universal laws operate in human society. The work of many other men ought, however, to be included in a fuller statement of the important contributors to the development of scientific sociology in the latter half of the nineteenth century. To the influence of Charles Darwin and his kinsman Francis Galton, for example, must chiefly be credited that intensification of interest in the part which biological influences play in society which has resulted in the so-called eugenic school. (See Eugenics.) In the comparative study of institutions the pioneer work of Sir H. S. Maine cannot be forgotten, nor in the philological method of tracing social relationships, that of the Grimm brothers. In anthropo-geography and ethnology, moreover, there were such men as Ratzel, Robertson-Smith, McLennan, Morgan, and many others. Without the work of these men and their followers sociology must have rested upon a far more speculative foundation than is now the case.

Concerning the chief writers who have followed these leaders and who have contributed more particularly to sociological theory in the narrower sense of the term, it must suffice merely to mention names and to indicate the portion of the field in which each has done his chief work. Of such writers Durkheim has particularly emphasized division of labor as the essential factor in the explanation of society; Tarde, imitation; Le Bon, the impression of the mass on the individual; Gumplowicz, the struggle of races; Ratzenhofer, the motivating power of interests; De Greef, social contact and social contract ; Simmel, the forms of society and the process of socialization; Ward, the importance of human intelligence and inventiveness ; Sumner, the unconscious processes in the evolution of institutions; Giddings, sympathy and likemindedness as subjective causes of the origin and maintenance of groups, the tendency to type formation, and the identification of type form with that of the group; Small, the interests to which men react and the methods of the subject; Ross, social control; and Cooley, social organization.

The competent teacher of sociology to-day utilizes the work of all of these men and that of many others who have elucidated less striking phases of the subject. If, perchance, he be capable of contributing to the science, he may be aiding in the recently inaugurated effort to place the entire subject on a quantitative basis.

The Teaching of Sociology.

The organized teaching of sociology as a university subject began long after the questions with which it deals had gained a firm hold upon the public mind. Little by little teachers of other political or social sciences which had already attained a recognized place in the educational system began to introduce sociological material into their courses and sometimes without sufficient justification to call the result sociology. Popular courses of lectures under the authority of recognized institutions of learning and dealing with almost every conceivable social question sprang up in nearly every civilized land and were called sociology. It was on this inclusive basis that in 1886 a report was made to the American Social Science Association that practically all of some hundred or more universities and colleges in the United States gave instruction in some branch of social science. A similar report could doubt less have been made for every country in Europe.

The first teaching of scientific sociology as a regular part of a college curriculum appears to have been in the United States when Professor Sumner in 1873 introduced Spencer’s Study of Sociology as a textbook at Yale. In 1880 the Trustees of Columbia College established the School of Political Science in that institution, and in it Professor Mayo-Smith received the chair of adjunct professor of political economy and social science. The first department of social science was created at Chicago University in 1894. In the same year the first chair of sociology definitely so called was created in Columbia, and was held then, as now, by Professor Giddings.

The entire decade in which these last mentioned events occurred, however, showed a marked increase of interest, by educators, in sociology. By 1895 the University of Chicago announced numerous courses in the subject and at least twenty-five other colleges and universities in the United States were teaching sociology proper. As many more had made provision for instruction in charities and correction. In Belgium the Université Nouvelle de Bruxelles, established in 1894, with the eminent sociologist Guillaume de Greef as its first Rector, was itself launched largely because of a revolt against the conservatism of other universities with respect to the social sciences. De Greef’s work is now largely supplemented by that of Professor Waxweiler and his staff of the Institut Solvay in the same city. Instruction is both in scientific sociology and social economy. In Switzerland as late as 1900 the only instruction in the subject consisted of a course by Professor Wuarin, the economist, given at Geneva, and one by Dr. Ludwig Stein, Professor of Philosophy at Bern. Italy has produced a number of sociologists of eminence, e.g.Lombroso, Ferri, Sighele, Ferrero, and Sergi, but even in 1900 not one of them was teaching in a university. In that year also there did not exist a single chair of sociology, so called, in Germany. Throughout the preceding six academic years, however, or during one or more of them, courses in sociology were given by Simmel (Berlin), Sombart (Breslau), Bernheim (Greifswald), Sherrer (Heidelberg), Tönnies (Kiel), and Barth (Leipzig). Schäffle of Stuttgart had also become known as the chief representative of the “organic” school. France, the land of the early physiocrats in economics and the home of Comte, was almost the last to organize instruction in the social sciences. During the first three quarters of the nineteenth century no other social sciences were taught in France than the strictly juridical and moral. At the beginning of the last quarter, however, a place for political economy was made in the examination for the bachelor’s degree in law. Even in 1900, according to Professor Gide, sociology was not taught anywhere in France in the form of a regular course, but three professors of philosophy and one of law were delivering free lectures on the subject, Durkheim at Bordeaux, Bouglé at Montpellier, Bertrand at Lyon, and Haurion at Toulouse. Letourneau, however, had by this time achieved a reputation in Paris. The privately supported Collège Libre des Sciences Sociales, had been found in 1892, but the courses included in its somewhat glittering program consisted of but ten lectures each, and were not well attended. Nevertheless, the most celebrated of French sociologists, Gabriel Tarde, first delivered at that institution in 1897 the lectures that subsequently appeared as his Lois Sociales. The school was later organized as the École des Hautes Études Sociales. At the Collège de France, also, certain courses in sociology were given after 1895, honoris causa.

In Austria Gumplowicz and Ratzenhofer have been the most noted names. The former taught at Graz. Russia contributed Lilienfeld and Novicow, but did not establish chairs for them. In Great Britain there was no chair or lectureship in the subject in any university prior to 1904 in spite of the fact that the Sociological Society was already in existence. The first important systematic series of lectures on sociology in the University of London was given in that year. Prior to that, however, Professor Geddes had been lecturing in Glasgow, and at the London School of Economics the sociological movement had received encouragement.

Such were the beginnings of systematic instruction in sociology. It is not practicable here to follow in detail the later development of the movement in all countries. The United States has introduced the subject in institutions of learning more rapidly than has been the case elsewhere. Nevertheless there has been advance in all countries. The present status of the subject in educational institutions in the United States is well reflected by the report of December, 1910, upon the questionnaire issued by the committee on the teaching of sociology of the American Sociological Society. The questionnaire was sent to 396 institutions, of which over 366 were known to give courses in sociology. One hundred and forty-five replies were received. One hundred and twenty-eight institutions reported one or more courses in sociology. In addition to universities and colleges, five theological and twelve normal schools answered the questionnaire. In an effort to gauge the character of subject matter chiefly emphasized in the 128 institutions the number of times various types of subject matter were specifically mentioned in the replies was tabulated and resulted in the following classification and marks: historical subject matter, 84 ; psychological, 80; practical, 56; economic, 22; descriptive and analytic, 21; biological, 16; In addition, definite reference to “sociological theory” occurred 40 times and to “social pathology” 13 times. Under the first subject was included specific mention of anthropology, ethnology, institutions, and social evolution; under the second, social psychology, association, and imitation; under the third, congestion, housing, philanthropy, criminology, and “social problems”; under the fourth, industrial and labor conditions and socialism; under the fifth, physical influences and the study of a specific social group; under the sixth, eugenics and statistical treatment of population. These figures and classes do not imply exclusive or preponderating attention to any one of the classes of subjects mentioned, but merely indicate roughly the type of sociological subject matter which is primarily emphasized in the educational institutions of the country at large. Eighty-six specific suggestions for subject matter to form a fundamental course distributed emphasis as follows historical, 28; psychological, 25; practical, 16; biological, 7; descriptive and analytic, 7; economic, 3. The same report includes a statement of texts and authorities cited in five or more replies to the questionnaire.

From the foregoing it is possible to understand clearly why sociology has not as yet made its way into the high school. The subject is already beginning to find a place in the curricula of normal schools, however, and sooner or later it will make its way in a simple form either to supplement or eventually to precede elementary courses in economics, civics, and history. Logically, a discussion of the fundamental bases of social organization should precede any of the questions that assume the existence of a particular sort of social organization, and there is, in reality, no reason at all why the essential factors that cooperate to produce the activities of social groups cannot be explained in such a way that a child may appreciate the simpler modes of their operation and thus be helped to understand later the complex relations of the social life of modern civilization.

Methods of Teaching Sociology. —

The subject matter of sociology, as is evident from the preceding review, lends itself most conveniently to the lecture method of presentation — at least when it is taught as a university subject. This is preeminently true if the historical evolution of society is to be treated in an adequate fashion. No student can be required to do the reading necessary for independent judgment upon the disputed points which often baffle the expert, nor would it be possible to discuss all phases of the subject in the brief time which the ordinary student can devote to sociology. The teacher may usually consider his work in this field fairly satisfactory if he succeeds in making clear the fact that the causes of social evolution can be subjected to scientific analysis as truly, if not as exactly, as any other phenomena whatsoever, if he is able to explain how the combination of various factors — physical environment, race, dynamic personality, economic, religious, and other cultural institutions — created the various types of society that have existed from the earliest forms of tribal organization to the modern world society, if he indicates the sources of information and their trustworthiness, and if in the presentation of these subjects he develops in the student a realization of the historical perspective from which it is necessary to view mankind’s development whenever rational criticism of public policy is required.

In the more closely analytical study of sociological theory more use can be made of existing texts. Even with these, however, the teacher must be ready to illustrate, explain, supplement, and criticize on the basis of reading inaccessible to the student or too extensive for him to master. Discussion of special problems in theory that arise from assigned readings in original sources is indispensable, however, if independent thinking is to be gained. For this purpose source books are a valuable aid. Many teachers have found it possible to stimulate intense interest and thought by setting each student the task of independently observing and interpreting for himself by the Le Play monographic method the phenomena of sociological significance in a concrete social group or community with which he himself is or may become familiar (e.g. his home town, college, or club). By collecting, through observation of such a group, data concerning situation, healthfulness, resources, economic opportunities, racial types, religious, educational, political, and other cultural traits, sex and age classes, nationality, ambitions and desire for wealth, justice and liberty, degree of self-reliance or dependence, amount of cooperation, constraint, discipline, tolerance, emotional and rational reactions, relations with other groups and other such matters, the student gains a lively appreciation of the factors which make or mar the efficiency of the group of which he is himself a member. By comparison of the results of such study in the seminar, characteristic and important differences may be made vivid and vitality given to discussion of the regular antecedents of social activities.

More general studies in demography, based on the census or other official records, and pursued in such a way as to throw light on current problems such as immigration, race questions, growth of cities, significant movements of population, mortality, birth, marriage and divorce rates, or sanitary conditions, often serve to give a concreteness to theory that could not otherwise be gained. Such work, moreover, often forms an excellent preparation for the more difficult task of analyzing the mental phases of collective activity, such as mob action and the formation of rational public opinion, or of determining the conditions under which social choice is free or controlled, conservative or radical, impulsive or deliberate, governed by tradition or based on scrutiny of evidence.

In addition to methods of this sort some teachers have even inspired their students with enthusiasm for making sociology a quantitative science by first grounding them well in statistical methods and then setting them simple though definite and concrete sociological problems that involve the use of that method. For example, it is quite within the power of any college class acquainted with such a simple text as Elderton’s Primer of Statistics to count the number of hours per week spent by each person in a group upon such recreational activities as are carried on, plot out the result, find the prevailing tendency, apply the usual statistical measures, median, mode, quartiles, etc., and gradually acquire facility in attacking more extensive data. (See Graphic Curve.) For instruction of this character the regular meeting of seminars or practicums for report by students upon their particular tasks becomes the most convenient pedagogical device to promote independent criticism and discussion. The seminar method is also useful for the discussion of special reports upon readings in the works of the more prominent sociological writers. In order that the observational method may be successfully applied it is evident that the canons of inductive method must be thoroughly understood by the student. It is also apparent that in the review of extant theory there must be appreciation of the criteria for judging the value of evidence. Above all, encouragement must be given to every inclination on the part of the student to investigate particular problems for himself. He must be made to realize, moreover, that sociologists must be as willing to undertake protracted and laborious tasks in the assembling of data as are the biologists, the psychologists, or the chemists.

The foregoing methods are applicable chiefly to the university student. In college or in high school the methods employed are naturally more useful if they arouse the student’s interest in problems that pertain to civic welfare, and if they aid him in understanding the forces that make or mar the efficiency of the particular social groups in which he is himself to play a part. For such purposes the method of studying current social problems becomes extremely useful, provided the teacher is skillful in the selection of the topics for discussion and can utilize sociological principles of interpretation. By using the ordinary facts present in every town or village, it is possible much earlier than is usually supposed to have the pupil observe significant sociological facts and become familiar with the scientific mode of interpreting them.

In addition to these simple statements of method it is, perhaps, unnecessary to remark that in the teaching of the science itself the most inspiring instructor is he who is himself able to employ successfully the usual deductive, inductive, comparative, historical, and statistical methods in the discovery of new truth.

References: —

Bagehot, W. Physics and Politics. (New York, 1887.)

