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Johns Hopkins/Wharton. Linked Reading List for History and Theory of Money. Sherwood, 1891-92

 

 

Sidney Sherwood, 1860-1901 received his Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins University in 1891 where he was to become the successor of Richard T. Ely as head of the department of Political Economy.

This post includes two memorials that provide a bit of biographical background followed by a rich, linked course of readings that were published in an appendix to the University Extension lecture material for Sherwood’s course, The History and Theory of Money, during the year he taught at the Wharton School of Finance and Economy (1891-92). 

The next post will provide the course outline with the specific reading assignments for Sherwood’s twelve lectures.

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SIDNEY SHERWOOD.

Sidney Sherwood, Associate Professor of Economics in the Johns Hopkins University, died after a brief illness at Ballston, New York, August 5,1901. While spending a part of his vacation on a farm he accidentally cut his right hand. Blood poisoning ensued which led to fatal results in spite of the best medical aid. He was buried at Cornwall-on-the-Hudson, where for many years he maintained a summer home.

Dr. Sherwood was born at Ballston, May 28, 1860. He graduated from Princeton College in 1879, then entered Columbia University, where he studied law. He afterwards practiced that profession in New York City, but having become interested in economic questions he entered the Johns Hopkins University in 1888 in order to pursue advanced studies under Professors Ely and Adams. He received the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in 1891 and was called at once to the University of Pennsylvania as Instructor in Economics. In 1892, Dr. Sherwood returned to Baltimore, having been appointed Associate in Economics; in 1895, he was made Associate Professor.

At a meeting of the Board of University Studies a committee was appointed to draft appropriate resolutions. Their report is as follows:

“The Board of University Studies is compelled with sorrow to record the death of Associate Professor Sidney Sherwood, who as student and teacher, was connected with this University for more than twelve years.

“During all this period Dr. Sherwood grew steadily in the esteem and affection of his colleagues. Beneath a modest demeanor he revealed most amiable as well as most substantial qualities. As a writer he gave evidence of solid learning and sound judgment. As a teacher and counsellor of students in this University his services were of great value and his absence will be deeply felt.

“The members of the Board desire to extend to Mrs. Sherwood and her family their heartfelt sympathy in this bereavement.”

Source: Johns Hopkins University. University Circulars. (Vol. XXI. No. 154, December 1901) p. 9.

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SIDNEY SHERWOOD: A MUCH LOVED PROFESSOR OF OTHER DAYS
BY BERNARD C. STEINER, PH.D. 1891

ABOUT a month after the opening of the University year of 1888, there came into the Historical Seminary, a quiet, rather reserved man, somewhat older and considerably more experienced than the rest of the graduate students. He chose for his subjects, history, political economy, and English, and wrote, as his dissertation, a “History of the University of the State of New York.” In 1891, he took the degree of Ph.D. — such is the skeleton of the University life of Sidney Sherwood. To those who were his fellow-students, the mention of his name recalls a personality of gentle force, an accurate and careful scholarship, a faithful friend, who could be relied upon in any emergency. In the large third story room, known as the Bluntschli Library, the historical students came into such close contact that they knew each other thoroughly and all came to esteem Sherwood highly. In a little quiz class of a few men who took their degree together, he showed his thoughtful studiousness, even more than in the larger seminary, and also displayed his sane and ripe judgment.

He was born on May 28, 1860, at Ballston Spa, Saratoga County, N. Y., his parents being Thomas Burr and Mary Frances (Beattie) Sherwood. He prepared for College at Mr. Buckley’s private school in his native town, having the reputation of being the brightest boy that the master had ever taught. In the fall of 1875, he entered the College of New Jersey, as Princeton University was then called.

After graduating from Princeton in the well-known class of ’79, with Woodrow Wilson and other prominent men, to use his own words, written to his class secretary in 1894, he “tackled life, in the capacity of professor of Latin, Greek, mathematics, French, and German in the Newton Collegiate Institute of Newton. N. J. I likewise officiated as coach in football. The idea of a college course, as giving general culture, was certainly realized in the Princeton curriculum of that period, otherwise I never should have been fitted for that broad chair.” After a year of teaching, he went to Europe and spent two years, to quote him again, “in Great Britain and Western Europe, trying to get more general culture.” When he returned to the United States, he served a few months as a reporter upon the New York Tribune, “reading law on the sly.” Then the death of his father, in February, 1883, made it necessary for him to spend a year on the paternal farm in Saratoga County, during which time he read law at Ballston Spa. In the autumn of 1884, he entered the Columbia Law School; but, after a year of study there, he left the school and entered the office of Abner C. Thomas, LL.D., with whom he formed a partnership, when admitted to the bar in February, 1886 and for whom he did much of the hard research work connected with the preparation of the well-known and useful work known as Thomas on Mortgages. He continued this connection, until he gave up the practice of law and came to Baltimore. This change of purpose came through the mayoralty campaign, in which Henry George was one of the candidates, in which campaign Sherwood was much interested. He found that it “opened up a new field of study and work — the field of social philosophy and social progress. An academic career, the study and teaching of the forces and mechanism of human progress became henceforth my chief aim.” He said “I belong to the party of progress” and his mind in an unusual manner faced the future, while preserving conservative modes of thinking.

Few men ever held opinions more firmly, or with less bigotry than Sherwood, nor did he ever confuse the essential principles, which must be held firmly, with the unessential ones, which may be changed. So he was a moderate Republican and a Presbyterian, but he was a thoroughly convinced patriot and Christian.

Shortly after leaving the University, on September 3, 1891, he married Miss Mary A. Beattie of Cornwall, N. Y.

In a sketch such as this, the delightful home life of Sherwood’s family may not be more than mentioned and yet all who knew him know also that no sketch of him should be written without some such mention. The loving devotion of that true woman, who linked her fortunes with his and the ingenuous charm of the children made a fine background to the picture, and in that home, he found refreshment and strength. Four daughters and a son came into the family — the last too late, however, to remember his father, for he was born only a few months before the end.

In the autumn of 1891 he began teaching in the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, as instructor in finance. While in this position, he delivered a course of lectures on the “History and Theory of Money,” which was published in 1893. In 1892, Professor Richard T. Ely was called from the Johns Hopkins to the University of Wisconsin and Sherwood became his successor in Baltimore. He carried on the work of the economic department until his death, growing yearly in power and influence, giving faithful and patient attention to each of his students, and showing equal faithfulness in the directorship of such institutions in Baltimore as he found time to enter. His thought ripened slowly and his great work on finance was ever in preparation. One summer towards the close of his life, he forewent the pleasure of staying with his family and crossed the Atlantic Ocean to Germany to collect material there, but the book remained unwritten to the end. His History of the University of the State of New York published in 1893, widened to an History of Higher Education in New York State, a bulky volume, printed by the United States Bureau of Education in 1900 as part of a series, in the preparation of which Professor Adams had enlisted the services of a number of Hopkins men.

With fearful suddenness came the interruption of the useful work he was doing. Hale and strong, in the mellow maturity of his powers, he went into the garden of his summer home one day to prune some bushes. A scratch must have conveyed some vegetable poison into his veins, blood poisoning followed, and, after a very few days’ illness, he died “during a beautiful golden sunset” on August 5, 1901. The poignancy of the grief at the loss of a friend mingled in the minds of those who knew him, with the keen regret that the University was deprived of a scholar whose teaching by his example, what should be the attitude of a professor, was as important as the principles of political economy which he laid down in his lectures. The influence of such a man is pervasive and permanent and one of the privileges which lengthening years bring to the University is that it can look back upon the unselfish and complete service of such men as Sidney Sherwood.

Source: The Johns Hopkins Alumni Magazine. Vol. 5, No. 1 (November, 1916) pp. 32-35.

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READINGS FOR THE HISTORY AND THEORY OF MONEY

USEFUL BOOKS OF REFERENCE.

The literature of Money is so vast that a wise selection of a few books is almost impossible. The list here given is meant to contain books which are easily accessible, and which will tempt to further study after the lectures are finished.

Two books mentioned in the list — viz., Report of the International Monetary Conference of 1878 and W. S. Jevons’s Investigations in Currency and Finance — contain extensive and valuable bibliographies of money which will be of great service in making a thorough study of the subject.

Reference to works in foreign languages has been avoided. The French literature on this subject is very rich; the Italian and German also. The student reading any of these languages can easily find trace of the books he needs from references in the books here mentioned.

 

THE GENERAL SUBJECT OF MONEY.

Andrews, E. B., Institutes of Economics.

Bastable, C. F.,Money.” Encyclopaedia Britannica [9th ed.]

Colwell, Stephen, Ways and Means of Payment.

Ely, R. T., Introduction to Political Economy.

Jevons, W. Stanley, Money and the Mechanism of Exchange. [Text-book of the course, which should be in the hands of every student.]

Mill, J. S., Principles of Political Economy. [Ashley edition of 7th ed., 1909]

Nicholson, J. S., Money and Monetary Problems.

Patterson, R. H., The Science of Finance.

Poor, H. V., Money: its Laws and History.

Ricardo, David, Works.

Smith, Adam, Wealth of Nations. [Cannan ed. (1904)]

Walker, Francis A., Money in its Relations to Trade and Industry. [Text-book of the course, which should be in the hands of every student.]

_______, Political Economy (larger edition).

_______, Money.

Walker, J. H., Money, Trade, and Banking.

Willson, H. B., Currency.

 

SPECIAL MONETARY TOPICS.

Ashley, W. J., English Economic History. [2nd ed. Volume I; Volume II]

Atkinson, Edward, Report on Bimetallism in Europe. (Sen. Exec. Doc, No. 34, 50th Congress.)

Bagehot, Walter, Lombard Street: A Description of the Money-Market.

Böhm-Bawerk, Capital and Interest.

Bolles, Financial History of the United States. [1774-1789; 1789-1850; 1861-1885]

Carey, H. C, Pamphlets on the Currency. See Works, Vol. XXXI. [Perhaps “The Currency Question” in Miscellaneous Works of Henry C. Carey (1872?)]

Dunbar, C. F., Theory and History of Banking.

Evans, History of the United States Mint and Coinage.

Giffen, Robert, Essays in Finance. [1880; Second series, 3rd ed (1890)]

Gilbart, J. W., History, Principles, and Practice of Banking. [1904 ed.: Volume I; Volume II]

Goschen, Theory of the Foreign Exchanges.

Horton, S. Dana, Gold and Silver. [sicSilver and Gold and their Relation to the Problem of Resumption (1877)]

_______, The Silver Pound.

_______, [Appendix: Historical Material for and contributions to the Study of Monetary Policy] Report of International Monetary Conference of 1878. (Sen. Exec. Doc, No. 58, 45th Congress.)

Ingram, J. K., History of Political Economy.