Bernard, L. L. The Teaching of Sociology in the United States. Amer. Jour. of Sociology, Vol. XV, p. 164. (1909-1910.)

Carver, T. N. Sociology and Social Progress. (Boston, 1905.)

Chapin, F. S. Report of the Questionnaire of the Committee on Teaching of the American Sociological Society. Publications of the Amer. Sociological Society, Vol. V. (1900.)

Clow, F. R. Sociology in Normal Schools. Amer. Jour. of Sociology, Vol. XVI, p. 253. (1910- 1911.)

Cooley, C. H. Social Organization. (New York, 1909.)

Dealey, J. Q. The Teaching of Sociology. Publications of the Amer. Sociological Society, Vol. IV, p. 177. (1909.)

Ellwood, C. A. How Should Sociology be Taught as a College or University Subject? Amer. Jour. of Sociology, Vol. XII. p. 588. (1906-1907.)

Giddings, F. H. Modern Sociology. The International Monthly, Vol. II, No. 5. (Nov., 1900.)

___________. Democracy and Empire. (New York, 1901.)

___________. Principles of Sociology. (New York, 1896.)

___________. Sociology. Columbia Univ. Series on Science, Philosophy, and Art. (New York, 1908.)

___________. Sociology as a University Subject. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. VI, p. 635. (1891.)

___________. The Province of Sociology. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. I, p. 76. (1890.)

Hobhouse, L. T. Social Evolution and Political Theory. (New York, 1911.)

Howerth, I. W. The Present Condition of Sociology in the United States. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. V, Pt. I, p. 260. (1894.)

Ross, E. A. Foundations of Sociology. (New York, 1905.)

___________. Social Control. (New York, 1908.)

Semple, E. C. Influences of Geographic Environment. (New York, 1911.)

Small, A. W. General Sociology. (Chicago, 1905.)

Spencer, H. First Principles, Pt. II. (London, 1887.)

___________. Principles of Sociology. (London, 1885.)

___________. The Study of Sociology. (New York, 1884.)

Sumner, W. G. Folkways. (Boston, 1907.)

Tarde, G. Laws of Imitation. (New York, 1903.)

Tenney, A. A. Some Recent Advances in Sociology. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. XXV, No. 3. (Sept., 1910.)

Thomas, W. I. Source Book for Social Origins. (Chicago, 1909.)

Ward L. F. Contemporary Sociology. Amer. Jour. of Sociology, Vol. VII, p. 476. (1900-1901.)

___________. Pure Sociology. (New York, 1907.)

___________. Applied Sociology. (Boston, 1906.)

___________. Sociology at the Paris Exposition of 1900. Rep. U. S. Com. Ed., 1899-1900, Vol. II, pp. 1451-1593.

For a list of textbooks, together with statistics of their use in institutions of learning, see Reportof the Committee on Teaching of the American Sociological Society in Publications of the American Sociological Society, Vol. V., p. 123. (1910.)

 

Source: A Cyclopedia of Education, Paul Monroe (ed.), Vol. 5. (New York: Macmillan, 1913), pp. 356-361.

Image Source: Franklin H. Giddings in University and their Sons. History, Influence and Characteristics of American Universities with Biographical Sketches and Portraits of Alumni and Recipients of Honorary Degrees. Editor-in-chief, General Joshua L. Chamberlain, LL.D. Vol. II, pp. 453-5.

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Columbia Regulations

Columbia. Specific regulations for the economics Ph.D., 1954-55

 

The following item provides some granular information about the hurdles between an economics graduate student and the award of a Ph.D. from Columbia University as of 1954-55. It is interesting to see that economic history was still one of the three required fields, that knowledge of mathematics through basic differential and integral calculus was regarded sufficient as a substitute for either German or French reading ability. What I found most interesting is the list of fields: socialism and the economic organization of Soviet Russia were two distinct fields; mathematical economics was distinct from economic theory; and what sort of field was “Prices” anyway? I would also be curious to see which fields outside of economics were included as minor subjects, as well as the frequency of extra-economic subjects.

Columbia Ph.D. regulations for 1916.

____________________________

Doctor of Philosophy
Columbia economics regulations, 1954-55

The degree of Master of Arts is not a prerequisite to candidacy for the Ph.D. degree. Candidates may find it desirable, however, to endeavor to satisfy the requirements for the A.M. degree in the course of their preparation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Qualifying Examination. — As early as possible in his graduate residence, the student shall notify the Executive Officer of his intention to become a candidate for the Ph.D. degree in economics and choose his subjects in consultation with the Executive Officer. A written examination, intended for students who have thus indicated their intention, will be given January 8, 1955, and again on May 7, 1955. This examination must be taken before the student may register for more than thirty points of course credit for graduate work. (Students requesting credit for fifteen or more points for graduate courses completed at other institutions must take the examination before registering for more than forty-five points of course credit, including those points for which they request credit from another university.) Upon passing this examination a student is classed as a prospective candidate.

The department may deny registration privileges to students who have completed graduate courses aggregating thirty or more points of course credit who have not passed the Qualifying Examination and will deny registration privileges to students who have completed graduate courses aggregating forty-five points of course credit but who have not passed this examination.

Languages: Option in Mathematics. — The prospective candidate must satisfy the Department of Economics that he can read French and German. Other languages (but not two Romance languages) may be substituted, with the permission of the Executive Officer, if they are of special value to the candidate’s scholarly interests. Mathematics may also be substituted for one language with the permission of the Executive Officer. A student selecting this option will be required to demonstrate his knowledge of algebra, analytical geometry, and differential and integral calculus.

The student must pass the test in at least one of the languages or in mathematics before registering for courses which will bring the total of the graduate work which is recorded for him as credit toward the doctorate, including work done both at Columbia and elsewhere, to more than thirty points. (A student who has requested graduate credit at Columbia for thirty points of work done elsewhere must pass at least one of these tests prior to his initial registration at Columbia for work leading to the doctorate.) The second test, either in a language or in mathematics, must be passed before the student may register for more than forty-five points of course credit (including points credited from another university). The examinations in languages and in mathematics will be held on the following dates Monday, September 20, 1954, from 10 to 12; Thursday, January 20, 1955, from 2 to 4; Friday, May 6, 1955, from 10 to 12. Students are required to register their intention to take such an examination with the secretary of the Department of Economics at least one week prior to the date of the examination.

Certification of Candidacy. — The Executive Officer will recommend that the Dean certify a candidate for the Ph.D. degree when the candidate has completed not less than one year of graduate residence, has met Departmental language requirements and has passed the Qualifying Examination. Certification constitutes formal admission to candidacy for the degree.

Examination on Subjects: Scope. — The candidate must give satisfactory evidence of his grasp of six of the subjects indicated below. Three of these subjects must be economic theory, economic history, and statistics. Four of the subjects (including economic theory) are considered the student’s field of primary interest; the remaining two are considered his field of secondary interest. The procedure for meeting this requirement consists of an oral examination in the four subjects of primary interest and prior proof of competence in the two fields of secondary interest.

Examination on Subjects: Secondary. — Before making formal application for the examination, the candidate must satisfy the appropriate professors of economics in the Faculty of Political Science that he has done work which is adequate both in scope and quality in the two subjects of secondary interest. This requirement may be met in a manner satisfactory to the professors concerned. All such proofs of competence lapse after five years from their date but may be renewed after further examination.

Examination on Subjects: Oral Examination.—The candidate who has fulfilled the preliminary requirements may make application, through the Executive Officer of the Department, to the Dean for the oral examination on subjects. This oral examination is conducted by a committee of the Faculty appointed by the Dean. It will be on subjects not on courses.

When the candidate applies for his examination on subjects he must submit a memorandum outlining his dissertation project, analyzing it with respect to source material and the research techniques required. This memorandum must be approved by the sponsor of the dissertation and by the Executive Officer before the candidate may be admitted to the oral examination.

The subjects are as follows:

1. Accounting 11. Monetary Economics
2. Business cycles 12. Prices
3. Corporation and investment finance 13. Public finance
4. Economic geography 14. Public utilities (including transportation)
5. Economic history (required) 15. Socialism
6. Economic theory (required) 16. Statistics (required)
7. Industrial organization and control 17. Types of national economic organization*
8. International trade and finance 18. Economic organization of Soviet Russia*
9. Labor problems and industrial relations 19. Any other subject approved by the Executive Officer of the Department
10. Mathematical economics

*The candidate may offer either 17 or 18 but not both these fields.

 

Economic theory and any subject or subjects approved under item 19 on the above list must be included among the four subjects presented for oral examination. The Executive Officer of the Department should be consulted before making a choice of emphasis in preparation for examination.

It is the policy of the Department of Economics to encourage candidates to devote part of their effort to studies outside the Department. The candidate’s field of secondary interest, to the extent of the equivalent of two of his six subjects, may fall in one of the departments under the Faculty of Political Science, or in philosophy, psychology, or another discipline dealing with matters germane to the student’s scholarly interests. A candidate proposing to offer a field lying outside the Department must obtain the approval of the Executive Officer of the Department in advance.

Dissertation. — Investigations and researches for the dissertation may be pursued either in connection with the work of some research course or under the direction and supervision of some member of the Faculty of Political Science independently of any course. Students working on dissertations must keep their sponsors informed of the status of their work.

It is desirable that a substantial start be made on the dissertation while the student is still in residence. If a candidate works on his dissertation in absentia an annual written report of progress will be required.

If more than five years have elapsed between the date when the candidate has successfully passed the Examination on Subjects and the date of his application for the Final Examination in defense of the dissertation, the candidate will be regarded as having abandoned his proposed dissertation topic unless he makes a written request for an extension of time and obtains the written approval of the sponsor of the dissertation and of the Executive Officer.

Final Examination: Defense of the Dissertation. — The candidate may apply to the Dean for the defense of his dissertation only after having obtained the approval of the sponsor and of the Executive Officer. The candidate will defend his dissertation in respect to its content, the sources upon which it is based, the interpretations that are made, and the conclusions that are drawn, as well as demonstrate his acquaintance with the literature and available sources of information upon subjects that are cognate to the subject of his dissertation.

Minor in Economics. — Candidates for the Ph.D. degree in other departments who propose to offer a minor in economics will be required to offer two of the subjects listed [above in] this Announcement. One of the subjects must be economic theory. Such candidates should consult the Executive Officer of the Department of Economics at the earliest possible point in their graduate work.

Minor in Economic History. — Candidates in other departments offering a minor in economic history will be required to show a knowledge of the economic history of two major regions.

 

Source. Columbia University. Announcement of the  Faculty of Political Science for the Winter and Spring Sessions 1954-1955. Bulletin of Information. 54th Series, No. 23 (June 19, 1954), pp. 31-33.

Image Source: Rare Book Division, The New York Public Library. “Broad Exchange [historic place on 25 Broad Street], New York, N.Y.; Columbia University [Fayerweather Hall], New York, N.Y.” New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 8, 2019.

Categories
Columbia Curriculum History of Economics Socialism Suggested Reading

Columbia. Economic readings for the examination to receive the degree of Master of Arts, 1880

 

 

If I understand the text below correctly, a requirement for a master’s degree for someone who entered with a recognized bachelor’s degree (e.g,. from Columbia or a peer college) and with at least one year of graduate study at Columbia was to be examined in all three subjects from at least one of the following five groups. I have transcribed the titles of the books that would be the subject of examinations for groups two (Philosophy/Ethics/Logic) and five (Constitutional Law, Economics, History). Links for the economics books have been provided as well.

Richmond Mayo Smith  was the Adjunct Professor of History, Political Science, and International Law who covered the economics courses in the school of political science that began operations October 4, 1880. You can read about the undergraduate economics “program” at Columbia College in 1880 as well as an exam for the mandatory Junior year course in political economy in an earlier post.  A syllabus for Mayo-Smith’s course “Historical and Practical Political Economy” from the 1890s has also been transcribed (with links to the items cited!) and posted.

___________________

DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS.

The degree of Master of Arts will be conferred only on Bachelors of Arts of this College of three years’ standing or more, who shall have pursued, for at least one year, a course of study under the direction of the Faculty of the College, and shall have passed a satisfactory examination upon the subjects embraced in one at least of the five groups following, viz.:

[1]
Greek.
Latin.
English.

[3]
Mathematics.
Mechanics.
Astronomy.
[2]
Philosophy.
Ethics.
Logic.

[4]
Physics.
Chemistry.
Geology.

[5]
Constitutional Law.
Economics.
History.

 

Bachelors of Arts of other colleges who may have been admitted ad eundem gradum in this College, may be admitted to the degree of Master of Arts on the same terms and conditions as are prescribed for the admission of Bachelors of Arts of Columbia College to the same degree.

Bachelors of Arts of other colleges may be admitted ad eundem gradum in this College on satisfying the College Faculty that the course of study for which they received the Bachelor’s degree is equivalent to that for which the Bachelor’s degree is given in Columbia College, or passing such additional examination as the Faculty may prescribe, and on payment of a fee equal to the annual tuition fee required of undergraduates.