Jacob, William, Historical Inquiry into the Production and Consumption of the Precious Metals. [Volume I; Volume II]

James, E. J., “Banks of Issue.” Lalor’s Cyclopaedia.

Jevons, W. S., Investigations in Currency and Finance.

Knox, John Jay, United States Notes.

_______, “Banking in the United States.” Lalor’s Cyclopaedia.

Laughlin, J. L., History of Bimetallism in the United States.

Laws of the United States relating to Loans and the Currency, Coinage and Banking. (Compilation published by the Government in 1886.)

Leslie, T. E. C, Essays in Political and Moral Philosophy.

Linderman, H. R., Money and Legal Tender in the United States.

Liverpool, Lord, A Treatise on the Coins of the Realm.

Macaulay, T. B., History of England. [Volume I; Volume II; Volume III; Volume IV; Volume V; Volume VI; Volume VII;Volume VIII; Volume IX; Volume X] [Popular edition (1889) in two volumes: Volume I; Volume II]

Patterson, R. H., The New Golden Age. [Volume I; Volume II]

Rogers, J. E. T., The First Nine Years of the Bank of England.

Sherman, John, Speeches and Reports on Finance and Taxation.

Sumner, W. G., History of American Currency.

Upton, J. K., Money in Politics.

Wells, David A., Recent Economic Changes.

 

MISCELLANEOUS.

Annual Finance Reports of the United States, containing reports of

Comptroller of the Currency, Director of the Mint, etc.

Congressional Record.

House and Senate Documents.

Report of the International Monetary Conference of 1878.

Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, London.

American Bankers’ Magazine.

Rhodes’s Journal of Banking.

Reports of the Annual Meetings of the American Bankers’ Association.

Bradstreet’s and other periodicals devoted to economic, financial,

commercial, and monetary subjects.

Encyclopaedia Britannica.

Lalor’s Cyclopaedia of Political Science, Political Economy, and United States History. [Volume I (Abdication-Duty); Volume II (East India Company-Nullification); Volume III (Oath-Zollverein)]

 

OUTLINE OF A COURSE OF READING.

Two books are essential, and should be carefully studied:

  1. Jevons’s Money and the Mechanism of Exchange.
  2. Walker, F. A., Money in its Relations to Trade and Industry.

For the purpose of this course of lectures, no substitutes for these books could be suggested which would be of equal worth. If students wish to purchase a few more books, the following are recommended: Knox, United States Notes; Dunbar, Theory and History of Banking; Andrews, Institutes of Economics; Bagehot, Lombard Street: A Description of the Money-Market; Sumner, History of American Currency; Laws of United States relating to Loans, etc., 1886.

 

SHORT COURSE OF READING.

Jevons and Walker should be followed by the reading suggested at the beginning of each lecture. The reader will find frequent reference in these books to other books, and can follow the line of his special interest still further if he wishes. Some good text-book in Political Economy should be always at hand for the close study of the economic principles involved. Walker and Andrews are especially good on money.

 

LONGER COURSE OF READING.

After Jevons and Walker, Professor Bastable’s article on “Money,” in the Encyclopaedia Britannica (9th ed.), may be read as giving an admirable general review of the subject.

The historical evolution of money and money substitutes should be grasped before going deeply into the theory and the practical aspects of the subject.

Enough is given in Jevons, Walker, and Bastable on the subject of primitive money. Books of travel, writings of anthropologists, accounts of early institutions, history of ancient or barbarous peoples, old laws, early records of state, etc., furnish innumerable instances of all types of early money. The student should form the habit of making all his general reading aid his systematic special study.

On the subject of coins and coinage, read articles “Mint” and “Numismatics,” in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, Liverpool’s Coins of the Realm, pp. 25-56, Walker’s Money, Chapters IX., X., XL, and Linderman’s Money and Legal Tender. Linderman was formerly Director of the Mint, and has given a very clear and interesting account of the history of United States coinage and some of the processes of coinage. Consult the Laws of the United States relating to Loans and the Currency, Coinage and Banking (1886). The coinage laws from 1792 to 1886 are there given, pp. 211-288. Consult, also, Evans, United States Mint and Coinage. Visit the Mint, and learn as much as possible of the technical processes of coinage, and examine the various collections of United States and foreign coins.

The subject of the production of the precious metals is very important. Jacob’s book is the great authority, and will repay reading through, although rather long. Walker’s Money (the large work), in Chapters V.-VIII., treats historically of this subject, and follows Jacob quite closely. An excellent plan would be to read these chapters in Walker, referring constantly to Jacob, and reading such parts as are of special interest. Having thus got the general facts clearly in mind, read Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, Book I., Chapter XI., ” Digression on the Variations in the Value of Silver,” for the sake of getting an idea of this old master. The most valuable discussions of the problems involved by great discoveries of gold and silver have been written since 1850. Read in Laughlin’s Bimetallism, Chapter V., on the gold discoveries; VIII., on production of gold since 1850; and XII., on cause of fall in value of silver. Follow this with the essay in Nicholson’s Money on the “Effects of Great Discoveries of the Precious Metals,” and Chapter VII. in the same book, on the international influences that fix general prices. The second article in Jevons’s Investigations, etc. (on the fall in the value of gold), may then be read, followed by “Changes in General Prices and in the Purchasing Power of Gold,” being Part VII. of Appendix D in Atkinson’s Report on Bimetallism. Various other parts of this Report will be found helpful. Patterson’s New Golden Age may be consulted with much profit. Wells’s Recent Economic Changes is excellent, as pointing out other factors than the quantity of money which may be operative in change of prices.

Passing on to credit substitutes for money, we take up first the “Organization of Credit” in the Banking System. Begin with Adam Smith’s account of the Bank of Amsterdam, Wealth of Nations, Book IV., Chapter III., Part I. Then read the chapters of Gilbart’s Banking, indicated below. Mr. Gilbart was a practical banker for half a century, from his twentieth year till his death in 1863. After twenty years’ experience in a London and in an Irish bank, and after publishing various writings on the subject of banking, he was made General Manager of the London and Westminster Bank, — the first of the Joint-Stock Banks in England, opened in 1834. It was largely through his efforts that the Joint-Stock Banks survived the opposition encountered on every side, and became established as a part of the English banking system. His book may be relied on for accuracy, and is clear in statement. Read §§ I. and II. for the early history of banks in England and elsewhere; §§ III.- VI. for an account of the Bank of England and the other English banks; § XXVIII. for a discussion of the relation of the Bank of England to the currency since the Act of 1844; § XXXV. for a sketch of the Clearing-House; and §§ XXXVI. and XXXVII. for a history of the crises of 1857, 1866, 1875, and 1878. Macaulay, in History of England, Chapter XX., tells in his graphic way the story of the founding of the Bank of England. It would be well to read also his third chapter on the state of England in 1685, and his account of the controversy over the Recoinage Act of 1696 (Chapter XXI.). Rogers’s First Nine Years of the Bank of England is very suggestive, admirably bringing out the political side of the movement for the Bank. Then read Professor Sumner’s discussion of the “Bank Restriction” in his History of American Currency, which also con tains the “Bullion Report.” Ricardo’s Works might well follow. Read Chapter XXVII. in his Principles of Political Economy, on “Currency and Banks,” and also one or two of his classical essays on currency questions. Next take up Bagehot’s Lombard Street: a Description of the Money-Market, a book written with all the nervous vigor and keen insight of this versatile author. While the book treats mainly English conditions, a clever shifting of recitals to the American money-market will throw much light on the intricate subject.

This reading will have taken the student over the Bank Charter Act of 1844 and its effects. Then read the article in Lalor on “Banks of Issue,” by Professor E. J. James, to get a general view of the subject and a clear idea of the scientific questions involved.

Turning now to American Currency and Banking, the article in Lalor, by John Jay Knox, on “Banking in the United States,” will be found the best introduction to the subject. He has described the National Bank system in his report as Comptroller of the Currency (Finance Report, 1875). Then read Sumner’s History of the American Currency. The subject of paper money is best approached through the history of American Government issues, both colonial and national. Follow Sumner with Knox’s United States Notes, Upton’s Money in Politics, and Sherman’s Speeches on the Currency. The Government compilation of Laws relating to Loans and the Currency, Coinage and Banking, published 1886, and before mentioned, should be constantly at hand for reference. Study the Legal-Tender Act and Legal-Tender Cases, the National Bank system, and the present coinage laws of the United States, so as to understand clearly our present currency. Bolles’s Financial History of the United States is especially useful. Colwell’s Ways and Means of Payment is an able, systematic treatise on money and credit, and might well be read at this point.

This reading will bring into view the principles underlying the whole monetary system as well as the practical questions at issue. For clear exposition and able discussion of these principles, especially in regard to the part played by credit as organized in the banking system, turn to J. H. Walker’s Money, Trade, and Banking, C. F. Dunbar’s Theory and History of Banking, and R. H. Patterson’s Science of Finance. This latter book discusses also the question of the relation of the state to the currency.

The problem of the monetary standard remains, — “The Battle of the Standards.”

A great classic is A Treatise on the Coins of the Realm, by Lord Liverpool, published at Oxford in 1805. The writer had held many high offices, — Secretary of the Treasury, Lord of the Treasury, President of the Board of Trade, among others. In 1774 he had successfully urged the recoinage of the gold coins. England had always had a silver standard; gold, however, being a legal tender at a certain fixed ratio to silver. The silver had become very worn. Coin was scarce, the bank having stopped specie payments in 1797. Lord Liverpool urged the change from a silver to a gold standard, the making of gold the sole, full legal tender, giving only a small legal- tender limit to silver as a subsidiary coin. This policy was substantially carried out by the Recoinage Law of 1816, which as amended in 1870 is the English law to-day, and Englishmen have now forgotten that they ever had a silver standard. S. Dana Horton says of this Treatise, it “became the great charter of Monetary Right for the Nineteenth Century.” It contains much valuable historical information on English coinage, as well as formal discussions of the nature and functions of money and the principles applying to a monetary system. Its bearing upon the bimetallic controversy is obvious. Then read Ricardo’s essay, “Proposals for an Economic and Secure Currency.” The book to be next read is Horton’s The Silver Pound and England’s Monetary Policy since the Restoration, or Horton’s Gold and Silver [sic, “Silver and Gold” is the correct title]. Laughlin’s Bimetallism in the United States should follow. The Report of the International Monetary Conference of 1878 is very valuable, containing an appendix filled with historical material bearing on this question, a brief account of the Latin Monetary Union, and an extensive bibliography mentioned above. Atkinson’s Report on Bimetallism in Europe will also be found useful. Nicholson has several good essays in favor of Bimetallism in his Money and Monetary Problems. Giffen writes on the other side. Read also Jevons’s essays on the subject in his Investigations, etc., and the chapter on “Bimetallism” in Walker’s Political Economy. Henry C. Carey’s Pamphlet on Financial Crises, and Willson’s Currency, pp. 250-284, would be a good introduction to the subject of panics. Follow with Jevons’s essays on Crises, in his Investigations, etc., and with Wells’s Recent Economic Changes.