Candidates will be allowed to offer for examination any one or more of the books or subjects named in the following list in each of the three departments belonging to the group elected by them, viz.:

[…]

 

SECOND GROUP.

ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY.

  1. A general knowledge of Plato’s Philosophy.

Text-books :
Ueberweg’s History of Philosophy, Vol. I.
The Dialogues.
Grote’s Plato, Vols. II. and III.

  1. A general knowledge of Aristotle’s Philosophy.

Text-books :
Ueberweg’s History of Philosophy, Vol. I.
Sir Alexander Grant’s Aristotle.

  1. Books of reference on Plato and Aristotle (German).

Zeller, Gr. Philosophie, Vols. II. and III.;
Brandis, Philosophie, Vols. II. and III.:

or,
MODERN PHILOSOPHY.

  1. The Philosophies of David Hume and Herbert Spencer.

Text-books :
Green’s edition of Hume.
Herbert Spencer’s First Principles.
Herbert Spencer’s] Psychology.

  1. Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason.

Books of reference (German):
Harms’s Die Philosophie seit Kant, art. Kant.
Kuno Fischer’s Kant.

  1. Caird, the Philosophy of Kant.

Zeller, Gesch. der Deutschen Phil., art. Kant.
Ueberweg, Hist. of Phil., Vol. II.

 

ETHICS.

  1. Calderwood’s Handbook of Moral Philosophy.
  2. A general knowledge of the Utilitarian Theory, and the arguments advanced against it.

Text-books :
Bentham.
Mill’s Essay on Utilitarianism.
Spencer’s Data of Ethics.
John Grote’s Utilitarianism.

 

LOGIC.

  1. John Stuart Mill’s System of Logic, Books iii.-v.
  2. Sir William Hamilton’s Lectures on Logic.
  3. Jevons’s Principles of Science.

 

 

 

FIFTH GROUP.

CONSTITUTIONAL LAW.

  1. English Institutions.
  2. Das Deutsche Staatsrecht. Von Rönne.
  3. Histoire Parlementaire de France. Duvergier de Hauranne.
  4. Constitutional History of the United States. Von Holst.
  5. Histoire du Droit des Gens.
  6. Das Diplomatische Handbuch. Ghillany.
  7. History of International Law. Wheaton.
  8. Lehre vom Modernen Staat. Bluntschli.
  9. Political Science. Woolsey.
  10. Public Law of England. Bowyer.

ECONOMICS.

  1. On the Principles of Political Economy, either Mill (J. S.), Principles of Political Economy, or Roscher (Wm.), Principles of Political Economy.
    [Volume IVolume II]
  2. On the History of Political Economy, either Blanqui, Histoire de l’Economie Politique [Volume I; Volume II], or Kautz, Geschichte der Nationalökonomie.
  3. On one of the following special subjects, viz.:
    1. Finance, Jevons (W. S.), Money and the Mechanism of Exchange, together with Price (B.), Currency and Banking.
    2. Commerce, Levi (Leone), History of British Commerce, and Fawcett (H.), Free Trade.
    3. Socialism, Schäffle, Kapitalismus und Socialismus.

HISTORY.

The candidate will be expected to present himself for examination in the general history of one of the following countries: Rome, England, Germany, France, or the United States of America.

 

Source: Handbook of Information as to the Course of Instruction, etc., etc., in Columbia College and its Several Schools [1880], pp. viii, 41- 43, 59-66.

Image Source: Richmond Mayo Smith in University and their Sons. History, Influence and Characteristics of American Universities with Biographical Sketches and Portraits of Alumni and Recipients of Honorary Degrees. Editor-in-chief, General Joshua L. Chamberlain, LL.D.  Boston: R. Herdon Company.  Vol. 2, 1899, pp. 582.

Categories
Columbia Exam Questions History of Economics

Columbia. Types of Economic Theories, Exam questions. W. C. Mitchell, 1914, 1923-37

 

 

This post provides about two dozen examinations I have found for the legendary course “Types of Economic Theory” that was taught for several decades at Columbia University by Wesley Clair Mitchell. Given the enormous work Mitchell clearly put into this course, judging from the vast archival record of his notes, I am rather struck by the utter lack of imagination reflected in the examination questions. A single good secondary text would have been enough to ace his exams. Maybe students were different then and required no incentive to read original texts and attend lectures…yeah, right.

Stenographic student notes for the course  were originally prepared by John Meyers during 1926-27 with new editions prepared periodically up through the Spring session 1935. These mimeographed and bound lecture notes were later edited by Joseph Dorfman and reprinted by Augustus M. Kelley. Volume I (1967) can be borrowed for two weeks at a time at the archive.org website; Volume II (1949) is available at the hathitrust.org web site.

Lecture Notes on Types of Economic Theory, Volume I. New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1967.
(Mercantilism, Smith, Bentham, Malthus, Ricardo, Philosophical Radicals, John Stuart Mill). 

Lecture Notes on Types of Economic Theory, Volume II. New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1949.
(Jevons, Marshall, Fetter, Davenport, Von Wieser. Schmoller, Walras, Cassel, Veblen, Hobson, Commons).

Finding aid for the Wesley Clair Mitchell papers, 1898-1953. at Columbia University Archives.

______________

Types of Economic Theory
Special Examination for Mr. Hall [?]
Jan. 27, 1914.

  1. Expound Bentham’s theory of how men’s actions are determined.
  2. Explain the character of the economic man as found in Ricardo’s “Principles.”
  3. What, if anything, did Senior add to the concept of the economic man?
  4. What evidence of Bentham’s, of Ricardo’s, and of Senior’s influence do you find in J. S. Mill’s Principles of Political Economy?

Please return this paper with your answers to
W. C. Mitchell, 37 W. 10thStreet.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 1, Folder “A529, 1/27/14”.

______________

Examination (10 copies)
Economics 121
January 25, 1923
1:15 p.m. 614 Kent

  1. Give a brief sketch of Adam Smith’s life, with special reference to the experiences which prepared him for writing the “Wealth of Nations”.
  2. How did Malthus come to write his “Essay on the Principle of Population”? How does the second edition differ from the first?
  3. What bearing had Jeremy Bentham’s work on the development of economic theory?
  4. Outline Ricardo’s theory of distribution. How did he demonstrate his “laws”?
  5. Who were the Philosophical Radicals? What did they do?

161 W. 12thSt.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A60, 1/25/23”.

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Economics 121
Types of Economic Theory
Professor Mitchell
(50 copies desired)

  1. Sketch Adam Smith’s life, pointing out the experiences which influenced the development of his economic theory.
  2. What was Bentham’s felicific calculus, and what interest has it for economists?
  3. What effect did the struggle over the corn laws in 1812-15 have upon the development of English economic theory?
  4. Expound Ricardo’s theory of distribution.
  5. Who were the Philosophical Radicals and for what did they stand?

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A16, 2/8/23”.

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Economics 121
Deficiency Examination
April 8, 1924

  1. Who were the Physiocrats? What influence did their views have upon the Wealth of Nations?
  2. How did the French Revolution affect the development of economic theory in England?
  3. Give an account of the Corn-Law struggle in 1812-15, and show its influence upon Classical political economy.
  4. & 5. State the leading differences between economic theory as expounded by Adam Smith and Ricardo.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A61, 4/8/24”.

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Economics 121
Types of Economic Theory
Deficiency Examination
April 25, 1924

  1. Discuss the question whether Ricardo held an “iron law” of wages.
  2. State briefly who the following persons were and what relation they had to the development of economic theory.
    David Hume; S. de Sismondi; J. B. Say;
    Sir James Steuart; Richard Jones; Francis Place;
    R. J. Turgot; Thomas Tooke; J. R. McCulloch;
    Jeremy Bentham
  3. What bearing had the Industrial Revolution on the rise of economic theory?
  4. Just what did the term “distribution of wealth” mean to Ricardo?
  5. What distinction did J. S. Mill make between the character of the laws of distribution and of production, and what importance did he attach to this distinction?

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A62, 4/25/24”.

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Economics 122
Types of Economic Theory.
Final Examination
1:10 p.m. May 16th1924

  1. What are the chief differences between the “mechanics of utility,” as developed by Jevons, and classical political economy?
  2. How far is Marshall able to carry his analysis of prices back to what he calls “real forces”?
  3. Compare the types of economic theory represented by Davenport and Veblen.
  4. Discuss the possibility of developing a scientific treatment of economic welfare.
  5. Along what lines do you think we should endeavor to develop economic theory in the near future?

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A63, 5/16/24”.

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Examination
Types of Economic Theory
Economics 121
Tuesday, January 27, 1925

  1. State the leading contents of “The Wealth of Nations”.
  2. Sketch the historical background of Malthus’ “Essay on the Principle of Population.”
  3. What is the classical theory of rent, and what led to its development?
  4. Who were the Philosophical Radicals and what did they do?
  5. Compare Ricardo’s and John Stuart Mill’s treatises on Political Economy.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A57, 1/27/25”.

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Economics 122
Types of Economic Theory
Final Examination
Saturday, May 23, 1925
1:00 p.m. 309 Business.

  1. Characterize briefly the chief types of economic theory now current.
  2. Compare the theory of prices as expounded by Davenport with the theory of prices as expounded by Jevons.
  3. Why is the theory of production little emphasized in recent economic treatises?
  4. State the chief contributions to economic theory made by Marshall and Veblen.
  5. Draw up a brief outline of the topics which you think a treatise on economic theory should cover.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection. Box 2, Folder “A54, 5/23/25”.

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Economics 121
Types of Economic Theory
Mid-year Examination
Thursday, Jan. 27, ‘29
1:10 p.m. 401 Fayerweather

  1. What contact did Adam Smith make with the Physiocrats? What influence did this contact have upon the Wealth of Nations?
  2. Discuss the connection between social developments in England and the Malthusian theory of population.
  3. Compare the scope of economic theory as presented in Ricardo’s Principles of Political Economy and Taxation and in the Wealth of Nations.
  4. In what way did Jeremy Bentham influence the development of economic theory?
  5. Discuss the history of political economy in England between Ricardo’s death and 1848.
  6. Explain the significance of what John Stuart Mill held to be the most important innovation in his Principles of Political Economy.

 

Special examination, March 16
[handwritten notes]

  1. Expound Adam Smith’s “obvious and simple system of natural liberty.”
  2. Who discovered the classical theory of rent, and under what circumstances?
  3. Who were the leading figures among the Philosophical Radicals? What did they attempt to accomplish in social science and in social life?
  4. Contrast the methods of economics practiced by Malthus and Ricardo.
  5. What is the wages-fund doctrine? Point out its most serious shortcomings as an explanation of the process by which wages are determined.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A55, 1/27/27”.

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Economics 122
Final Examination
May 14, 1927
1:30 p.m. 301 F.

  1. Discuss the dictum: “…a special theory of value is at least quite unnecessary in economic science.”
  2. Contrast the types of economic theory represented by Fetter and Veblen.
  3. What advantage, if any, can an economic theorist derive from the study of psychology? of history?
  4. What are the characteristics of Marshall’s theory which differentiate it from the other types studied?
  5. Why has the production of wealth ceased to be a leading topic of economic theory? Do you think more attention should be paid to that problem in the near future? Why?

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection,  Box 2, Folder “A56, 5/14/27”.

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Economics 121
Types of Economic theory
Examination
February 2d, 1928
1:10 p.m. Fayweather

  1. Compare the types of economic theory represented by Davenport and Cassel.
  2. Discuss Fetter’s attempt to eliminate “the old utilitarianism and hedonism which have tainted the terms and conceptions of values ever since the days of Bentham?”
  3. How does Veblen’s treatment of human nature differ from Marshall’s treatment?
  4. Is there a significant difference between the conception of economics developed by the historical school and by the “institutional theorists”?
  5. What implications do you see in the contention that economics is one of the sciences of human behavior?

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection,  Box 2, Folder “A58, 2/2/28”.

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Economics 121
Types of Economic Theory

  1. Discuss the relations between the Wealth of Nations and economic conditions during the 18th century in Great Britain.
  2. What bearing had the work of Jeremy Bentham on the development of classical political economy?
  3. Outline Ricardo’s theory of value.
  4. Discuss the development of economic theory in England between 1817 and 1848.
  5. Compare the conditions influencing the development of industrial technique and of economic theory.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A59, 1/29/29”.

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Economics 121
Types of Economic Theory
Examination
1:10 p.m., January 28, 1930

  1. Outline briefly the Wealth of Nations
  2. Compare the treatment of distribution by Adam Smith and Ricardo.
  3. State John Stuart Mill’s view of the “principle of population”
  4. Sketch the development of political economy between Ricardo’s death and 1848.
  5. What is the “felicific calculus”?

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A64, 1/28/30”.

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
Economics 122
TYPES OF ECONOMIC THEORY
[handwritten note: “Final Exam May 1930”]

  1. Discuss the treatment of “real forces” in economic activity by Jevons, Marshall and Davenport.
  2. Compare the psychological concepts used by Schmoller, Fetter and Veblen.
  3. Sketch the argument of Hobson’s welfare economics.
  4. Compare the framework of economic theory presented in John Stuart Mills’ and in Marshall’s “Principles”.
  5. Discuss the question whether the theory of value should be excluded from economics.