A work of the highest importance is Lalor’s Cyclopaedia of Political Science. It should be diligently referred to throughout this entire course of reading. The unique value of this book is that it contains the whole political and eco nomic history of the United States in compact form, and with abundant reference to special authorities, while at the same time treating particular questions not merely in the light of American experience, but with a broad outlook upon European conditions, and in a manner truly scientific.

Finally, when the above outline of reading is exhausted, take up Andrews’s Institutes of Economics and study Part II., Exchange; Part III., Money and Credit; Part IV., Chapter III., Interest; Part VI., Chapters I.- III., United States Currency. It is compact with suggestive thought and an excellent stimulus to independent thinking on the part of the reader.

 

Source: From Sidney Sherwood, The History and Theory of Money, Appendix “Syllabus of the Preceding Course of Twelve Lectures on the History and Theory of Money” (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1896) pp. 359-365.

Image Source: Photograph of Sidney Sherwood by photographer Blessing. Johns Hopkins University. Sheridan Libraries.

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Harvard. Report on the General Examination for an Economics PhD, 1970

 

 

What makes this report on the general examination in the economics PhD program at Harvard particularly valuable is its brief survey of the practice at eight other universities: Yale, MIT, Johns Hopkins, Rochester, Stanford, Berkeley, Michigan, and Chicago. 

_____________________

DRAFT

This draft is distributed in Professor Chenery’s absence to permit discussion at the next Department meeting, January 27, 1970.
Professor Chenery or other members of The Committee might wish to record further comments in preparation [of] a final report.

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS

Cambridge, Massachusetts 02135
January 16, 1970

To: The Department of Economics
From: Committee on Graduate Instruction

REPORT ON THE GENERAL EXAMINATION FOR THE PH.D.

In response to a number of requests from students and faculty, the Committee has reexamined at considerable length the requirements for the General Examination. This report summarizes our general assessment in section I and makes specific recommendations for changes in section II. Some related issues needing further consideration are listed in section III.

Although for the past several years graduate students have criticized various aspects of the generals, the main source of dissatisfaction seems to be with the rigidity of “the system” rather than with any particular aspect of it. We have taken advantage of the fact that the Committee now has three student members to try to understand some of the effects of our present procedures on students’ choices and incentives. We have also tried to strike a better balance between preparation for the general examination and other aspects of a student’s training in his first two years.

As a background for our discussion, the secretary of the Committee compiled a useful summary of the regulations in effect at other leading universities, which is attached.

 

ROLE OF THE GENERAL EXAMINATION

The primary functions [sic] of the General Examination is to evaluate the student’s formal preparation in economics before he proceeds to more advanced phases of teaching and thesis preparation. It also serves as a screening device to weed out weak candidates, as a basis for subsequent recommendations for employers, and as an indirect way of organizing the student’s course work in his first two years. These multiple functions produce much of the debate over requirements at Harvard and elsewhere, since a system that is ideal for one purpose has weaknesses for another.

One of the main criticisms of the existing Harvard system is its psychological impact on the student. The need to satisfy the requirements in all fields within a period of several months inhibits most students from exploring non-required topics until after they have passed the generals. On balance, we are impressed with the desirability of adopting a more flexible timing that will encourage the student to get most of his tool requirements out of the way in the first year and use the second year to explore the fields of his special interest and get some taste of actual research. We have tried to maintain the undoubted benefits of an overall examination, however, as compared to a set of course requirements.

Our survey of other departments shows a significant trend toward breaking down the requirements into separate parts and focusing less on the culminating oral examination. Most departments use the qualifying examination in theory as a device for screening first year students, which also reduces the burden of preparing all fields in the second year. In most departments the minimum proficiency in quantitative techniques and economic history is demonstrated by a satisfactory course grade rather than by inclusions in the general examination. Although we have made our own judgements on these questions, we recommend movement in these directions.

Another consideration which makes greater flexibility desirable is the growing proportion of students who are already well prepared in one or more required fields. For many students, the present system therefore encourages too much review of material they have already covered. We feel that those who are adequately prepared on one of the required fields (theory, quantitative method, history) should have an opportunity to satisfy this requirement in their first year in order to make better use of their time thereafter.

Our recommendations are directed toward achieving greater flexibility in the timing of courses and examinations to allow the student to make more effective use of his time. This should enable many students to get started earlier on their optional fields and to make a better choice of their field of specialization. We do not envision any reduction in the total work done in the first two years or any lowering of standards of performance.

 

SPECIFIC RECOMMENDATIONS

General Principles

  1. The general examination should be separated into four component parts—theory, quantitative method, economic history, and special fields—each of which would be graded separately.
  2. The minimum requirement in quantitative method and economic history should be regarded as a “tool requirement” or “literacy test” as has become the practice in the quantitative field. Students wishing to specialize in these fields may offer them at a higher level as one of their special fields.
  3. The term “general examination” would apply to the oral examination on the special fields. (The question of a general grade on all parts as at present was left open.)
  4. There should be no prescribed timing of the four components, other than the stipulation that the required fields be either completed (or write-off courses in progress) at the time of the oral examination on the special fields. Qualified students would be encouraged to complete one or more requirements in the first year.
  5. Two write-offs should be allowed rather than one.
  6. A subcommittee would be set up for economic history (and retained in theory and quantitative method). The standards and ways of satisfying them in the three required fields should be proposed by the three subcommittees and ratified by the GIC and the Department.

The Theory Requirement

  1. The present coverage (roughly 201a, 201b, 202a) should be retained. The examination would continue to be written.
  2. The examination should be offered two or three times a year. (A straw vote by students showed a preference for June, September and January and a margin for September over January.) Most students would take the examination at the end of their first year—in June or September.

The Quantitative Requirement

  1. The present de facto standard of the written examination should be accepted as the “literacy test”.
  2. The requirement can be met either by the present type of written examination (given twice a year) or by a grade of B+ in 221b or 224a. (It is estimated that roughly 75% would be able to qualify by course examination.)

The Economic History Requirement

  1. The history requirement be made parallel to the quantitative requirement in that:
    1. It can be satisfied by course or special departmental examination.
    2. It can either be offered at a minimum level or at a higher level as a special field.
  2. The minimum requirement would be satisfied by a course grade that would allow a similar proportion to qualify in this way (B+ or A- pending further information).
  3. Alternatives to the present 233 sequence (if any) to be established by the history subcommittee.
  4. Minimum standards in both history and quantitative method could be demonstrated by course examination.

The Requirement in Special Fields

  1. Two special fields would be required as the basis for the oral examination, which would also cover general analytical ability.
  2. Advanced theory, econometrics and economic history would be eligible as special fields, but the first two could not both be included. (In the majority view, one applied field apart from history would be required in order to eliminate the possibility of a candidate offering only the three required fields.)
  3. The candidate would be encouraged (or required?) to submit a research paper to be made part of the subject matter and record of the general examination (He is now “expected” to have presented a paper to a working seminar by the end of his second year.)
  4. The general oral examination would normally be taken at the end of the second year, but could not be taken before the qualifying exams in theory, quantitative and history have been passed (or prospective write-offs are in progress.)

QUESTIONS OF GRADING

  1. Should all examinations be either pass-fail or on a more limited grading scale than at present?
  2. Should the passing standard for the course option in both quantitative methods and history be B+?
  3. Should the four requirements be graded separately or combined (as at present) into an overall grade on the General Examination? (The committee favors first the alternative, but would also require “distinguished” performance in at least one area.)

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Examination Requirements at Other Places

Below I summarize examination requirements at eight other places, including Yale, MIT, Hopkins, Rochester, Stanford, Berkeley, Michigan and Chicago. The main findings of the survey are:

  1. It appears that the massive type of “generals” (where all fields and theory are combined in one session) has almost disappeared. With the exception of Hopkins, all of the above schools seem to settle the theory examination at the end of the first year, with special fields examined at the end of the second year.
  2. Among the schools surveyed, only Yale has a written examination in history. Hopkins, Stanford, Chicago and Berkeley require a course, with “satisfactory” grade. MIT and Rochester have no requirement.
  3. Only Yale gives a written in quantitative aspect of the generals. All the other schools have course requirements (satisfactory grade) only.
  4. Practices vary with regard to number of special fields and type of examination. MIT and Hopkins require three, the others two special fields. Examinations at Yale are oral, at the other places written, in some cases both written and oral. In most places the special field examinations must be taken together, but in some (Rochester, Chicago) they can be separated. Throughout, these special examinations seem to be given by the department, and not merely as course examination.
  5. Some provisions of special interest:
    1. Chicago and Rochester’s second year research paper as part of general examination
    2. Stanford’s requirement for distinction in at least one field.

 

I. Yale

Comprehensive Examination

  1. Written examination in theory and econometrics, usually August or September after first year.
  2. Written examination on economic history; usually late spring of second year.
  3. Oral examination in two applied fields, chosen from six and in general analytical ability; late spring of second year. Given by four examiners. Student excused from general examination in special field courses at end of second year. Oral examination in theory, history, quantitative or field outside economics may be substituted for one of the applied fields if candidate has done year’s course work in applied field “with sufficient distinction”.

History and Quantitative

  1. History—written, end of second year, and option to substitute for one special field.
  2. Quantitative—written, end of first year, and option to substitute for one special field.

Other requirements

  1. Has apparently been dropped.
  2. One course credit of explicit research training, second year.
  3. Dissertation to be completed in fourth year.

 

II. MIT

General examination

  1. General examination in theory consists of two written papers—micro and macro, given in final exam period of first year. May be substituted for final examinations in theory courses.
  2. General examination normally at end of second year. Consists of:
    1. written examinations on three of 12 special fields. These may include advanced theory, econometrics or economic history.
    2. oral examination in the three fields after written.
    3. a fourth field is required but may be written off by B grade in full year course.

History and Quantitative

  1. History—no requirement. May be a special field.
  2. Quantitative—no generals examination. May be a special field.

Other requirements

  1. Two languages

 

III. Johns Hopkins

First Year Oral Examination

A first year oral examination is given in the spring of the first year, covering the fields in which the student has worked during that year.

Comprehensive Examination

Normally taken in spring of second year. Consists of:

  1. Two written examinations in theory, micro and macro.
  2. Three written examinations in special fields, one of which may be outside economics.
  3. Oral examination: Covers theory, special fields, statistics.

History and Quantitative

  1. History—satisfactory work in course.
  2. Statistics—satisfactory work in course.

Other Requirements

  1. One language.
  2. In addition to the departmental special examination, an examination is given by the graduate board, which includes members of other departments.