 

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A397, 5/?/30”.

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Deferred examination in Economics 121.
April 15, 1931

  1. What was the Corn Law controversy in Great Britain and what bearing did it have upon the development of economic theory?
  2. Discuss John Stuart Mills’ treatment of the theory of value.
  3. What is the relationship between the theory of value and the theory of distribution in Ricardo?
  4. Compare the views of Adam Smith and Malthus on the population problem.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A53, 4/15/31”.

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Economics 122
Types of Economic Theory
Examination, 9 A.M.
May 19, 1931
301 Fayerweather

  1. Compare the scope of economic theory as presented by Marshall, Schmoller and Davenport.
  2. What do you understand “institutional economics” to be?
  3. Expound Fetter’s theory of interest.
  4. What is the central problem of economic theory according to Cassel, and how does he attack it?
  5. What advances has economic theory made since the days of Ricardo?

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 2, Folder “A359, 5/19/31”.

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ECONOMICS 121
TYPES OF ECONOMIC THEORY
Examination, 4:10 p.m., January 31, 1933, 410 Fayerweather

  1. Discuss the relation between the development of economic theory and of economic life in England from the time of Adam Smith to the time of Ricardo.
  2. Expound Malthus’ “principle of population”.
  3. Analyze Ricardo’s method of developing economic theory.
  4. What did J. S. Mill regard as the chief contribution to economic theory. Why did he attribute great importance to this idea?
  5. Compare the theories of value presented by Ricardo and by Jevons.

 

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 3, Folder “A49  1/31/33”.

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
Examination…..Economics 122…..Types of Economic Theory
1:10 p.m. Thursday, May 25, 1933

  1. Show how Marshall integrated economic theory
  2. Compare the types of economic theory developed by Davenport and Cassel.
  3. What is “institutional economics?”
  4. Can historical study contribute to economic theory? Give reason for your answer.
  5. Discuss the relations between economics and psychology.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 3,  Folder “A399  5/25/33”.

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ECONOMICS 121
Types of Economic Theory
1.10 p.m. January 30, 1934

  1. Discuss the influence of economic developments in England upon the theoretical work of Smith, Malthus and Ricardo.
  2. Discuss the influence of the work of these men upon economic developments.
  3. Present the felicific calculus.
  4. Sketch the working conceptions of human nature entertained by William Godwin, Malthus and John Stuart Mill, and show how those conceptions shaped their theorizing.
  5. Give a brief summary of Ricardo’s leading propositions.

Source:  Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 3, Folder “A50  1/30/34”.

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Economics 122
TYPES OF ECONOMIC THEORY
Final examination
1.10 p.m. Friday, May 25, 1934
302 Fayerweather

  1. Discuss the scope of economics as represented by Davenport and Schmoller.
  2. What were Marshall’s chief contributions to the development of economic theory?
  3. State your conception of “institutional” economics.
  4. Compare the psychological views of Jevons and Fetter.
  5. Expound Cassel’s theory of pricing.

Source:  Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 3, Folder “A398  5/25/34”.

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ECONOMICS 121
TYPE OF ECONOMIC THEORY
[28 January 1935]

  1. State Adam Smith’s argument for adopting “the simple and obvious system of natural liberty.” What bearing has it upon national economic planning?
  2. Discuss the conceptions of human nature implied by Ricardo’s theories of rent, profits, and wages.
  3. What do you understand by “the levels of analysis” in economic theory?
  4. Compare the expectations concerning “the futurity of the laboring classes” entertained by Ricardo and John Stuart Mill.
  5. Contrast the methods of inquiry employed by Malthus and Ricardo.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 3, Folder “A51  1/28/35”.

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FINAL EXAMINATION IN TYPES OF ECONOMIC THEORY
Economics 122
Tuesday, May 21, 1935
301 Fayerweather

  1. State and discuss the merits of the program for rebuilding economic theory developed by the Historical School.
  2. Compare the types of economic theory represented by Marshall and by Cassel.
  3. Discuss Veblen’s critique of orthodox economic theory.
  4. Compare the types of economic theory represented by Fetter and by Davenport.
  5. What in your opinion are the leading problems of economic theory?

Source:  Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 3, Folder “A396  5/21/35”.

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EXAMINATION IN ECONOMICS 121
TYPES OF ECONOMIC THEORY
[Handwritten note:  Jan. 1936]

  1. Give an outline of the Wealth of Nations.
  2. Sketch Ricardo’s theory of distribution.
  3. Compare the implications of the “principles of population” for the future of mankind as seen by Malthus and by J. S. Mill.
  4. Discuss the “levels of analysis” in J. S. Mill’s Principles of Political Economy.
  5. Compare the methods of establishing economic propositions employed by Malthus and Ricardo.

.Source:  Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 3, Folder “A65  1/?/36”

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ECONOMICS 121
TYPES OF ECONOMIC THEORY
Examination Jan. 23, 1937
1:10 p.m. Fayerweather Hall

  1. State and discuss Adam Smith’s argument for “the obvious and simple system of natural liberty”.
  2. What relation does Bentham’s felicific calculus have to economic theory?
  3. Compare the conceptions of human nature entertained by Malthus and by John Stuart Mill.
  4. What position does the theory of distribution hold in the economic theory of Adam Smith, Ricardo and Mill?
  5. Expound briefly Mill’s theory of value and point out its chief limitations.

Source: Columbia University Libraries, Manuscript Collections. Mitchell, W.C. Collection, Box 3, Folder “A52 1/23/37”.

Image Source: Wesley Clair Mitchell from Albert Arnold Sprague’s and Claudia C. Milstead’s Genealogical Website.

 

 

Categories
Columbia Teaching Undergraduate

Columbia. On Research Seminaries, a.k.a., graduate workshops. Seligman, 1892

 

The previous post contained a survey of the teaching of economics in Europe and the United States written by Columbia’s E.R.A. Seligman and published in an encyclopedia of education in 1911. In the short list of references there Seligman cites his paper presented in 1892 on the research seminarium, a.k.a. seminary, a.k.a. seminar, a.k.a. graduate workshop. The general points are illustrated with a paragraph about the dual mandate of an economic seminarium: (i) to teach methods of interpretation and explanation (à la history) and (ii) to teach the methods of the formulation and criticism of ideas (à la political science, philosophy or philology). 

Seligman strongly argues for keeping the functions of college (undergraduate) education vs. university (graduate) education distinct from each other.

Also of some interest is the following evidence that the combative and raw tone of economists in seminars appears to have rather deep historical roots:

“Let each member bring in his report, which should be both explanatory and critical; let this report be opened to a running fire of merciless criticism from the other members present…[the student] is spurred on to do his best work by the fear of pitiless criticism and good-natured ridicule.” 

Oh yes, and for collectors of ex cathedra sexist remarks, it is time to put on your safety goggles, e.g. “…when we dub every little second rate college or female seminary a university, we are degrading the title.”

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THE SEMINARIUM:
ITS ADVANTAGES AND LIMITATIONS
1892

By Edwin R. A. Seligman
Professor of Political Economy and Finance, Columbia College, New York

The word seminarium has a very un-American sound. Yet like so many other plants of exotic growth it has been successfully transplanted to American soil. Not only has it become thoroughly acclimatized; but with characteristic American energy, attempts are continually being made to foster its growth in places and under conditions entirely unsuited to its development. What is the real meaning of the seminarium, what are its methods and its limitations?

The original home of the seminarium, it is well known, is to be found in the ecclesiastical schools of the middle ages. The medieval “seminaries” were, as the word implies, veritable seed-plats, institutions in which the youthful would-be religious writer and teacher was taught to unfold the seed of doctrinal disputation, of theological acumen and of pulpit eloquence. The medieval seminaries, however, like the medieval universities were called upon to perform a two-fold task. They were supposed on the one hand to impart to the students a comprehensive knowledge of particular topics, and on the other hand to teach them methods of special work. This latter part of their duties was gradually relegated to an inferior place in the institutions of the 17th and 18th centuries. In the theological seminaries of America it has until very recently played but a minor role; while the creation of general seminaries throughout the land, devoted solely to the ends of high school education, has hopelessly discredited the word. A seminary, in American parlance, has become a place where a not very high grade of secondary education can be received.

With the revival of the interest in science in Germany there came a change. By science, I do not of course mean natural science. The philosophical, the political, the philological disciplines are assuredly as purely scientific as the mathematical or physical or biological. Not so very long ago it had become the fashion to denote by “science” simply the group of natural sciences, and to speak in a rather patronizing tone of the other domains of human knowledge. This was to be ascribed in part indeed to the presumption of the advocates of these youthful disciplines: in part also to the reaction against the philosophical mysticism and transcendentalism of the times. But the main reason, as I take it, was the one that especially concerns us here. These new disciplines — the natural sciences — prospered and grew strong chiefly because they laid hold of and subserved to their ends the important feature of the old medieval seminary idea. They transformed and assimilated this feature and converted it into the principle of original research, of laboratory work. The laboratory is the seedplat of natural science. And it is to the immense and successful extension of laboratory work that we owe the marvelous development of natural science, and the frequent identification of natural science with science in general during a part of the 19th century. If the philosophical disciplines, in the larger sense of the word, were to retain anything of their pristine position, it would be absolutely necessary to quicken them into renewed life by the application of the same principle.

And thus it was that there came about, modestly enough at first, the employment of the seminarium method in Germany. In the beginning used by a few eminent teachers of philology and history, it spread rapidly, until it has become to-day the very core of university work. The seminarium is to the moral, the philosophical, the political sciences what the laboratory is to the natural sciences. It is the wheel within the wheel, the real center of the life-giving, the stimulating, the creative forces of the modern university. Without it no university instruction is complete; with it, correctly conducted, no university can fail to accomplish the main purpose of its being.

The seminarium may be defined as an assemblage of teacher with a number of selected advanced students, where methods of original research are expounded, where the creative faculty is trained and where the spirit of scientific independence is inculcated. Starting out from this definition it will be profitable to discuss in turn the nature and methods of the seminarium, its advantages, its dangers and limitations.

The seminarium is, in the first place, a peculiarly university feature, and an indispensable adjunct to true university work. The difference between the college and the university I take to be this: the college is the place where men are made; the university is the place where scholars are made. The college attempts to develop all the educational sides of a young man’s character; the university confines itself primarily to one side. The college gives him an all-round training, it teaches him to think and to express himself, it acquaints him with the general trend of human knowledge, but it at the same time lays stress on his physical development and to a certain extent on his ethical development; the college wants to turn out true men, gentlemen — men in attainments, in manners, in physique. The most successful college is the one that best combines all these various duties. As Cicero expressed it, the college is to give the education befitting the gentleman. The university on the other hand has quite different aims and purposes. With general all-round knowledge it has nothing to do; for the candidate for university degrees is expected to have already received this general groundwork of training. With physical and ethical or religious training the university has still less to do. Its students are men, not boys: men with serious objects in view, who have neither the leisure for nor the necessity of frittering away their time in athletic pursuits: men whose ethical and religious nature is presumed to have been developed so that they need no further tutelage or moral supervision from their lay preceptors. To sum it up in a word, the college is the place for general education; the university is the place for specialization. In the college students are taught to imbibe; in the university they are taught to expound. In the college the goal is culture; in the university the goal is independence.

But how can this purpose of the university be best attained? The university lectures are indeed good so far as they go: but in themselves they do not fully accomplish the desired end. The university lecture is supposed to give the special student knowledge of his special work. The university professor who is worthy of the name will afford his students what they can not find in books: otherwise there would be no need of attending lectures. He will not only keep his classes informed as to the latest progress and recent thought in the particular field, but will endeavor to expound his own views, to mould the mass of existing knowledge of the topic into a plastic whole, and to shape it by the imprint of his scholarship and his convictions. The university student goes as often to hear the professor as to attend the course. The function of the university lecturer after all is, in the main, to present in compact form the actual condition of the subject; to show the seeker for truth how far the specialization of knowledge has advanced. Specialized information, particular knowledge, — that is the watchword of the university lecture course.

But this in itself is only one-half, and in truth the lesser half, of university work. There remains the instruction in method, in original research, in critical comparison, in creative faculty. Mere knowledge of what others have done, while of supreme importance in preventing sciolism [a superficial show of learning], will in itself never make a thinker. It may give erudition, but will never give method. Were university instruction confined to university lectures, the outlook for the perpetuation and advance of science would be dark indeed.

Let us ascertain, then, the advantages of the seminarium. The advantages are two fold: the advantages to the student; the advantages to the instructor.