 

IV. Rochester

Qualifying Examination

  1. Theory and econometrics courses are required but are not part of Qualifying Examination.
  2. Qualifying Examination taken in May of second year. Consists of
    1. Written examination in two fields. These may include mathematical economics and econometrics. Need not be taken simultaneously.
    2. A second year research paper which is to be presented to a departmental seminar at the end of second year.
    3. After (a) and (b) are met, an oral examination in the special fields.

History and Quantitative

  1. Econometrics and mathematical economics requirements (courses), extent depending on fields.
  2. No history requirement.

Other Requirements

  1. Certain distribution requirement.
  2. Language and mathematics.

 

V. Stanford

Comprehensive Examination

  1. Written in micro and macro theory at end of first year. Cover course materials.
  2. Selection of special fields under two plans:
    1. If no minor subject is taken, student chooses four out of ten fields. These may include history, econometrics, mathematical economics. One field may be outside economics.
    2. Student may choose a minor subject (in another department) and choose only one out of the ten special economics fields.

Comprehensive written examinations for each field scheduled annually, usually at close of course sequence. Must show distinction in at least one field.

History and Quantitative

  1. History—Include at least two courses from offerings in economic history, history of thought, comparative economics, development.
  2. Quantitative—Econometrics course required.

Other Requirements

  1. Language or particular quantitative skills.
  2. Two seminars and research papers.

 

VI. Berkeley

Departmental Examination in Theory

  1. Must be passed by end of first year. Students with strong background take it in November of first term, others in June (end of first year).
  2. Written qualifying examinations given in two out of thirteen special fields at end of second year. Examinations given twice a year, must be taken together.
  3. Within one year after written qualifying examinations are completed, student presents himself for oral, based on prospectus (and interim results) of his thesis. General assessment of competence.

History and Quantitative

  1. Course in economic history at 210 level.
  2. Course in statistics at 240 level.

Other Requirements

  1. No language.

 

VII. Michigan

Preliminary Examination

  1. At end of theory courses in micro and macro, an “augmented examination” is given which serves as preliminary examination in theory.
  2. Two fields of specialization are required. One field is satisfied by satisfactory grades in two courses. For the other field a written preliminary examination is required.
  3. After this, oral examination on research topic and surrounding area.

Economic History and Quantitative

  1. No history requirement.
  2. Course requirement in statistics and econometrics.

Other Requirements

  1. No general language requirement.

 

VIII. Chicago

Preliminary Examination

  1. A “course [sic, “core” probably intended] examination” covering micro and macro theory is given twice a year (separate from course examinations) and is usually taken at end of first or middle of second year.
  2. Two special fields are chosen. Written examinations in these fields, separate from course examinations. Need not be taken together.
  3. Student presents a thesis prospectus before thesis seminar, usually in third year. Must pass on this for candidacy.

History and Quantitative

  1. History course required as part of distribution requirements.
  2. Course work in statistics required.

Other Requirements

  1. Math, no languages.

 

Source: John F. Kennedy Presidential Library. John Kenneth Galbraith Papers. Series 5. Harvard University File, 1949-1990. Box 526. Folder “Harvard University Department of Economics: General Correspondence, 1967-1974 (2 of 3)”.

Image Source: Harvard Class Album, 1946.

Categories
Johns Hopkins Seminar Speakers

Johns Hopkins. Economic Seminary. Participants, Presenters and Topics, 1926-27

 

The graduate economic seminary at Johns Hopkins University kept good records of the weekly sessions so that we know the names of all the presenters and their topics. I have added the academic backgrounds from the published Johns Hopkins Circular for graduate students either attending or presenting.

The economic seminary schedule for the following years have also been posted:

1903-1904
1904-1905

1922-1923
1923-1924
1924-1925
1925-1926
1926-1927

_____________

POLITICAL ECONOMY
The Economic Seminary

“The students following Political Economy as a principal subject for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy met weekly under the direction of Professors Hollander and Barnett. The work of the year centered in the investigation of representative forms of industrial development in the United States, and in the analysis of significant activities of American labor organizations…”

Source: The Johns Hopkins University Circular, Annual Report of the President of the Johns Hopkins University 1926-1927, (October 1927, Vol. 46, No. 385), p. 63.

_____________

MEMBERS OF THE ECONOMIC SEMINARY
1926-1927

[B = School of Business Economics; BE = Evening courses in Business Economics; E = School of Engineering; G = Graduate School of Arts and Sciences; SE = Social Economics; T = College for Teachers. The small “s” following a capital letter indicates a special student. Roman numeral indicates year of residence.]

Allen, George Levis. (G) I. S.B. Washington University 1905. Political Economy.

Allen, Paul Stephen (BE).

Adams, Beatrice. (SE) (G) II. A.B. Newcomb College, Tulane University 1925. Political Economy.

Black, Stanley.

Goodnow, Elinor Root (SE) (G) II. A.B. Vassar College 1913. Political Economy.

Hart, William Sebastian. (G) III. A.B. Johns Hopkins University 1924. Political Economy.

Helbing, Albert Theodore. (G) III. Ph.B. Denison University 1923. Political Economy.

Hodgkins, Alton Ross. (G) I. A.B. Bates College 1911; A.M. American University 1926. Political Economy.

Lampen, Dorothy. (BE) (Ts) (G) I. A.B. Carleton College 1926. Political Economy.

McCulloch, Mary W. C. (SE) (G) II. Political Economy.

McDaniel, J. Milton. (G) II. A.B. Johns Hopkins University 1924. Political Economy.

Morrissy, Elizabeth. (Gs) VI. A.B. Beloit College 1908; A.M. Johns Hopkins University 1922. Political Economy.

Murchison, Lucia. (SE) (GE) II. A.B. Agnes Scott College 1922. Political Economy.

Powlison, Keith Eon. (G) III. A.B. Columbia College 1922. Political Economy.

Rea, Leonard Owens. (G) III. A.B. Johns Hopkins University 1924. Political Economy.

Reid, Gertrude. (SE) (G) II. S.B. Elmira College 1925. Political Economy.

Schneider, David Moses. (G) III. E.E. University of Kieff [sic, Kyiv] 1921. A.M. Johns Hopkins University. Political Economy.

Snoke, M. Elsie S. (Mrs.) (SE)

Street, Helen Merryman. (SE) (G) II. A.B. Salem College 1921. Political Economy.

Taylor, Lyra. (SE) (G) II. LL.B. Victoria College, Wellington (New Zealand). Political Economy.

Van Hall, Madeleine W. (SE) (G) II. A.B. Radcliffe College 1925. Political Economy.

Walker, Mabel L. (S) (G) I. A.B. Barnard College 1926. Political Economy.

Wine, Helen. (SE) (G) II. A.B. Western Maryland College 1923. Political Economy.

Faculty

Dr. Professor Jacob Harry Hollander, Professor of Political Economy

Dr. George Ernest Barnett, Professor of Statistics

Dr. William O. Weyforth, Associate Professor of Political Economy

Dr. George Hilles Newline, Associate Professor of Accounting

Dr. Broadus Mitchell, Associate in Political Economy

Miss Theo Jacobs, Associate in Social Economics

Dr. George Heberton Evans, Jr., Instructor in Political Economy

 

Seminar Presentations 1926-27

October 6, 1926

The session’s first meeting of the Seminary was held on October 6. Members of the staff gave informal accounts of their summer activity.

October 13, 1926

Professor Hollander read a paper on “The Royal Commission on Indian Currency”.

October 20, 1926

Professor Barnett read a paper on “Family Allowances”.

October 22, 1926

Incident to the Fiftieth Anniversary Celebration of the University, the Department of Political Economy held a reunion of alumni Friday afternoon, October 22. The meeting was held in the Seminary Room. Professor Hollander presided. He told in outline the history of the Seminary under the seeral professors and lecturers who have directed its work. He then called upon old members of the seminary to give their reminiscences of work in the department.

Following the meeting in the Seminary Room, Professor Barnett entertained the alumni of the Departments of Political Economy, History and Political Science at tea in the Historical Library. Those attending the reunion of the Department are as follows:

Victor Rosewater William A. Wetzel Alfred B. Morton
A. Herbert Fedder James W. Chapman William O. Weyforth
Joshua Bernhardt Broadus Mitchell G. H. Evans, Jr.
M. A. Mechanic A. M. Sakolski L. Owens Rea
G. H. Newlove Edward W. Bemis Dorothy Lampen
K. Morimoto David A. McCabe Albert T. Helbing
Robert Merrick L. F. Schmeckebie George L. Allen
B. W. Arnold Theo Jacobs J. Milton McDaniel
D. M. Schneider

At eight o’clock in the evening, fifty past members of the Seminary and members of their families were guests of Professor Hollander at dinner at his home. Several were present who had not found it possible to attend the afternoon meeting.

October 27, 1926

Dr. Mitchell read a paper on “Installment Buying”.

November 3, 1926

Mr. Powlison read a paper on “Substitution of Other Materials for Wood and Their Relation to the Lumber Industry”.

November 10, 1926

Mr. Helbing read a paper on “The Metal Trades Department of the American Federation of Labor”.

November 17, 1926

Mr. Schneider read a paper on “The Workers’ Party and the Furriers’ Union”.

November 24, 1926

Dr. Evans read a paper on “History of Preferred Stock”.

December 1, 1926

Miss Jacobs read a paper on “Trade Unions and Social Work”.

December 8, 1926

Dr. Newlove read a paper on “Graduate Schools of Business”.

December 15, 1926

Mr. Rea read a paper on “The Financial History of Baltimore Since 1900”.

Christmas Recess.

January 5, 1927

Professor Barnett read a paper on “The Validity of the Index Numbers of the Cost of Living”.

January 12, 1927

Miss Taylor read a paper on “Juvenile Courts in the United States”.

January 19, 1927

Miss Adams read a paper on “A Survey of the Hospitals of New Orleans”.

January 26, 1927

Mr. Schneider read a paper on “The Workers’ Party and the Miners’ Union”.

February 2, 1927

Miss Morrissy read a paper on “Unemployment Insurance in the Clothing Industry”.

February 9, 1927

Professor Hollander read a paper on “The Theory of a Universal Glut”.

February 16, 1927

Dr. Mitchell read a paper on “The Industrial Revolution in the South”.

February 23, 1927

Miss Lampen read a paper on “Land Reclamation in the West”.

March 2, 1927

Mr. Helbing read a paper on “The Union Label Trades Department and the Railway Employees Department of the American Federation of Labor”.

March 9, 1927

Miss Walker read a paper on “Finances of Public Libraries”.

March 16, 1927

Mr. Newman read a paper on “The Conception of Income”.

March 23, 1927

Dr. Weyforth read a paper on “The McFadden Bill”.

March 30, 1927

Mr. Hodgkins read a paper on “Baltimore’s Trade with South America”.

April 6, 1927

Professor Hollander read a paper on “John Bates Clark as an Economist”. Professor Barnett read a paper on “The Theory of the Entrepreneur”.