In the first place we must note the creation of ties of friendship between the students. In the university, as opposed to the college, the students are as a rule unacquainted with each other. There are commonly no athletic sports, no secret societies, no organizations for mutual good fellowship, to draw the students together. The university students come primarily to work, and have neither time nor inclination for these outside pursuits. They enter the lecture room as strangers, and depart as strangers. The seminarium, which collects the ablest and brightest students around one table, gives them an opportunity of gauging each other’s abilities, of familiarizing each with the other’s strong points, of laying the seeds of future collaboration in scientific or professional work. The value of such acquaintanceship can not be overestimated. Every one who has worked in a seminarium as a student will testify to the fact that he has carried with him not only pleasant memories but also the inspiration from stimulating arguments with his fellow members. The seminarium does in this respect for the better class of university students what the debating society and fraternity do for the college student.

In the second place we notice the increased familiarity with the recent literature. The average student will be content to follow his lecture and do nothing more. He desires to pass his examination, to attain his degree; and he imagines, generally correctly enough, that if he is thoroughly acquainted with his professor’s exposition, he will somehow pull through. A few students may be so interested in the topic that they will voluntarily endeavor to supplement the lectures by an exhaustive course of outside reading. But they for the most part do not know either where to turn or how to begin. The seminarium here again supplies the defect. It is a valuable practice to begin each seminarium exercise with a half hour devoted to the review of current periodical and other scientific publications. If each member e. g. is assigned the periodical literature of some one country, not only will he be required to thoroughly familiarize himself with the current work in that language, but the whole seminarium will thus have presented to it piecemeal the very latest stage of scientific inquiry. If to the review of periodical literature be added a critical review of the newest books, the members will soon find that their range is being extended and that their appetite for further work is being whetted.

In the third place, and most important we note the knowledge of methods of work.

This is the real raison d’être of the seminarium. To teach the student how to handle his material and by interpretation or discovery to make a contribution to the store of existing knowledge, that is the real purpose of the seminarium. The methods must to a certain extent differ according to the nature of the discipline. If the study be history, the method must of course consist primarily in a critical analysis and comment upon the sources, the documents. The members of the seminarium try their hand in turn at interpretation and explanation, and have their endeavors supplemented and rectified by the comments of the professor. To estimate at its true weight the value of historical material in the light of contemporary events and recent criticism is the most difficult task for the incipient historian to learn.

On the other hand if the subject is political science or philosophy or philology, the methods must be a little different. Here the training must be, not in original material, but in the formulation and criticism of ideas. Take political economy, for example. The long and bitter contest between the two factions in economics now bids fair to be settled by mutual compromise. The more tolerant and wiser economists of to-day in all countries recognize that both the historical and the comparative method on the one hand, and the deductive method on the other are not only not mutually exclusive, but complementary; and that the use of each method in turn is of the utmost value in the elucidation of different problems. In discussing such a problem as land tenure e. g. the historical and comparative method is indispensable; in discussing such a problem as the incidence of taxation the historical and comparative method is useless. Economists are becoming catholic in their methods as well as in their aims.

The economic seminarium therefore must train in both methods. The historical and comparative method must be taught by the same canons that are used in the historical seminarium. The original material is found in all manner of documents, statutes, decisions and what not. The student must be shown how to use these documents, how to separate the chaff from the wheat, how to retain the essentials, how to arrange and coordinate the facts. The economic seminarium is in this respect an historical and comparative workshop. But when we come to the other method, different tactics must be employed. Here the wiser plan is to take up a carefully defined special topic, and to spend a number of consecutive sessions in its examination. The best way to learn to think correctly is to ascertain the flaws in the thoughts of others. Let each student be assigned the works of a definite author or class of authors, so that the whole field of the literature will be parceled out to the class. Let each member bring in his report, which should be both explanatory and critical; let this report be opened to a running fire of merciless criticism from the other members present; and let the professor in summing up the day’s discussion point out wherein the advance, if any, has been made. If this discussion goes on from week to week, it may be assumed that the members will at all events have learned what pitfalls to avoid, what examples to follow. Such a training can not fail to produce its good results, if they consist in nothing more than the consciousness on the part of the students of their own shortcomings. In the seminarium the student for the first time feels himself a man; he occupies the place of the preceptor, he makes his own independent and constructive exposition; but he is spurred on to do his best work by the fear of pitiless criticism and good-natured ridicule. Each successive effort, we may be sure, will be better than the last; and if, after two or three years of such training, the student has not learned how to work, the fault lies not with the seminarium but with himself.

But not only does the student derive these advantages from the seminarium. The professor is apt to be equally benefited. In the first place the professor learns to unbend himself. In the lecture room he is the sole arbiter, the oracle. He lays down the law, as he comprehends it. In the seminarium he is not the preceptor but the coworker. He puts himself down to the plane of his students. He criticises them, but must in turn expect to be criticised by them; and the more open and fearless the criticism the better for both. The professor is here the friend, the equal. He leads the discussion, to be sure; but if there are keen, able, bright students present, he may often learn instead of teach. I venture to say, without fear of contradiction, that every successful seminarium conductor has frequently received new ideas, novel suggestions, and helpful stimulus for his own particular work. It is this feeling of equality, of meeting on a common fighting ground that constitutes one of the most precious features of the seminarium. The professor, moreover, is brought into personal and friendly contact with the students — an utter impossibility in the lecture room. And while on the one hand the student must prize highly the opportunity of intimate converse with the professor, the professor on the other hand is enabled to gauge the merits of each, to give to each the needed word of counsel and to form a more definite opinion as a guide in passing on the candidate’s examination and in recommending him for future positions. Finally, the professor will make use of the seminarium in advancing his own particular work. His advanced students may be put on the details of the topic in which he is interested; they may be made to do the dirty work, so to speak, of original investigation. Their results can not, indeed, be implicitly relied on, but they will discover a fact here or a new idea there which, when carefully scrutinized, may be welded together into a composite whole. Every successful teacher will use his seminarium as a work shop. The handiwork of some may be defective but he will generally find something that can be turned to good use. A real seminarium will, in short, be scarcely less valuable to the professor than to the student.

While the advantages of the seminarium are thus plain, its risks and limitations are perhaps in some danger of being overlooked; and this danger is stronger in America than anywhere else.

We energetic Americans, when we get a good thing, are apt to overdo it. College athletics is a good thing; but when professionalism is introduced and educational interests are subordinated to athletic pursuits, it becomes a bad thing. A university is an honored institution; but when we dub every little second rate college or female seminary a university, we are degrading the title. Higher degrees are in themselves a mark of distinction; but when our minor institutions multiply these high degrees and grant them for absurdly inadequate work, all degrees tend to lose their value and significance. So in the same way with the seminarium. The seminarium is a strictly university method. When an attempt is made to introduce these methods into the college, the academy and the high school, not only is it an abuse which will be utterly useless or worse than useless for the student, but one which will tend to cast discredit on the idea itself. The project of extending the benefits of the seminarium to other than university students is a well meaning, but utterly mistaken notion.

The reason is obvious: the seminarium is an adjunct to specialization; but specialization, as we have already indicated, is the work of the university, not of the college or high school. The great danger with higher education in America is that university ideas may be pushed down to manifestly unfit places. Even in the college, the elective system is a good thing only if its operation be carefully restricted. An absolutely free election which would enable a young man to spend all his time in college on a single topic involves a radical confusion of ideas. It would not be a college education, because it would not be a general education, the education befitting a gentleman. It would not be a university education, because the student is not old enough to profit by the university methods. Absolutely free election in the sense indicated, would ruin the college and would also ruin the university; for when university professors are compelled to expound their ideas to immature boys, they are inevitably compelled to degrade their work to the level of their students. The real university course presupposes a certain general foundation; and if this foundation is lacking, the course loses half of its usefulness.

But if specialization is unfit work for the college and high school, to a still greater extent is the seminarium absolutely unsuitable for the college and high school. The seminarium connotes original research; college students have neither the maturity nor the training which are necessary prerequisites to independent thinking. The seminarium implies a certain equality between student and preceptor; the college boy is a manifestly absurd equal for his professor. The seminarium imports the use of the cooperative method; but how can students whose linguistic and literary equipment is necessarily of the slightest successfully employ the arts of comparison and criticism. The seminarium involves the employment of the most advanced pedagogical methods; but advanced methods can be used only with advanced students.

To attempt to employ university methods with immature youths would be even worse than to endanger the cause of university education by pushing it down into the college. The seminarium in the college would be useless and worse than useless. It would be useless because minds in a formative state can not create. That which is itself being created can not produce. Any attempt to construct something new would simply result in a parrot-like repetition of the old.

But the seminarium in the college would be worse than useless; it would be positively deleterious. It would injure the student, because it would lead him to understand that he is doing original work, when he is only rehashing the work of others. It would foster habits of superficiality and of vainglory. To use an agronomic term, it would lead to extensive, not to intensive, culture. A diet of meat is a very excellent thing; but during certain years of our existence we are fed not on meat but on milk. The attempt prematurely to substitute solids for liquids is as perilous in the intellectual, as in the physical, development. The seminarium, moreover, would react on the morale, not only of the student, but also of the teacher. No self-respecting teacher who comprehends what a seminarium means could continue to employ these methods with immature boys without becoming conscious that he is untrue to his mission. He pretends to be doing what he knows can not be done. He is dissipating his energies without accomplishing any positive result, except that of more or less conscious deception. And finally the seminarium in the college and high school is worse than useless, because it would tend to discredit the whole institution. The public would be led to believe that the high school seminarium was the genuine article; and the force of public opinion might in the long run degrade the university seminarium to the plane of its educational congener [person, organism, or thing resembling another in nature or action]. The tendency of unbridled democracy in education, as in politics, is not to pull the average up to the level of the best; but to pull the best down to the level of the average.

Let us strive, therefore, to live up to the ideal. Let us set our standard high and cling to it unflinchingly. If the seminarium is such a potent engine for good, let us develop its possibilities and give free scope to its opportunities. But let us beware of attempting to use it where it ought not to be used: let us beware of emasculating its energy and degrading its position. Let us beware of the misguided zeal which destroys what it endeavors to upbuild. Let us render to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and let us recognize the danger of applying university methods to non-university conditions.

 

Source: Printed paper distributed at the 30th University Convocation of the State of New York, July 5-7, 1892 for discussion Wednesday, July 6.

Image Source:  See “Medieval Universities“, The History of Economic Thought Website of Gonçalo L. Fonseca.

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Survey of Economics Education. Colleges and Universities (Seligman), Schools (Sullivan), 1911

 

In V. Orval Watt’s papers at the Hoover Institution archives (Box 8) one finds notes from his Harvard graduate economics courses (early 1920s). There I found the bibliographic reference to the article transcribed below. The first two parts of this encyclopedia entry were written by Columbia’s E.R.A. Seligman who briefly sketched the history of economics and then presented a survey of the development of economics education at  colleges and universities in Europe and the United States. Appended to Seligman’s contribution was a much shorter discussion of economics education in the high schools of the United States by the high-school principal,  James Sullivan, Ph.D.

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ECONOMICS
History 

Edwin R. A. Seligman, Ph.D., LL.D.
Professor of Political Economy, Columbia University

The science now known as Economics was for a long time called Political Economy. This term is due to a Frenchman — Montchrétien, Sieur de Watteville — who wrote in 1615 a book with that title, employing a term which had been used in a slightly different sense by Aristotle. During the Middle Ages economic questions were regarded very largely from the moral and theological point of view, so that the discussions of the day were directed rather to a consideration of what ought to be, than of what is.

The revolution of prices in the sixteenth century and the growth of capital led to great economic changes, which brought into the foreground, as of fundamental importance, questions of commerce and industry. Above all, the breakdown of the feudal system and the formation of national states emphasized the considerations of national wealth and laid stress on the possibility of governmental action in furthering national interests. This led to a discussion of economic problems on a somewhat broader scale, — a discussion now carried on, not by theologians and canonists, but by practical business men and by philosophers interested in the newer political and social questions. The emphasis laid upon the action of the State also explains the name Political Economy. Most of the discussions, however, turned on the analysis of particular problems, and what was slowly built up was a body of practical precepts rather than of theoretic principles, although, of course, both the rules of action and the legislation which embodied them rested at bottom on theories which were not yet adequately formulated.

The origin of the modern science of economics, which may be traced back to the third quarter of the eighteenth century, is due to three fundamental causes. In the first place, the development of capitalistic enterprise and the differentiation between the laborer and the capitalist brought into prominence the various shares in distribution, notably the wages of the laborer, the profits of the capitalist, and the rent of the landowner. The attempt to analyze the meaning of these different shares and their relation to national wealth was the chief concern of the body of thinkers in France known as Physiocrats, who also called themselves Philosophes-Économistes, or simply Économistes, of whom the court physician of Louis XVI, Quesnay, was the head, and who published their books in 1757-1780.

The second step in the evolution of economic science was taken by Adam Smith (q.v.). In the chair of philosophy at the University of Glasgow, to which Adam Smith was appointed in 1754, and in which he succeeded Hutcheson, it was customary to lecture on natural law in some of its applications to politics. Gradually, with the emergence of the more important economic problems, the same attempt to find an underlying natural explanation for existing phenomena was extended to the sphere of industry and trade; and during the early sixties Adam Smith discussed these problems before his classes under the head of “police.” Finally, after a sojourn in France and an acquaintance with the French ideas, Adam Smith developed his general doctrines in his immortal work. The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776. When the industrial revolution, which was just beginning as Adam Smith wrote, had made its influence felt in the early decades of the nineteenth century, Ricardo attempted to give the first thorough analysis of our modern factory system of industrial life, and this completed the framework of the structure of economic science which is now being gradually filled out.