April 13, 1927

Mr. Newman read a paper on “Significance of Depreciation as Applied in the Administration of Federal Income Tax”.

April 20, 1927

No meeting. — Easter Recess

April 27, 1927

Miss Reid read a paper on “An Index of Dependency in Baltimore”.

May 4, 1927

Miss Streett read a paper on “Hospital Facilities for Negroes in Baltimore”.

May 11, 1927

Miss Van Hall read a paper on “Domestic Difficulty Cases of the Family Welfare Association”.

May 18, 1927

Miss Wine read a paper on “The Intake of the Family Welfare Association”. Miss Murchison read a paper on “A Study of Juvenile Gonorrheics in Baltimore”.

(last meeting)

Sources:   

Johns Hopkins University. Eisenhower Library, Ferdinand Hamburger, Jr. Archives. Department of Political Economy, Series 1. Minutes of the Economic Seminary, 1892-1951. Folder “1922-1940”.

The Johns Hopkins University Circular, University Register, 1926-27, (February 1927, Vol. 46, No. 378). For full names and educational backgrounds of students in the seminar.

The Johns Hopkins University Circular, Annual Report of the President of the Johns Hopkins University 1926-1927, (October 1927, Vol. 46, No. 385), pp. 63-64. List of names and topics for seminar speakers without dates.

Image Source:  Jacob Harry Hollander (ca. 1918) from Johns Hopkins University, Sheridan Libraries’ graphic and pictorial collection.

 

Categories
Gender Johns Hopkins Suggested Reading Syllabus

Johns Hopkins. Reading List for Economic Development. Irma Adelman, 1963

 

From 1962-66 Irma Adelman was associate professor in the department of political economy at Johns Hopkins University.

A nice biographic memorial was posted at the UC Berkeley Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics website. A copy of her c.v. can also be found in the internet archive Wayback Machine.

________________

THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
Economic Development 327
Dr. Adelman
Spring 1963

Textbooks

A. Pepelasis, L. Mears and I. Adelman, Economic Development (Harper, 1961).
I. Adelman, Theories of Economic Growth and Development (Stanford University Press, 1961).

Other General Works

W.A. Lewis, The Theory of Economic Growth (1955).

N. S. Buchanan & H. Ellis, Approaches to Economic Development (1955).

H. Leibenstein, Economic Backwardness and Economic Growth (1957).

P.T. Bauer & B.S. Yamey, The Economics of Underdeveloped Countries (1957).

A.N. Agarwala & S.P. Singh, The Economics of Underdevelopment (1958).

G. Meier & R. Baldwin, Economic Development (1957).

[C. P.] Kindleberger, Economic Development (1958).

A.O. Hirschman, The Strategy of Economic Development (1958).

B. Higgins, Economic Development (1959).

W.W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth (1960).

E. Hagen, On the Theory of Social Change (1961).

 

Bibliographies

A. Hazlewood, The Economics of Underdeveloped Areas (2nded.), 1959.

F.N. Trager, “A Selected and Annotated Bibliography on Economic Development 1953-1957,” Economic Development & Cultural Change, July 1958.

[G.] Meier & [R.] Baldwin, Economic Development Appendices.

 

I. Levels and Rates of Growth

[A.] Pepelasis, et al., Ch. 1.

S. Kuznets, “Quantitative Aspects of the Economic Growth of Nations,” Economic Development and Cultural Change (Oct. 1956) pp. 5-51.

Abramovitz, Moses and others, The Allocation of Economic Resources (first article by Abramovitz).

Nutter, C. Warren, “On Measuring Economic Growth,” J.P.E. V. LXV (1957) pp. 50-63 and comment by H.S. Levine ibid (Aug. 1958).

S. Kuznets, “The State as a Unit in the Study of Economic Growth,” Journal of Economic History (1951) pp. 25-41.

S.H. Frankel, The Economic Impact on Underdeveloped Countries (Oxford, 1952) pp. [page numbers not given]

Hoselitz, B.F., “Patterns of Economic Development,” Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, V. 21, pp. 416-431.

Rostow, W.W., “The Take-off into Self-sustained Growth, E.J. (1956) pp. 25-48.

 

II. The Production Function

Solow, R.M., “Technical Change and the Aggregate Production Function,” Review of Economics and Statistics XXXIX (Aug. 1957) pp. 312-320.

Abramovitz, M. “Resource and Output Trends in the United States Since 1870,” (NBER Occasional Paper 52). Also published in AER, Papers and Proceedings, XLVI (May 1956) pp. 5-23.

K.J. Arrow, H.B. Chenery, B.S. Minhas and R.M. Solow, “Capital-Labor Substitution and Economic Efficiency,” Rev. Econ. & Stat. Aug. 1961.

[M.] Abramovitz, Review of Denison’s Book—AER Jan. 1963.

 

III. Population and Labor Force

[A.] Pepelasis, et al., Ch. 3.

U.N. Department of Social Affairs (Population Division) The Determinants and Consequences of Population Trends, pp. 5-20, 47-97, 194-209.

[G.] Meier and [R.] Baldwin, pp. 281-291.

C. Long, The Labor Force under Changing Income and Employment, Ch. 1.

E. Hagen, “Population and Economic Growth,” AER, June 1959, pp. 310-327.

G. Goode, “Adding to the Stock of Physical and Human Capital” AERProceedings XLIX (May 1959) pp. 147-155 and Comment by A. Kofka, pp. 172-175.

[H.] Leibenstein, Ch. 10.

I. Adelman, “An Econometric Analysis of Population Growth,” mimeographed.

IV. Reproducible Capital

[A.] Pepelasis, et al., Ch. 4.

S. Kuznets, “International Differences in Capital Formation and Financing,” in Univ. NBER Committee for Economic Research, Capital Formation and Economic Growth, pp. 19-33, 45-51.

S. Kuznets, “Capital Formation Proportions: International Comparisons in Recent Years,” Economic Development and Cultural Change V. VIII, No. 4 Part II, July 1960.

H.S. Houthakker, “An International Comparison of Personal Savings,” Bulletin of the International Statistical Institute, 38, Part 2, (1961).

W.W. Rostow, “The Takeoff into Self-sustained Growth,” E.J. LXVI, March 1956.

A. Cairncross, “The Place of Capital in Economic Progress,” in American Economic Association (L. Dupriez, ed.) Economic Progress.

C. Wolfe and S. Sufrin, Capital Formation and Foreign Investment in Underdeveloped Areas (1955).

 

V. Natural Resources

[A.] Pepelasis, et al, Ch. 2.

Usher, A.P., “The Resource Requirements of an Industrial Economy,” JEH Supplement VII, 1947, pp. 36-46.

Mason, E.S., “The Political Economy of Resource Use,” and discussion by Hartley, Jameson, Adlin in Henry Jarrett (ed.) Perspectives on Conservation, pp. 157-201.

W.S. and E.S. Woytinsky, World Population and Production, Ch. 10.

[G.] Meier & [R.] Baldwin, pp. 521-526.

 

VI. Technology and Entrepreneurship

[A.] Pepelasis et al, Ch. 5.

A. Gerschenkron, “Social Attitudes and Economic Environment in Relation to Entrepreneurship and Technology,” Economic Progress, pp. 307-330, 557-559.

Redlich, F., “Business Leadership: Diverse Origins and Variant Forces,” Economic Development and Cultural Change, V. VI No. 3, April 1958.

Gilfillan, S.C., “Invention as a Factor in Economic History,”Journal of Economic History, V. (Dec. 1945), pp. 66-85.

Schmookler, J., “The Level of Inventive Activity,” Review of Economics & Statistics, V. 36, pp. 183-190.

A.O. Hirschman, Ch. IX.

E. Hagen, Ch. 4- Ch. 12.

 

Source: Johns Hopkins University, Ferdinand Hamburger, Jr. Archives. Department of Political Economy, Series 6. Box No. 1, Folder: Course Outlines and Reading Lists. c. 1900, c. 1950, 1963-68”.

Categories
Cambridge Chicago Columbia Economists Germany Harvard History of Economics Johns Hopkins LSE Oxford Teaching Undergraduate Wisconsin Yale

Survey of Economics Education. Colleges and Universities (Seligman), Schools (Sullivan), 1911

 

In V. Orval Watt’s papers at the Hoover Institution archives (Box 8) one finds notes from his Harvard graduate economics courses (early 1920s). There I found the bibliographic reference to the article transcribed below. The first two parts of this encyclopedia entry were written by Columbia’s E.R.A. Seligman who briefly sketched the history of economics and then presented a survey of the development of economics education at  colleges and universities in Europe and the United States. Appended to Seligman’s contribution was a much shorter discussion of economics education in the high schools of the United States by the high-school principal,  James Sullivan, Ph.D.

_________________________

 

ECONOMICS
History 

Edwin R. A. Seligman, Ph.D., LL.D.
Professor of Political Economy, Columbia University

The science now known as Economics was for a long time called Political Economy. This term is due to a Frenchman — Montchrétien, Sieur de Watteville — who wrote in 1615 a book with that title, employing a term which had been used in a slightly different sense by Aristotle. During the Middle Ages economic questions were regarded very largely from the moral and theological point of view, so that the discussions of the day were directed rather to a consideration of what ought to be, than of what is.

The revolution of prices in the sixteenth century and the growth of capital led to great economic changes, which brought into the foreground, as of fundamental importance, questions of commerce and industry. Above all, the breakdown of the feudal system and the formation of national states emphasized the considerations of national wealth and laid stress on the possibility of governmental action in furthering national interests. This led to a discussion of economic problems on a somewhat broader scale, — a discussion now carried on, not by theologians and canonists, but by practical business men and by philosophers interested in the newer political and social questions. The emphasis laid upon the action of the State also explains the name Political Economy. Most of the discussions, however, turned on the analysis of particular problems, and what was slowly built up was a body of practical precepts rather than of theoretic principles, although, of course, both the rules of action and the legislation which embodied them rested at bottom on theories which were not yet adequately formulated.

The origin of the modern science of economics, which may be traced back to the third quarter of the eighteenth century, is due to three fundamental causes. In the first place, the development of capitalistic enterprise and the differentiation between the laborer and the capitalist brought into prominence the various shares in distribution, notably the wages of the laborer, the profits of the capitalist, and the rent of the landowner. The attempt to analyze the meaning of these different shares and their relation to national wealth was the chief concern of the body of thinkers in France known as Physiocrats, who also called themselves Philosophes-Économistes, or simply Économistes, of whom the court physician of Louis XVI, Quesnay, was the head, and who published their books in 1757-1780.