The third element in the formation of modern economics was the need of elaborating an administrative system in managing the government property of the smaller German and Italian rulers, toward the end of the eighteenth century. This was the period of the so-called police state when the government conducted many enterprises which are now left in private hands. In some of the German principalities, for instance, the management of the government lands, mines, industries, etc., was assigned to groups of officials known as chambers. In their endeavor to elaborate proper methods of administration these chamber officials and their advisors gradually worked out a system of principles to explain the administrative rules. The books written, as well as the teaching chairs founded, to expound these principles came under the designation of the Chamber sciences (Camiralia or Cameral-Wissenschaften) — a term still employed to-day at the University of Heidelberg. As Adam Smith’s work became known in Germany and Italy by translations, the chamber sciences gradually merged into the science of political economy.

Finally, with the development of the last few decades, which has relegated to the background the administrative and political side of the discipline, and has brought forward the purely scientific character of the subject, the term Political Economy has gradually given way to Economics.

Development of Economic Teaching

Edwin R. A. Seligman, Ph.D., LL.D.
Professor of Political Economy, Columbia University

Europe —

As has been intimated in the preceding section, the first attempts to teach what we to-day would call economics were found in the European universities which taught natural law, and in some of the Continental countries where the chamber sciences were pursued. The first independent chairs of political economy were those of Naples in 1753, of which the first incumbent was (Genovesi, and the professorship of cameral science at Vienna in 1763, of which the first incumbent was Sonnenfels. It was not, however, until the nineteenth century that political economy was generally introduced as a university discipline. When the new University of Berlin was created in 1810, provision was made for teaching in economics, and this gradually spread to the other German universities. In France a chair of economics was established in 1830 in the Collège de France, and later on in some of the technical schools; but economics did not become a part of the regular university curriculum until the close of the seventies, when chairs of political economy were created in the faculties of law, and not, as was customary in the other Continental countries, in the faculties of philosophy. In England the first professorship of political economy was that instituted in 1805 at Haileybury College, which trained the students for the East India service. The first incumbent of this chair was Malthus. At University College, London, a chair of economics was established in 1828, with McCulloch as the first incumbent; and at Dublin a chair was founded in Trinity College in 1832 by Archbishop Whately; at Oxford a professorship was established in 1825, with Nassau W. Senior as the first incumbent. His successors were Richard Whately (1830), W. F. Lloyd (1836), H. Merivale (1838), Travers Twiss (1842), Senior (1847), G. K. Richards (1852), Charles Neate (1857), Thorold Rogers (1862), Bonamy Price (1868), Thorold Rogers (1888). and F. Y. Edgeworth (1891). At Cambridge the professorship dates from 1863, the first incumbent being Henry Fawcett, who was followed by Alfred Marshall in 1884 and by A. C. Pigou in 1908. In all these places, however, comparatively little attention was paid at first to the teaching of economics, and it was not until the close of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth that any marked progress was made, although the professorship at King’s College, London, dates back to 1859, and that at the University of Edinburgh to 1871. Toward the close of the nineteenth century, chairs in economics were created in the provincial universities, especially at Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, Sheffield, Bristol, Durham, and the like, as well as in Scotland and Wales; and a great impetus to the teaching of economics was given by the foundation, in 1895, of the London School of Economics, which has recently been made a part of the University of London.

— United States 

Economics was taught at first in the United States, as in England, by incumbents of the chair of philosophy; but no especial attention was paid to the study, and no differentiation of the subject matter was made. The first professorship in the title of which the subject is distinctively mentioned was that instituted at Columbia College, New York, where John McVickar, who had previously lectured on the subject under the head of philosophy, was made professor of moral philosophy and political economy in 1819. In order to commemorate this fact, Columbia University established some years ago the McVickar professorship of political economy. The second professorship in the United States was instituted at South Carolina College, Columbia, S. C, where Thomas Cooper, professor of chemistry, had the subject of political economy added to the title of his chair in 1826. A professorship of similar sectional influence was that in political economy, history, and metaphysics filled in the College of William and Mary in 1827, by Thomas Roderick Dew (1802-1846). The separate professorships of political economy, however, did not come until after the Civil War. Harvard established a professorship of political economy in 1871; Yale in 1872; and Johns Hopkins in 1876.

The real development of economic teaching on a large scale began at the close of the seventies and during the early eighties. The newer problems bequeathed to the country by the Civil War were primarily economic in character. The rapid growth of industrial capitalism brought to the front a multitude of questions, whereas before the war well-nigh the only economic problems had been those of free trade and of banking, which were treated primarily from the point of view of partisan politics. The newer problems that confronted the country led to the exodus of a number of young men to Germany, and with their return at the end of the seventies and beginning of the eighties, chairs were rapidly multiplied in all the larger universities. Among these younger men were Patten and James, who went to the University of Pennsylvania; Clark, of Amherst and later of Columbia; Farnam and Hadley of Yale; Taussig of Harvard; H. C. Adams of Michigan; Mayo-Smith and Seligman of Columbia; and Ely of Johns Hopkins. The teaching of economics on a university basis at Johns Hopkins under General Francis A. Walker helped to create a group of younger scholars who soon filled the chairs of economics throughout the country. In 1879 the School of Political Science at Columbia was inaugurated on a university basis, and did its share in training the future teachers of the country. Gradually the teaching force was increased in all the larger universities, and chairs were started in the colleges throughout the length and breadth of the land.

At the present time, most of the several hundred colleges in the United States offer instruction in the subject, and each of the larger institutions has a staff of instructors devoted to it. At institutions like Columbia, Harvard, Yale, Chicago, and Wisconsin there are from six to ten professors of economics and social science, together with a corps of lecturers, instructors, and tutors.

Teaching of Economics in the American Universities. — The present-day problems of the teaching of economics in higher institutions of learning are seriously affected by the transition stage through which these institutions are passing. In the old American college, when economics was introduced it was taught as a part of the curriculum designed to instill general culture. As the graduate courses were added, the more distinctly professional and technical phases of the subject were naturally emphasized. As a consequence, both the content of the course and the method employed tended to differentiate. But the unequal development of our various institutions has brought great unclearness into the whole pedagogical problem. Even the nomenclature is uncertain. In one sense graduate courses may be opposed to undergraduate courses; and if the undergraduate courses are called the college courses, then the graduate courses should be called the university courses. The term “university,” however, is coming more and more, in America at least, to be applied to the entire complex of the institutional activities, and the college proper or undergraduate department is considered a part of the university. Furthermore, if by university courses as opposed to college courses we mean advanced, professional, or technical courses, a difficulty arises from the fact that the latter year or years of the college course are tending to become advanced or professional in character. Some institutions have introduced the combined course, that is, a combination of so-called college and professional courses; other institutions permit students to secure their baccalaureate degree at the end of three or even two and a half years. In both cases, the last year of the college will then cover advanced work, although in the one case it may be called undergraduate, and in the other graduate, work.

The confusion consequent upon this unequal development has had a deleterious influence on the teaching of economics, as it has in many other subjects. In all our institutions we find a preliminary or beginners’ course in economics, and in our largest institutions we find some courses reserved expressly for advanced or graduate students. In between these, however, there is a broad field, which, in some institutions, is cultivated primarily from the point of view of graduates, in others from the point of view of undergraduates, and in most cases is declared to be open to both graduates and undergraduates. This is manifestly unfortunate. For, if the courses, are treated according to advanced or graduate methods, they do not fulfill their proper function as college studies. On the other hand, if they are treated as undergraduate courses, they are more or less unsuitable for advanced or graduate students. In almost all of the American institutions the same professors conduct both kinds of courses. In only one institution, namely, at Columbia University, is the distinction between graduate and undergraduate courses in economics at all clearly drawn, although even there not with precision. At Columbia University, of the ten professors who are conducting courses in economics and social science, one half have seats only in the graduate faculties, and do no work at all in the college or undergraduate department; but even there, these professors give a few courses, which, while frequented to an overwhelming extent by graduate students, are open to such undergraduates as may be declared to be advanced students.

It is necessary, therefore, to distinguish, in principle at least, between the undergraduate or college courses properly so-called, and the university or graduate courses. For it is everywhere conceded that at the extremes, at least, different pedagogical methods are appropriate.

The College or Undergraduate Instruction. — Almost everywhere in the American colleges there is a general or preliminary or foundation course in economics. This ordinarily occupies three hours a week for the entire year, or five hours a week for the semester, or half year, although the three-hour course in the fundamental principles occasionally continues only for a semester. The foundation of such a course is everywhere textbook work, with oral discussion, or quizzes, and frequent tests. Where the number of students is small, this method can be effectively employed; but where, as in our larger institutions, the students attending this preliminary course are numbered by the hundreds, the difficulties multiply. Various methods are employed to solve these difficulties. In some cases the class attends as a whole at a lecture which is given once a week by the professor, while at the other two weekly sessions the class is divided into small sections of from twenty to thirty, each of them in charge of an instructor who carries on the drill work. In a few instances, these sections are conducted in part by the same professor who gives the lecture, in part by other professors of equal grade. In other cases where this forms too great a drain upon the strength of the faculty, the sections are put in the hands of younger instructors or drill masters. In other cases, again, the whole class meets for lecture purposes twice a week, and the sections meet for quiz work only once a week. Finally, the instruction is sometime carried on entirely by lectures to the whole class, supplemented by numerous written tests.

While it cannot be said that any fixed method has yet been determined, there is a growing consensus of opinion that the best results can be reached by the combination of one general lecture and two quiz hours in sections. The object of the general lecture is to present a point of view from which the problems may be taken up, and to awaken a general interest in the subject among the students. The object of the section work is to drill the students thoroughly in the principles of the science; and for this purpose it is important in a subject like economics to put the sections as far as possible in the hands of skilled instructors rather than of recent graduates.

Where additional courses are offered to the Undergraduates, they deal with special subjects in the domain of economic history, statistics, and practical economics. In many such courses good textbooks are now available, and especially in the last class of subject is an attempt is being made here and there to introduce the case system as utilized in the law schools. This method is, however, attended by some difficulties, arising from the fact that the materials used so quickly become antiquated and do not have the compelling force of precedent, as is the case in law. In the ordinary college course, therefore, chief reliance must still be put upon the independent work and the fresh illustrations that are brought to the classroom by the instructor.

In some American colleges the mistake has been made of introducing into the college curriculum methods that are suitable only to the university. Prominent among these are the exclusive use of the lecture system, and the employment of the so-called seminar. This, however, only tends to confusion. On the other hand, in some of the larger colleges the classroom work is advantageously supplemented by discussions and debates in the economics club, and by practical exercises in dealing with the current economic problems as they are presented in the daily press.

In most institutions the study of economics is not begun until the sophomore or the junior year, it being deemed desirable to have a certain maturity of judgment and a certain preparation in history and logic. In some instances, however, the study of economics is undertaken at the very beginning of the college course, with the resulting difficulty of inadequately distinguishing between graduate and undergraduate work.

Another pedagogical question which has given rise to some difficulty is the sequence of courses. Since the historical method in economics became prominent, it is everywhere recognized that some training in the historical development of economic institutions is necessary to a comprehension of existing facts. We can know what is very much better by grasping what has been and how it has come to be. The point of difference, however, is as to whether the elementary course in the principles should come first and be supplemented by a course in economic history, or whether, on the contrary, the course in economic history should precede that in the principles. Some institutions follow one method, others the second; and there are good arguments on both sides. It is the belief of the writer, founded on a long experience, that on the whole the best results can be reached by giving as introductory to the study of economic principles a short survey of the leading points of economic history. In a few of the modem textbooks this plan is intentionally followed. Taking it all in all, it may be said that college instruction in economics is now not only exceedingly widespread in the United States, but continually improving in character and methods.

University or Graduate Instruction. — The university courses in economics are designed primarily for those who either wish to prepare themselves for the teaching of economics or who desire such technical training in methods or such an intimate acquaintance with the more developed matter as is usually required by advanced or professional students in any discipline. The university courses in the larger American institutions which now take up every important subject in the discipline, and which are conducted by a corps of professors, comprise three elements: first, the lectures of the professor; second, the seminar or periodical meeting between the professor and a group of advanced students; third, the economics club, or meeting of the students without the professor.

(1) The Lectures: In the university lectures the method is different from that in the college courses. The object is not to discipline the student, but to give him an opportunity of coming into contact with the leaders of thought and with the latest results of scientific advance on the subject. Thus no roll of attendance is called, and no quizzes are enforced and no periodical tests of scholarship are expected. In the case of candidates for the Ph.D. degree, for instance, there is usually no examination until the final oral examination, when the student is expected to display a proper acquaintance with the whole subject. The lectures, moreover, do not attempt to present the subject in a dogmatic way, as is more or less necessary in the college courses, but, on the contrary, are designed to present primarily the unsettled problems and to stimulate the students to independent thinking. The university lecture, in short, is expected to give to the student what cannot be found in the books on the subject.