The second step in the evolution of economic science was taken by Adam Smith (q.v.). In the chair of philosophy at the University of Glasgow, to which Adam Smith was appointed in 1754, and in which he succeeded Hutcheson, it was customary to lecture on natural law in some of its applications to politics. Gradually, with the emergence of the more important economic problems, the same attempt to find an underlying natural explanation for existing phenomena was extended to the sphere of industry and trade; and during the early sixties Adam Smith discussed these problems before his classes under the head of “police.” Finally, after a sojourn in France and an acquaintance with the French ideas, Adam Smith developed his general doctrines in his immortal work. The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776. When the industrial revolution, which was just beginning as Adam Smith wrote, had made its influence felt in the early decades of the nineteenth century, Ricardo attempted to give the first thorough analysis of our modern factory system of industrial life, and this completed the framework of the structure of economic science which is now being gradually filled out.

The third element in the formation of modern economics was the need of elaborating an administrative system in managing the government property of the smaller German and Italian rulers, toward the end of the eighteenth century. This was the period of the so-called police state when the government conducted many enterprises which are now left in private hands. In some of the German principalities, for instance, the management of the government lands, mines, industries, etc., was assigned to groups of officials known as chambers. In their endeavor to elaborate proper methods of administration these chamber officials and their advisors gradually worked out a system of principles to explain the administrative rules. The books written, as well as the teaching chairs founded, to expound these principles came under the designation of the Chamber sciences (Camiralia or Cameral-Wissenschaften) — a term still employed to-day at the University of Heidelberg. As Adam Smith’s work became known in Germany and Italy by translations, the chamber sciences gradually merged into the science of political economy.

Finally, with the development of the last few decades, which has relegated to the background the administrative and political side of the discipline, and has brought forward the purely scientific character of the subject, the term Political Economy has gradually given way to Economics.

Development of Economic Teaching

Edwin R. A. Seligman, Ph.D., LL.D.
Professor of Political Economy, Columbia University

Europe —

As has been intimated in the preceding section, the first attempts to teach what we to-day would call economics were found in the European universities which taught natural law, and in some of the Continental countries where the chamber sciences were pursued. The first independent chairs of political economy were those of Naples in 1753, of which the first incumbent was (Genovesi, and the professorship of cameral science at Vienna in 1763, of which the first incumbent was Sonnenfels. It was not, however, until the nineteenth century that political economy was generally introduced as a university discipline. When the new University of Berlin was created in 1810, provision was made for teaching in economics, and this gradually spread to the other German universities. In France a chair of economics was established in 1830 in the Collège de France, and later on in some of the technical schools; but economics did not become a part of the regular university curriculum until the close of the seventies, when chairs of political economy were created in the faculties of law, and not, as was customary in the other Continental countries, in the faculties of philosophy. In England the first professorship of political economy was that instituted in 1805 at Haileybury College, which trained the students for the East India service. The first incumbent of this chair was Malthus. At University College, London, a chair of economics was established in 1828, with McCulloch as the first incumbent; and at Dublin a chair was founded in Trinity College in 1832 by Archbishop Whately; at Oxford a professorship was established in 1825, with Nassau W. Senior as the first incumbent. His successors were Richard Whately (1830), W. F. Lloyd (1836), H. Merivale (1838), Travers Twiss (1842), Senior (1847), G. K. Richards (1852), Charles Neate (1857), Thorold Rogers (1862), Bonamy Price (1868), Thorold Rogers (1888). and F. Y. Edgeworth (1891). At Cambridge the professorship dates from 1863, the first incumbent being Henry Fawcett, who was followed by Alfred Marshall in 1884 and by A. C. Pigou in 1908. In all these places, however, comparatively little attention was paid at first to the teaching of economics, and it was not until the close of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth that any marked progress was made, although the professorship at King’s College, London, dates back to 1859, and that at the University of Edinburgh to 1871. Toward the close of the nineteenth century, chairs in economics were created in the provincial universities, especially at Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, Sheffield, Bristol, Durham, and the like, as well as in Scotland and Wales; and a great impetus to the teaching of economics was given by the foundation, in 1895, of the London School of Economics, which has recently been made a part of the University of London.

— United States 

Economics was taught at first in the United States, as in England, by incumbents of the chair of philosophy; but no especial attention was paid to the study, and no differentiation of the subject matter was made. The first professorship in the title of which the subject is distinctively mentioned was that instituted at Columbia College, New York, where John McVickar, who had previously lectured on the subject under the head of philosophy, was made professor of moral philosophy and political economy in 1819. In order to commemorate this fact, Columbia University established some years ago the McVickar professorship of political economy. The second professorship in the United States was instituted at South Carolina College, Columbia, S. C, where Thomas Cooper, professor of chemistry, had the subject of political economy added to the title of his chair in 1826. A professorship of similar sectional influence was that in political economy, history, and metaphysics filled in the College of William and Mary in 1827, by Thomas Roderick Dew (1802-1846). The separate professorships of political economy, however, did not come until after the Civil War. Harvard established a professorship of political economy in 1871; Yale in 1872; and Johns Hopkins in 1876.

The real development of economic teaching on a large scale began at the close of the seventies and during the early eighties. The newer problems bequeathed to the country by the Civil War were primarily economic in character. The rapid growth of industrial capitalism brought to the front a multitude of questions, whereas before the war well-nigh the only economic problems had been those of free trade and of banking, which were treated primarily from the point of view of partisan politics. The newer problems that confronted the country led to the exodus of a number of young men to Germany, and with their return at the end of the seventies and beginning of the eighties, chairs were rapidly multiplied in all the larger universities. Among these younger men were Patten and James, who went to the University of Pennsylvania; Clark, of Amherst and later of Columbia; Farnam and Hadley of Yale; Taussig of Harvard; H. C. Adams of Michigan; Mayo-Smith and Seligman of Columbia; and Ely of Johns Hopkins. The teaching of economics on a university basis at Johns Hopkins under General Francis A. Walker helped to create a group of younger scholars who soon filled the chairs of economics throughout the country. In 1879 the School of Political Science at Columbia was inaugurated on a university basis, and did its share in training the future teachers of the country. Gradually the teaching force was increased in all the larger universities, and chairs were started in the colleges throughout the length and breadth of the land.

At the present time, most of the several hundred colleges in the United States offer instruction in the subject, and each of the larger institutions has a staff of instructors devoted to it. At institutions like Columbia, Harvard, Yale, Chicago, and Wisconsin there are from six to ten professors of economics and social science, together with a corps of lecturers, instructors, and tutors.

Teaching of Economics in the American Universities. — The present-day problems of the teaching of economics in higher institutions of learning are seriously affected by the transition stage through which these institutions are passing. In the old American college, when economics was introduced it was taught as a part of the curriculum designed to instill general culture. As the graduate courses were added, the more distinctly professional and technical phases of the subject were naturally emphasized. As a consequence, both the content of the course and the method employed tended to differentiate. But the unequal development of our various institutions has brought great unclearness into the whole pedagogical problem. Even the nomenclature is uncertain. In one sense graduate courses may be opposed to undergraduate courses; and if the undergraduate courses are called the college courses, then the graduate courses should be called the university courses. The term “university,” however, is coming more and more, in America at least, to be applied to the entire complex of the institutional activities, and the college proper or undergraduate department is considered a part of the university. Furthermore, if by university courses as opposed to college courses we mean advanced, professional, or technical courses, a difficulty arises from the fact that the latter year or years of the college course are tending to become advanced or professional in character. Some institutions have introduced the combined course, that is, a combination of so-called college and professional courses; other institutions permit students to secure their baccalaureate degree at the end of three or even two and a half years. In both cases, the last year of the college will then cover advanced work, although in the one case it may be called undergraduate, and in the other graduate, work.

The confusion consequent upon this unequal development has had a deleterious influence on the teaching of economics, as it has in many other subjects. In all our institutions we find a preliminary or beginners’ course in economics, and in our largest institutions we find some courses reserved expressly for advanced or graduate students. In between these, however, there is a broad field, which, in some institutions, is cultivated primarily from the point of view of graduates, in others from the point of view of undergraduates, and in most cases is declared to be open to both graduates and undergraduates. This is manifestly unfortunate. For, if the courses, are treated according to advanced or graduate methods, they do not fulfill their proper function as college studies. On the other hand, if they are treated as undergraduate courses, they are more or less unsuitable for advanced or graduate students. In almost all of the American institutions the same professors conduct both kinds of courses. In only one institution, namely, at Columbia University, is the distinction between graduate and undergraduate courses in economics at all clearly drawn, although even there not with precision. At Columbia University, of the ten professors who are conducting courses in economics and social science, one half have seats only in the graduate faculties, and do no work at all in the college or undergraduate department; but even there, these professors give a few courses, which, while frequented to an overwhelming extent by graduate students, are open to such undergraduates as may be declared to be advanced students.

It is necessary, therefore, to distinguish, in principle at least, between the undergraduate or college courses properly so-called, and the university or graduate courses. For it is everywhere conceded that at the extremes, at least, different pedagogical methods are appropriate.

The College or Undergraduate Instruction. — Almost everywhere in the American colleges there is a general or preliminary or foundation course in economics. This ordinarily occupies three hours a week for the entire year, or five hours a week for the semester, or half year, although the three-hour course in the fundamental principles occasionally continues only for a semester. The foundation of such a course is everywhere textbook work, with oral discussion, or quizzes, and frequent tests. Where the number of students is small, this method can be effectively employed; but where, as in our larger institutions, the students attending this preliminary course are numbered by the hundreds, the difficulties multiply. Various methods are employed to solve these difficulties. In some cases the class attends as a whole at a lecture which is given once a week by the professor, while at the other two weekly sessions the class is divided into small sections of from twenty to thirty, each of them in charge of an instructor who carries on the drill work. In a few instances, these sections are conducted in part by the same professor who gives the lecture, in part by other professors of equal grade. In other cases where this forms too great a drain upon the strength of the faculty, the sections are put in the hands of younger instructors or drill masters. In other cases, again, the whole class meets for lecture purposes twice a week, and the sections meet for quiz work only once a week. Finally, the instruction is sometime carried on entirely by lectures to the whole class, supplemented by numerous written tests.

While it cannot be said that any fixed method has yet been determined, there is a growing consensus of opinion that the best results can be reached by the combination of one general lecture and two quiz hours in sections. The object of the general lecture is to present a point of view from which the problems may be taken up, and to awaken a general interest in the subject among the students. The object of the section work is to drill the students thoroughly in the principles of the science; and for this purpose it is important in a subject like economics to put the sections as far as possible in the hands of skilled instructors rather than of recent graduates.

Where additional courses are offered to the Undergraduates, they deal with special subjects in the domain of economic history, statistics, and practical economics. In many such courses good textbooks are now available, and especially in the last class of subject is an attempt is being made here and there to introduce the case system as utilized in the law schools. This method is, however, attended by some difficulties, arising from the fact that the materials used so quickly become antiquated and do not have the compelling force of precedent, as is the case in law. In the ordinary college course, therefore, chief reliance must still be put upon the independent work and the fresh illustrations that are brought to the classroom by the instructor.