(2) The Seminar: Even with the best of will, however, the necessary limitations prevent the lecturer from going into the minute details of the subject. In order to provide opportunity for this, as well as for a systematic training of the advanced students in the method of attacking this problem, periodical meetings between the professor and the students have now become customary under the name of the seminar, introduced from Germany. In most of our advanced universities the seminar is restricted to those students who are candidates for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, although in some cases a preliminary seminar is arranged for graduate students who are candidates for the degree of Master of Arts. Almost everywhere a reading knowledge of French and German is required. In the United States, as on the European continent generally, there are minor variations in the conduct of the seminar. Some professors restrict the attendance to a small group of most advanced students, of from fifteen to twenty-five; others virtually take in all those who apply. Manifestly the personal contact and the “give and take,” which are so important a feature of the seminar, become more difficult as the numbers increase. Again, in some institutions each professor has a seminar of his own; but this is possible only where the number of graduate students is large. In other cases the seminar consists of the students meeting with a whole group of professors. While this has a certain advantage of its own, it labors under the serious difficulty that the individual professor is not able to impress his own ideas and his own personality so effectively on the students; and in our modern universities students are coming more and more to attend the institution for the sake of some one man with whom they wish to study. Finally, the method of conducting the seminar differs in that in some cases only one general subject is assigned to the members for the whole term, each session being taken up by discussion of a different phase of the general subject. In other cases a new subject is taken up at every meeting of the seminar. The advantage of the latter method is to permit a greater range of topics, and to enable each student to report on the topic in which he is especially interested, and which, perhaps, he may be taking up for his doctor’s dissertation. The advantage of the former method is that it enables the seminar to enter into the more minute details of the general subject, and thus to emphasize with more precision the methods of work. The best plan would seem to be to devote half the year to the former method, and half the year to the latter method.

In certain branches of the subject, as, for instance, statistics, the seminar becomes a laboratory exercise. In the largest universities the statistical laboratory is equipped with all manner of mechanical devices, and the practical exercises take up a considerable part of the time. The statistical laboratories are especially designed to train the advanced student in the methods of handling statistical material.

(3) The Economics Club: The lecture work and the seminar are now frequently supplemented by the economics club, a more informal meeting of the advanced students, where they are free from the constraint that is necessarily present in the seminar, and where they have a chance to debate, perhaps more unreservedly, some of the topics taken up in the lectures and in the seminar, and especially the points where some of the students dissent from the lecturer. Reports on the latest periodical literature are sometimes made in the seminar and sometimes in the economics club; and the club also provides an opportunity for inviting distinguished outsiders in the various subjects. In one way or another, the economics club serves as a useful supplement to the lectures and the seminar, and is now found in almost all the leading universities.

In reviewing the whole subject we may say that the teaching of economics in American institutions has never been in so satisfactory condition as at present. Both the instructors and the students are everywhere increasing in numbers; and the growing recognition of the fact that law and politics are so closely interrelated with, and so largely based on, economics, has led to a remarkable increase in the interest taken in the subject and in the facilities for instruction.


Economics
— In the Schools 

James Sullivan, Ph.D., Principal of Boys’ High School, Brooklyn, N.Y.

This subject has been defined as the study of that which pertains to the satisfaction of man’s material needs, — the production, preservation, and distribution of wealth. As such it would seem fundamental that the study of economics should find a place in those institutions which prepare children to become citizens, — the elementary and high schools. Some of the truths of economics are so simple that even the youngest of school children may be taught to understand them. As a school study, however, economics up to the present time has made far less headway than civics (q.v.). Its introduction as a study even in the colleges was so gradual and so retarded that it could scarcely be expected that educators would favor its introduction in the high schools.

Previous to the appearance, in 1894, of the Report of the Committee of Ten of the National Educational Association on Secondary Education, there had been much discussion on the educational value of the study of economics. In that year Professor Patten had written a paper on Economics in Elementary Schools, not as a plea for its study there, but as an attempt to show how the ethical value of the subject could be made use of by teachers. The Report, however, came out emphatically against formal instruction in political economy in the secondary school, and recommended “that, in connection particularly with United States history, civil government, and commercial geography instruction be given in those economic topics, a knowledge of which is essential to the understanding of our economic life and development” (pp. 181-183). This view met with the disapproval of many teachers. In 1895 President Thwing of Western Reserve University, in an address before the National Educational Association on The Teaching of Political Economy in the Secondary Schools, maintained that the subject could easily be made intelligible to the young. Articles or addresses of similar import followed by Commons (1895), James (1897), Haynes (1897), Stewart (1898), and Taussig (1899). Occasionally a voice was raised against its formal study in the high schools. In the School Review for January, 1898, Professor Dixon of Dartmouth said that its teaching in the secondary schools was “unsatisfactory and unwise.” On the other hand, Professor Stewart of the Central Manual Training School of Philadelphia, in an address in April, 1898, declared the Report of the Committee of Ten “decidedly reactionary,” and prophesied that political economy as a study would he put to the front in the high school. In 1899 Professor Clow of the Oshkosh State Normal School published an exhaustive study of the subject of Economics as a School Study, going into the questions of its educational value, its place in the schools, the forms of the study, and the methods of teaching. His researches serve to show that the subject was more commonly taught in the high schools of the Middle West than in the East. (Compare with the article on Civics.)

Since the publication of his work the subject of economics has gradually made its appearance in the curricula of many Eastern high schools. It has been made an elective subject of examination for graduation from high schools by the Regents of New York State, and for admission to college by Harvard University. Its position as an elective study, however, has not led many students to take it except in commercial high schools, because in general it may not be used for admission to the colleges.

Its great educational value, its close touch with the pupils’ everyday life, and the possibility of teaching it to pupils of high school age are now generally recognized. A series of articles in the National Educational Association’s Proceedings for 1901, by Spiers, Gunton, Halleck, and Vincent bear witness to this. The October, 1910, meeting of the New England History Teachers’ Association was entirely devoted to a discussion of the Teaching of Economics in Secondary Schools, and Professors Taussig and Haynes reiterated views already expressed. Representatives of the recently developed commercial and trade schools expressed themselves in its favor.

Suitable textbooks in the subject for secondary schools have not kept pace with its spread in the schools. Laughlin, Macvane, and Walker published books somewhat simply expressed; but later texts have been too collegiate in character. There is still needed a text written with the secondary school student constantly in mind, and preferably by an author who has been dealing with students of secondary school age. The methods of teaching, mutatis mutandis, have been much the same as those pursued in civics (q.v.). The mere cramming of the text found in the poorest schools gives way in the best schools to a study and observation of actual conditions in the world of to-day. In the latter schools the teacher has been well trained in the subject, whereas in the former it is given over only too frequently to teachers who know little more about it than that which is in the text.

See also Commercial Education.

 

References: —

In Colleges and Universities: —

A Symposium on the Teaching of Elementary Economics. Jour. of Pol. Econ., Vol. XVIIl, June, 1910.

Cossa, L. Introduction to the Study of Political Economy: tr. by L. Dyer. (London, 1893.)

Mussey, H. R. Economies in the College Course. Educ. Rev. Vol. XL, 1910, pp. 239-249.

Second Conference on the Teaching of Economics, Proceedings. (Chicago, 1911.)

Seligman, E. R. A. The Seminarium — Its Advantages and Limitations. Convocation of the University of the State of New York, Proceedings. (1892.)

In Schools: —

Clow, F. R. Economics as a School Study, in the Economic Studies of the American Economic Association for 1899. An excellent bibliography is given. It may be supplemented by articles or addresses since 1899 which have been mentioned above. (New York, 1899.)

Haynes, John. Economics in Secondary Schools. Education, February, 1897.

 

Source: Paul Monroe (ed.), A Cyclopedia of Education, Vol. II. New York: Macmillan, pp. 387-392.

Source: E.R.A. Seligman in Universities and their Sons, Vol. 2 (1899), pp. 484-6.

 

Categories
Columbia Socialism Syllabus

Columbia. Communistic and Socialistic Theories. Course Outline. J. B. Clark, 1908

 

 

The artifact transcribed for this posting consists of two pages of handwritten notes for a course that was regularly offered by John Bates Clark on socialist and communist economic theories. An earlier post included an essay written by Clark in 1879 on meanings of socialism

This is the 1000th artifact transcribed for Economics in the Rear-view Mirror. 

_______________________

ECONOMICS 109 — Communistic and Socialistic Theories. Professor CLARK.
Tu. and Th. at 2.30, first half-year. 406 L.

This course studies the theories of St. Simon, Fourier, Proudhon, Rodbertus, Marx, Lassalle, and others. It aims to utilize recent discoveries in economic science in making a critical test of these theories themselves and of certain counter-arguments. It examines the socialistic ideals of distribution, and the effects that, by reason of natural laws, would follow an attempt to realize them through the action of the state.

Source:  Columbia University. Bulletin of Information. Courses Offered by the Faculty of Political Science and the Several Undergraduate Faculties. Announcement 1905-07. p. 26.

_______________________

Econ. 109—Jan. 1908

                                                                        Practical relations

1          Definitions of Socialism.

2          Distinction bet[ween] Soc[ialism] and Communism

3          [Distinction between Socialism and] Anarchism

4          Possibility of Socialism without Communism & vice versa

5          Ancient labor movements

6          Agrarianism.ancient and mediaeval in Rome.

7          Mediaeval and early modern labor movements

8          Economic causes of the French Revolution

9          Socialism during the Rev. and the 1st Empire.

(1) theoretical           (2) practical

10        Life and teachings of Saint-Simon

11        [Life and teachings of] Fourier

12        [Life and teachings of] Proudhon

13        France under Louis XVIII and Charles X

14        The revolution of 1830

15        France under Louis Philippe

16        The revolution of 1848

17        Socialism of 1848

18        Life and teachings of Louis Blanc

19        Life and teachings of Rodbertus

(1) Relation to Ricardo’s system
(2) Theory of Crises

20        Life of Karl Marx

21        Relation of Marx’ system to that of Rodbertus

22        Marx theory of U[se] Value. Ex[change] Val[ue] & Val[ue].

Dif[ference] in
application to
goods[?] made by
same[?] L[abor]
& dif[ferent] C[apital]

23        Basis in Ric[ardo of] the Function of Money

24        [Basis in Ricardo of] Surplus Value  (later)

25        [Basis in Ricardo of] the Effect of Machinery

26        Criticism of the Surplus Value theory

27        Merits and demerits of the general Marxian System

28       Change in the character of the socialistic movement due to the growth of monopolies

29       Trade unions and their purposes

30       Socialism and the trade union movement

31       The practicability of a partially socialistic society, of a completely [socialistic society]

 

Marx Biog[raphy] Publications.

Theory—Val[ue], [unclear word] Basis of dif[ference] Exchange V[alue]–Use V[alue]

Include  App[lication?] to L

[Include] Basis of the criticism of cost of [abor]

[Include] Marx app[lied?] to goods made by dif[ferent] proportions of l[abor] and c[apital]. His solution of difficulty.

[Include] Criticism

[Include] Modern theory of imputation as app[lication?] to prod[uct?] of l[abor] and of c[apital].

[Include] Surplus val[ue] theory–Full statement. Criticism.

[Include] Effect as above of app[lication?] of th[eory] of imputation. Marx th[eory] of  effects of machinery.

 

Source: Columbia University Rare Book and Manuscript Library. John Bates Clark Papers, Box 3, Folder 23, Series II.1 “Economics 109”, 1908.

Image Source: John Bates Clark portrait from the webpage “Famous Carleton Economists“.

Categories
Columbia Lecture Notes Suggested Reading

Columbia. First semester graduate economic analysis. First weeks’ notes. Hart, 1955.

 

 

Based on what we see of the first few weeks of the content of this first graduate economics theory course at Columbia taught by Albert Gailord Hart (Chicago PhD, 1939) in 1955, it appears that the level of analysis in the course barely attained that of a contemporary average intermediate course in micro- or macroeconomics. Jumping to the end of this post, we find that Hart’s poll of the students in his class revealed that one-third of the aspiring graduate students in economics brought with them no math skills beyond what was taught in high-school (calculus was not taught in high-schools in the US at that time). Only one-third had been economics majors at college. One third had either zero economics or could not even recall the name the textbook that was used in their principles of economics class.

One can imagine the fare of Alfred Marshall, George Stigler and Kenneth Boulding would have been hard to digest for many, if not the majority, of Hart’s first-year graduate students. 

_______________________

Course Announcement

Economics 101-102—Economic Analysis. Professor Hart and Dr. Mosak.

Section 1—2:10-4. Dr. Mosak. 201 Fayerweather.
Section 2—M. W. 12. Professor Hart. 201 Fayerweather.

Detailed analysis of the reactions of producing units (firms) and consuming units (households); determination through the market of resource allocation, outputs, prices, and incomes; capital and interest; theories of general equilibrium (Walrasian and Keynesian); introduction to “dynamics.”

Students who have not completed Economics 101 are admitted to Economics 102 only with the permission of the instructor.

 

SourceAnnouncement of the Faculty of Political Science for the Winter and Spring Sessions 1955-1956. From the Columbia University Bulletin of Information. Fifty-fifth Series, No. 25 (June 25, 1955), p. 34.

_______________________

ECONOMICS 101 (Section 2), autumn 1955
AGH 10/3/55
101-1

Role of the course is basic training in theoretical analysis.

  1. This is today’s version (though differently arranged) of the traditional “value and distribution” course – staple of the graduate curriculum, and counterpart of the key section of “Principles” courses.
  2. The two “sections” are independent courses aim to provide this basic training; interchangeable as prerequisites for later work, but not guaranteed interchangeable in January 1956.
  3. Prerequisites for 101 are simply some previous economics (minimum: a “Principles” course) and high-school mathematics.
  4. Because of the wide range of backgrounds, the course opens each topic at an elementary level, and then pushes the topic to a professional level. All questions are welcome.

Books:

  1. Contrary to most fields, theoretical analysis boasts several textbooks that are first-hand jobs by productive men in the field and belong in personal working libraries. Students in the course should own either:
    1. Stigler, THEORY OF PRICE, 2nd ed., or
    2. Boulding, ECONOMIC ANALYSIS, 3rd ed.
      Choice is a matter of temperament.
  2. All economists should own Alfred Marshall, PRINCIPLES OF ECONOMICS (8th ed.) – obsolescent for over 40 years, never superseded.
  3. Stigler & Boulding (eds) READINGS IN PRICE THEORY has several items we will use; so does
  4. American Economic Association, READINGS IN THE THEORY OF DISTRIBUTION.

Plan of the Course will be shaped partly by background of its members; to start:

Introduction, Oct. 3, 5.
Read introductory chapters of Marshall, Boulding Stigler.

Preliminary supply-and-demand analysis, Oct. 10, 12, 17, 19.
Read Marshall, Book V; examine Boulding’s first part as attempt to deal at this level.

Next stage (starting about October 24) we’ll be on the theory of the firm and Marshallian industry (short-run).

Place of theoretical analysis in economics is to my mind central.

  1. Economic theory is a logic of economic quantity-networks.
    1. By general consent, economics is about problems of scarcity.
    2. To mitigate any one scarcity requires substitution – which intensifies some other scarcity. (Example: wartime petroleum.)
    3. Therefore scarcity situations interlock.
    4. Characteristic problems are of the sort represented by simultaneous equations. (Example: oil-rich sheik. [See note below for 10/5/55])
  2. A widespread skepticism about the theoretical tradition must be recognized.
    1. There is very proper skepticism about people who claim to have applicable knowledge a priori–an offense of which theorists can sometimes be convicted. (Example: fish [sic] taxonomy.)
    2. As maybe seen from curricular tendencies in general social science courses, the “basic social science” group aspire to build an adequate social analysis without drawing on our theoretical tradition.” (Background on this at next meeting.)
    3. In many departments, theory is taught as a parlor accomplishment, or at best as a tool on a par with historical or statistical methods.
  3. My claims for theoretical analysis are ambitious:
    1. Proposed substitutes for theory can so far not touch things it can do.
    2. While some economic topics lack historical or statistical angles, none lack scarcity-and-substitution angles.

 

ECONOMICS 101 (Section 2), autumn 1955
AGH 10/5/55
101-2

Economic Theory in Social Science is not such an anomaly as it might seem if you relied on (say) a sociologist’s interpretation.

  1. The basic difficulty is that economic theory is about the inter-relations of economic quantities, while social science is supposed to be about the inter-relations of people.
  2. The economist’s first answer is that one of the most pervasive social relationships is that of markets and division of labor, which cannot be understood without a logic of economic quantities.
  3. At a slightly more fundamental level, the economist must insist on the human content of his economic quantities and his patterns of relationship among them.
    1. The focus of economic analysis is choice (alias decision); in setting up our models, we take account of the psychology of individual and group decisions.
    2. Behind choices lie estimates of future consequences; our models take account of human fallibility, and of the way people learn from experience.
    3. Even such apparently mechanical relations as a “production function” have human content.
      1. We visualize the production function as a table of figures (or an algebraic formula), designed so that if we know the inputs we can look up or calculate the output.
      2. It is tempting to look at such a table or formula as embodying a set of impersonal “natural laws” of physics, chemistry and biology.
      3. But insofar as such “natural laws” come in questions, what counts is not the ultimate truth but the understanding held by the decision-maker; thus the production function for steel has changed from one using charcoal to one using coke.
      4. Many of the quantities involved are intensely human—especially the overwhelmingly important quantity called labor input.
      5. Input-output relations hinge on patterns of cooperation among workers and between workers and management.
    4. Thus the human content is not drained out of economics by adopting the economic-quantity approach.
    5. At the same time, it is worth remembering that economists as such are not expert on many relevant aspects of human relations, and can profit from criticism.

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Data on the oil contract with the Arab potentate: The executive negotiating the contract agreed tentatively to deliver 2500 gallons weekly at his oasis. Engineers report that a tank-truck’s round trip requires 0.09 gallons of gasoline per pound of loaded weight at the start, and that the truck will weigh 2½ tons plus 10 pounds for each gallon of capacity.
Then (1) G = 2500 + 0.09W and (2) W = 5000 + 100.

 

ECONOMICS 101 (Section 2), autumn 1955
AGH 10/10/55 (compilation of 5/5/55[possibly “65”]
101-3[?]-c[?]

Demand Data for Fruits and Vegetables

To test the presumption that price and quantity-demanded of individual commodities are negatively related, a promising experiment is to locate an array of price-quantity data where supply is apt to have changed erratically enough to give a variety of experiences, and where price structure, tastes, income and expectations can be supposed similar.

The adjacent years 1951-52 happen to lie close in other characteristics than chronology. Price averages rose about 2%, without great changes in general structure; population rose about 2% real income per capita, after taxes, rose about 1%. The years being adjacent, drastic changes in tastes are unlikely.

A promising body of price-quantity data is the list of 32 types of “truck” and 10 kinds of fruit for which output and price are reported in Statistical Abstract of the United States (1953 volume, pp. 668-669). For the 20 items whose output-change exceeded 10% up or down, data run as follows:

Commodity

% change in output

% change in price

[comment]

Shallots +45% -22%
Artichokes +35% -12%
Broccoli +27% -9%
Eggplant +26% -1% Weak or mildly parallel relation
Mint (for oil) +25% -4%
Corn, sweet +19% +0.5% Weak or mildly parallel relation
Cucumbers +13% +11% Strong failure of inverse relation
Lettuce +10% -8%
Garlic -11% +88%
Beets -12% +11%
Beans (snap) -14% +15%
Tomatoes -16% +12%
Spinach -17% +11%
Apples -18% +31%
Peas, green -20% +1% Weak or mildly parallel relation
Pimientos -20% +8%
Prunes -21% +28%
Brussels sprouts -31% +6%
Plums -40% +64%
Honeyball melons -46% +36%

 

ECONOMICS 101 (Section 2), autumn 1955
AGH 10/12/55
101-4
Topic I

Note on Class’s Background from preliminary tabulation of data slips:

  1. Only about 1/3 were economics majors as undergraduates. In view of the plea in the catalogue to get background rather than over-concentrate, it is my business to see that non-majors are not penalized.
  2. About 1/3 have had no formal economics, or a “weak principles”—meaning that they can’t identify the text, in many cases! Recommended they have one of the stronger elementary texts for review & reference.
  3. Mathematical background of 1/3 includes nothing beyond high school level—distributed rather evenly over economics background. Those who are weak both in previous economics and in math may need extra time for the course.
  4. In view of this state of the class’s background, do not shy off from raising a question that bothers you for fear it is too elementary!

Assignment:

In Stigler: Read chapters 1, 2, and 4 (treating 3 as a reference work).
Work out to your own satisfaction his exercises no’s 2-4 on p. 67.

In Boulding: Read chapters 7-8 (3rd ed.)
Work out to your own satisfaction his exercise no. 1 on pp. 165-166.

Source: Columbia University Archives.  Albert Gailord Hart Collection, Box 62, Folder “TEACHING: Sec. 4 ColUniv 1955/56. Ec 101/2 MICRO”.

Image Source: Albert Gailord hart, Economist, Dead at 88. Columbia University Record. Vol. 23, No. 5 (October 3, 1997).

Categories
Columbia Economists NBER Swarthmore

Columbia. Economics PhD alumnus, Joseph David Coppock. 1940

 

 

In the previous post several external examiners for the honors B.A. degree at Swarthmore College in the 1940s were identified. That list included several prominent names, such as Paul Samuelson (MIT), Lloyd Metzler (Federal Reserve), Friedrich Lutz (Princeton), but also a repeat examiner was one Joseph David Coppock, considerably less prominent in the great sweep of 20th century economics. Never having heard of Coppock myself, I decided to dedicate this post to the academic and professional career of this Swarthmore alumnus (A.B., 1933) and Columbia University Ph.D. (1940).

His academic arc began with an instructorship in economics at his Swarthmore alma mater while completing his Columbia University doctoral degree and ended at Penn State University. Government service, including work as a civilian in uniform with the Office of Strategic Services during the Second World War, provided years of economic-policy experience. A link to a very interesting oral interview with Coppock at the Truman Presidential Library covering his government experience is included below.

__________________

AEA Biographical Listing, 1969

Coppock, Joseph David, academic, government; b. Peru, Ind., 1909; A.B., Swarthmore Coll., 1933; M.A., Columbia, 1934, Ph.D., 1940. DOC. DIS. Government Agencies of Consumer Installment Credit, 1940. FIELDS 5, 1ab, 2d. PUB. International Economic Instability, 1962; Economics of the Business Firm, 1959; Foreign Trade of the Middle East, 1966. RES. International Economic Relations. Econ. Adv., U.S. Dept. State, 1945-53, 1961-62; prof. econs., Earlham Coll. [Richmond, Indiana], 1953-63, American U. Beirut, 1963-65, Pa. State U. Since 1965.

Source: Biographical Listings of Members [American Economic Association], American Economic Review, Vol. 59, No. 6 (1969). Handbook of the American Economic Association (Jan., 1970), p. 86.

__________________

Joseph David Coppock
Books

Joseph D. Coppock, Government Agencies of Consumer Instalment Credit.  Research Program of the National Bureau of Economic Research. Studies in Consumer Instalment Financing: Number Five (1940), p. xii.

From the author’s acknowledgment to doctoral dissertation published by NBER

Finally, I wish to thank Swarthmore College for granting me a leave of absence to participate in the National Bureau’s investigation of consumer instalment financing.

Joseph D. Coppock
Financial Research Staff
(National Bureau of Economic Research)
and
University of California

_____________, International Economic Instability: The Experience After World War 2(McGraw-Hill, 1962).

_____________, Economics of the Business Firm: Economics of Decision Making in the Business Enterprise(McGraw-Hill, 1959).

_____________, Foreign Trade of the Middle East: Instability and Growth, 1946-1962 (Economic Research Institute, American University of Beirut, 1966).

__________________

From the Finding Aid to the Joseph D. Coppock Papers at the Harry S. Truman Presidential Library and Museum

The papers of Joseph D. Coppock relate primarily to his work with the U. S. Department of State, the Office of Price Administration, the War Production Board, and the National War College. International trade was the main focus of his work at the Department of State and the War Production Board. Most of the documents are memoranda and correspondence involving foreign trade, along with financial records, handwritten notes, reports, speech drafts, and a transcript of a debate. The papers also contain the syllabi used by Coppock during his tenure as a visiting professor at the National War College.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

1909 (February 10), Born in Peru, Indiana

1933                A.B., Swarthmore College

1940                Ph.D., Columbia University

1941                Economist, U.S. Department of Agriculture

1942                Special Assistant to Vice Chairman, War Production Board

1943                Price Executive, Chemical and Drugs Division, Office of Price Administration

1945-1953      Economic Adviser, Office of International Trade Policy, U.S. Department of State

1946-1952      Member of U.S. delegation to Economic and Social Council of the United Nations: New York, Geneva, and Santiago

1951-1953      Visiting Professor, National War College

1965                Became professor of economics at Penn State University

2000 (July 31) Died in Redmond, Washington

Coppock took a position as a visiting professor at the National War College in 1951. While there, he served as the chairman of the Civilian Faculty. After his term at the National War College, Coppock worked as a visiting professor at the American University of Beirut in Lebanon, and as a professor of economics at Earlham College in Indiana and at Pennsylvania State University.

__________________

Research Tip:
Oral History Interview
Covering Coppock’s extensive experience as an economist in government

Oral History Interview with Joseph D. Coppock (July 29, 1974) by Richard D. McKinzie. Harry S. Truman Presidential Library & Museum (Independence, Missouri).

__________________

Image Source: Swarthmore College yearbook, Halcyon 1940, p. 11.