In some American colleges the mistake has been made of introducing into the college curriculum methods that are suitable only to the university. Prominent among these are the exclusive use of the lecture system, and the employment of the so-called seminar. This, however, only tends to confusion. On the other hand, in some of the larger colleges the classroom work is advantageously supplemented by discussions and debates in the economics club, and by practical exercises in dealing with the current economic problems as they are presented in the daily press.

In most institutions the study of economics is not begun until the sophomore or the junior year, it being deemed desirable to have a certain maturity of judgment and a certain preparation in history and logic. In some instances, however, the study of economics is undertaken at the very beginning of the college course, with the resulting difficulty of inadequately distinguishing between graduate and undergraduate work.

Another pedagogical question which has given rise to some difficulty is the sequence of courses. Since the historical method in economics became prominent, it is everywhere recognized that some training in the historical development of economic institutions is necessary to a comprehension of existing facts. We can know what is very much better by grasping what has been and how it has come to be. The point of difference, however, is as to whether the elementary course in the principles should come first and be supplemented by a course in economic history, or whether, on the contrary, the course in economic history should precede that in the principles. Some institutions follow one method, others the second; and there are good arguments on both sides. It is the belief of the writer, founded on a long experience, that on the whole the best results can be reached by giving as introductory to the study of economic principles a short survey of the leading points of economic history. In a few of the modem textbooks this plan is intentionally followed. Taking it all in all, it may be said that college instruction in economics is now not only exceedingly widespread in the United States, but continually improving in character and methods.

University or Graduate Instruction. — The university courses in economics are designed primarily for those who either wish to prepare themselves for the teaching of economics or who desire such technical training in methods or such an intimate acquaintance with the more developed matter as is usually required by advanced or professional students in any discipline. The university courses in the larger American institutions which now take up every important subject in the discipline, and which are conducted by a corps of professors, comprise three elements: first, the lectures of the professor; second, the seminar or periodical meeting between the professor and a group of advanced students; third, the economics club, or meeting of the students without the professor.

(1) The Lectures: In the university lectures the method is different from that in the college courses. The object is not to discipline the student, but to give him an opportunity of coming into contact with the leaders of thought and with the latest results of scientific advance on the subject. Thus no roll of attendance is called, and no quizzes are enforced and no periodical tests of scholarship are expected. In the case of candidates for the Ph.D. degree, for instance, there is usually no examination until the final oral examination, when the student is expected to display a proper acquaintance with the whole subject. The lectures, moreover, do not attempt to present the subject in a dogmatic way, as is more or less necessary in the college courses, but, on the contrary, are designed to present primarily the unsettled problems and to stimulate the students to independent thinking. The university lecture, in short, is expected to give to the student what cannot be found in the books on the subject.

(2) The Seminar: Even with the best of will, however, the necessary limitations prevent the lecturer from going into the minute details of the subject. In order to provide opportunity for this, as well as for a systematic training of the advanced students in the method of attacking this problem, periodical meetings between the professor and the students have now become customary under the name of the seminar, introduced from Germany. In most of our advanced universities the seminar is restricted to those students who are candidates for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, although in some cases a preliminary seminar is arranged for graduate students who are candidates for the degree of Master of Arts. Almost everywhere a reading knowledge of French and German is required. In the United States, as on the European continent generally, there are minor variations in the conduct of the seminar. Some professors restrict the attendance to a small group of most advanced students, of from fifteen to twenty-five; others virtually take in all those who apply. Manifestly the personal contact and the “give and take,” which are so important a feature of the seminar, become more difficult as the numbers increase. Again, in some institutions each professor has a seminar of his own; but this is possible only where the number of graduate students is large. In other cases the seminar consists of the students meeting with a whole group of professors. While this has a certain advantage of its own, it labors under the serious difficulty that the individual professor is not able to impress his own ideas and his own personality so effectively on the students; and in our modern universities students are coming more and more to attend the institution for the sake of some one man with whom they wish to study. Finally, the method of conducting the seminar differs in that in some cases only one general subject is assigned to the members for the whole term, each session being taken up by discussion of a different phase of the general subject. In other cases a new subject is taken up at every meeting of the seminar. The advantage of the latter method is to permit a greater range of topics, and to enable each student to report on the topic in which he is especially interested, and which, perhaps, he may be taking up for his doctor’s dissertation. The advantage of the former method is that it enables the seminar to enter into the more minute details of the general subject, and thus to emphasize with more precision the methods of work. The best plan would seem to be to devote half the year to the former method, and half the year to the latter method.

In certain branches of the subject, as, for instance, statistics, the seminar becomes a laboratory exercise. In the largest universities the statistical laboratory is equipped with all manner of mechanical devices, and the practical exercises take up a considerable part of the time. The statistical laboratories are especially designed to train the advanced student in the methods of handling statistical material.

(3) The Economics Club: The lecture work and the seminar are now frequently supplemented by the economics club, a more informal meeting of the advanced students, where they are free from the constraint that is necessarily present in the seminar, and where they have a chance to debate, perhaps more unreservedly, some of the topics taken up in the lectures and in the seminar, and especially the points where some of the students dissent from the lecturer. Reports on the latest periodical literature are sometimes made in the seminar and sometimes in the economics club; and the club also provides an opportunity for inviting distinguished outsiders in the various subjects. In one way or another, the economics club serves as a useful supplement to the lectures and the seminar, and is now found in almost all the leading universities.

In reviewing the whole subject we may say that the teaching of economics in American institutions has never been in so satisfactory condition as at present. Both the instructors and the students are everywhere increasing in numbers; and the growing recognition of the fact that law and politics are so closely interrelated with, and so largely based on, economics, has led to a remarkable increase in the interest taken in the subject and in the facilities for instruction.


Economics
— In the Schools 

James Sullivan, Ph.D., Principal of Boys’ High School, Brooklyn, N.Y.

This subject has been defined as the study of that which pertains to the satisfaction of man’s material needs, — the production, preservation, and distribution of wealth. As such it would seem fundamental that the study of economics should find a place in those institutions which prepare children to become citizens, — the elementary and high schools. Some of the truths of economics are so simple that even the youngest of school children may be taught to understand them. As a school study, however, economics up to the present time has made far less headway than civics (q.v.). Its introduction as a study even in the colleges was so gradual and so retarded that it could scarcely be expected that educators would favor its introduction in the high schools.

Previous to the appearance, in 1894, of the Report of the Committee of Ten of the National Educational Association on Secondary Education, there had been much discussion on the educational value of the study of economics. In that year Professor Patten had written a paper on Economics in Elementary Schools, not as a plea for its study there, but as an attempt to show how the ethical value of the subject could be made use of by teachers. The Report, however, came out emphatically against formal instruction in political economy in the secondary school, and recommended “that, in connection particularly with United States history, civil government, and commercial geography instruction be given in those economic topics, a knowledge of which is essential to the understanding of our economic life and development” (pp. 181-183). This view met with the disapproval of many teachers. In 1895 President Thwing of Western Reserve University, in an address before the National Educational Association on The Teaching of Political Economy in the Secondary Schools, maintained that the subject could easily be made intelligible to the young. Articles or addresses of similar import followed by Commons (1895), James (1897), Haynes (1897), Stewart (1898), and Taussig (1899). Occasionally a voice was raised against its formal study in the high schools. In the School Review for January, 1898, Professor Dixon of Dartmouth said that its teaching in the secondary schools was “unsatisfactory and unwise.” On the other hand, Professor Stewart of the Central Manual Training School of Philadelphia, in an address in April, 1898, declared the Report of the Committee of Ten “decidedly reactionary,” and prophesied that political economy as a study would he put to the front in the high school. In 1899 Professor Clow of the Oshkosh State Normal School published an exhaustive study of the subject of Economics as a School Study, going into the questions of its educational value, its place in the schools, the forms of the study, and the methods of teaching. His researches serve to show that the subject was more commonly taught in the high schools of the Middle West than in the East. (Compare with the article on Civics.)

Since the publication of his work the subject of economics has gradually made its appearance in the curricula of many Eastern high schools. It has been made an elective subject of examination for graduation from high schools by the Regents of New York State, and for admission to college by Harvard University. Its position as an elective study, however, has not led many students to take it except in commercial high schools, because in general it may not be used for admission to the colleges.

Its great educational value, its close touch with the pupils’ everyday life, and the possibility of teaching it to pupils of high school age are now generally recognized. A series of articles in the National Educational Association’s Proceedings for 1901, by Spiers, Gunton, Halleck, and Vincent bear witness to this. The October, 1910, meeting of the New England History Teachers’ Association was entirely devoted to a discussion of the Teaching of Economics in Secondary Schools, and Professors Taussig and Haynes reiterated views already expressed. Representatives of the recently developed commercial and trade schools expressed themselves in its favor.

Suitable textbooks in the subject for secondary schools have not kept pace with its spread in the schools. Laughlin, Macvane, and Walker published books somewhat simply expressed; but later texts have been too collegiate in character. There is still needed a text written with the secondary school student constantly in mind, and preferably by an author who has been dealing with students of secondary school age. The methods of teaching, mutatis mutandis, have been much the same as those pursued in civics (q.v.). The mere cramming of the text found in the poorest schools gives way in the best schools to a study and observation of actual conditions in the world of to-day. In the latter schools the teacher has been well trained in the subject, whereas in the former it is given over only too frequently to teachers who know little more about it than that which is in the text.

See also Commercial Education.

 

References: —

In Colleges and Universities: —

A Symposium on the Teaching of Elementary Economics. Jour. of Pol. Econ., Vol. XVIIl, June, 1910.

Cossa, L. Introduction to the Study of Political Economy: tr. by L. Dyer. (London, 1893.)

Mussey, H. R. Economies in the College Course. Educ. Rev. Vol. XL, 1910, pp. 239-249.

Second Conference on the Teaching of Economics, Proceedings. (Chicago, 1911.)

Seligman, E. R. A. The Seminarium — Its Advantages and Limitations. Convocation of the University of the State of New York, Proceedings. (1892.)

In Schools: —

Clow, F. R. Economics as a School Study, in the Economic Studies of the American Economic Association for 1899. An excellent bibliography is given. It may be supplemented by articles or addresses since 1899 which have been mentioned above. (New York, 1899.)

Haynes, John. Economics in Secondary Schools. Education, February, 1897.

 

Source: Paul Monroe (ed.), A Cyclopedia of Education, Vol. II. New York: Macmillan, pp. 387-392.

Source: E.R.A. Seligman in Universities and their Sons, Vol. 2 (1899), pp. 484-6.

 

Categories
Economists Gender Johns Hopkins Pennsylvania

John Hopkins. Economics Ph.D. alumna Peggy Richman née Brewer, later Musgrave. 1962

 

Assortative mating is often observed among the Econ. The last post was dedicated to the Harvard economics Ph.D. alumnus, Richard Abel-Musgrave (1937) and what was good for that gander should be presumed to be good for today’s goose as well, meaning here, the Johns Hopkins economics Ph.D. alumna (1962) and future spouse of Richard Musgrave, Peggy Brewer Musgrave.

The official obituary reproduced in this post comes from the collection of emeriti obituaries at the University of California, Santa Cruz. I casually note that we discover that the young Englishwoman Peggy Brewer worked in the O.S.S. during World War II. I presume if there were more to her service than being a desk jockey in an analytic or clerical capacity, a story would have found its place in the obituary.

Let us note that Peggy Richman née Brewer, later Musgrave, received her Ph.D. at age thirty-eight…Nevertheless she persisted! And she succeeded both personally and professionally.

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Johns Hopkins Dissertation

Peggy (Brewer) Richman. Taxation of Foreign Investment Income: An Economic Analysis. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1963. Based on the author’s Ph.D. dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1962.

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University of California, Santa Cruz
Obituary

Peggy B. Musgrave
(1924-2017)

Professor Emerita Peggy B. Musgrave has died in New Jersey, at the age of 93. Born in Maldon, England in 1924, Peggy’s parents, Herbert and Blanche Brewer, were of modest means. Her father, however, was a self-taught intellectual; one whose writings had attracted the attention of George Bernard Shaw and Sir Norman Angell, among others. Surrounded, as she was, by his books on science, natural history, and philosophy, it was inevitable that her own intellectual curiosity would lead her to pursue a life of academic research and scholarship; she wasted no time. At the age of eleven, she passed the entrance examination to the local Grammar School, and at eighteen matriculated to Cambridge University, the first student from her school to have done so; in celebration, the school was given a holiday.

Unfortunately in 1944, in the midst of WWII, Peggy’s approaching Cambridge graduation was short-circuited by conscription into war service. Consequently, she served in the American OSS until the end of the war, in London, and it is there that she met and married a fellow OSS officer, and moved to the U.S.

Following a stint at the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, Peggy concurrently completed her B.A. and M.A. in economics at American University in Washington D.C., and shortly thereafter an economics PhD. at Johns Hopkins; her thesis was published in book form. Also, during this time she worked as a summer intern at both the Federal Reserve and the International Tax Division of the Treasury Dept.

She began her professional life as a senior research associate at Columbia University and a member of a study group on economic integration in Common Markets headed by Prof. Carl Shoup. The mid-sixties found her teaching international economics at the University of Pennsylvania, where she had been appointed as an assistant professor. It was at this point that Peggy was with her second husband, soul-mate and love of her life, Richard A. Musgrave, who was then teaching at Princeton University. Now together, they moved to Cambridge, MA., where he had taken up the H.H. Burbank Professorship in public economics at Harvard. Peggy then joined the International Tax Program at the Harvard Law School where she produced further publication.

Peggy continued her academic career, first as an associate and then full professor at Northeastern University in Boston; and it was at this point that she and Richard, full-bore academic collaborators, were invited to San Francisco as visiting Ford Research Professors at Berkeley; and while working at Berkeley, the University of California offered the professorship at Santa Cruz. She served at UCSC until 1992, and was heavily involved in both teaching and administration. She was provost of Crown College at UCSC from July 1, 1987-1989.

Her husband, the noted scholar on public finance, then retired from Harvard, also spent two years as an adjunct professor at UCSC. He died in 2007 at the age of 96.

Peggy’s economics scholarship followed from her principal interest in the taxation of foreign investment; a subject concerning which she testified at several Congressional hearings; and about which she wrote a white paper for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

She was a member of the American Economic Association, the National Tax Association, and was an Honorary member of the International Institute of Public Finance; as well, an honorary board member of the Center for Economic Studies at the University of Munich. The International Institute of Public Finance (IIPF) created the “Peggy and Richard Musgrave Prize” in 2003 to honor and encourage younger scholars whose work meets the high standards of scientific quality, creativity and relevance that has been a mark of the Musgraves’ contribution to public finance.

Peggy is survived by three children, Pamela Clyne of New Jersey, Roger Richman of Malibu, Ca., and Thomas Richman, of Boulder, Co., four grandchildren, and three great-grandchildren. Her ashes will be buried with those of her husband and his father in Cambridge, MA. The memorial will be private.

Source (and image): From the emeriti obituaries collection at the University of California, Santa Cruz.

Categories
Economists Germany Harvard Johns Hopkins Michigan Princeton Swarthmore

Harvard. Economics Ph.D. alumnus, Richard Abel-Musgrave, 1937

 

The German-born economist Richard Abel-Musgrave was one of many German/Austrian educated economists who came to the United States in the 1930s, much to the enrichment of economics. He was one of the many truly outstanding economists to have left Harvard in the 1930s with an economics Ph.D. Richard Musgrave wrote a principal textbook for the field of public finance.  More biographical information can be found in Hans-Werner Sinn’s lecture “Please Bring Me the New York Times: On the European Roots of Richard Abel Musgrave” (2007).

A Musgrave-artifact posted earlier at Economics in the Rear-view Mirror: 

External examination questions for honors A.B. at Swarthmore College, 1946.

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Harvard Ph.D.

RICHARD ABEL-Musgrave, DIPLOM-VOLKSWIRT (Univ. of Heidelberg, Germany) 1933, A.M. (Harvard Univ.) 1935.

Subject, Economics. Special Field, Public Finance. Thesis, “The Theory of Public Finance and the Concept of ‘Burden of Taxation.’” Instructor in Economics and Tutor in the Division of History, Government, and Economics.

Source: Harvard University. Report of the President of Harvard College, 1937-38, p. 155.

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Short Bio from Harvard Law School Yearbook

Richard Musgrave
H. N. Burbank Professor of Political Economy

Born: Königstein, Germany, 1910; Education: Diplom Volkswirt (Economics) U. of Heidelberg 1930, M.A. (Economics) Harvard 1936, Ph.D. (Economics) Harvard 1937; Subsequent Experience; 1941-8 Economist on the Federal Reserve Board, 1948-58 Professor of Economics at the University of Michigan, 1958-62 Professor of Economics at Johns Hopkins, 1962-5 Professor of Economics at Princeton; Married: 1964 to the former Peggy Brewer, one child; Joined the Faculty; 1965; Subjects: Federal Tax Policy, Economics for Lawyers, Taxation and Economic Development; Publications: Fiscal Systems (1969), The Theory of Public Finance (1958), Public Finance in Theory and Practice (1974); Extra-legal Activites: Consultant to the U.S. Treasury, the Council of Economic Advisers, and Foreign Missions; President, Tax Reform Commission for Columbia (1969), director, Fiscal Reform Project, Bolivia; Editor Quarterly Journal of Economics. (1968-75), President, International Seminar in Public Economics.

Source: Harvard Law School Yearbook 1979, p. 63.

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Obituary from UC Santa Cruz

Musgrave, renowned pioneer of public finance, dies at 96

January 16, 2007
By Jennifer McNulty, Staff Writer

SANTA CRUZ, CA–Richard A. Musgrave, widely regarded as the founder of modern public finance and an adviser on fiscal policy and taxation to governments from Washington to Bogota to Tokyo, died Monday, Jan. 15.

Musgrave, 96, was an adjunct professor of economics at the University of California, Santa Cruz, and professor emeritus of economics at Harvard University. His wife, Peggy Boswell [sic, “Brewer” was her maiden name] Musgrave, said Musgrave died of natural causes.

A staunch believer that government can play a positive and constructive role in society, Musgrave also believed deeply that economists can contribute to making government work well, thereby contributing to a better society. His work on public finance has been described as his “attempt to marry the theory and practice of good government.”

“Richard Musgrave transformed economics in the 1950s and 1960s from a descriptive and institutional subject to one that used the tools of microeconomics and Keynesian macroeconomics to understand the effects of taxes,” says Martin Feldstein, George F. Baker Professor of Economics at Harvard and president of the National Bureau of Economic Research.

“Richard Musgrave was a giant – a towering figure who transformed the field of public economics,” adds David M. Cutler, Otto Eckstein Professor of Applied Economics and dean for the social sciences in Harvard’s Faculty of Arts and Sciences.

An academic economist for the last 60 years, Musgrave mixed his university work with a wide range of public service and consultation. Starting in the 1940s, he advised governments in Colombia, Chile, Myanmar, Japan, Puerto Rico, South Korea, and Taiwan on taxation and fiscal policy, and led tax reform commissions in Colombia and Bolivia.

Similarly, domestic agencies and congressional committees repeatedly sought Musgrave’s advice on public finance policy questions. He worked with or as a consultant to the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve, the U.S. Treasury, the President’s Council of Economic Advisers, the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and the World Bank.

Musgrave described the setting of tax policy as a delicate orchestration of factors including employment, inflation, economic growth, and the fair distribution of the tax burden – with the latter generally assigned outsize importance, in Musgrave’s view.

“Clearly, tax policy is not simply a matter of raising revenue in an equitable fashion,” he and his wife, then an economist at the University of California, Berkeley, wrote in the Boston Globe in 1978. “The entire performance of the economy must be allowed for as well, though this should be done with least damage to the fairness of the tax system.”

Two of Musgrave’s books became classics in their field: The Theory of Public Finance: A Study in Public Economy (1958) and Public Finance in Theory and Practice, coauthored with Peggy Musgrave (1973).

“Intelligent conduct of government is at the heart of democracy,” Musgrave wrote in the introduction to The Theory of Public Finance. “It requires an understanding of the economic relations involved; and the economist, by aiding in this understanding, may hope to contribute to a better society. This is why the field of public finance has seemed of particular interest to me; and this is why my interest in the field has been motivated by a search for the good society, no less than by scientific curiosity.”

The Theory of Public Finance transformed the study of public finance to a discipline in which questions are analyzed in general equilibrium terms, where changes in tax policy take into account the resulting changes in the economy. Musgrave’s many intellectual contributions included studies on tax incidence, tax progressivity, public goods, fiscal federalism, the effects of taxation on risk taking, and the role of fiscal policy in stabilizing the economy.

Musgrave’s influence endured throughout his lengthy career. In 1998, he was invited by the University of Munich to join his “archrival” in the study of political economy, James M. Buchanan, in a five-day debate. The results were published in 1999 as Public Finance and Public Choice: Two Contrasting Visions of the State. [At the CESifo Mediathek one can find videos from this five day conference. Search “Two visions” or “Buchanan” or “Musgrave”]

“Two towering pillars of 20th-century public economics examine the deep foundations of their own thought and their common subject,” economist Robert M. Solow of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology wrote of the work. “Who could resist the chance to eavesdrop on their reflections? Certainly not anyone who cares about the role of government in modern society.”

Born Dec. 14, 1910, in Koenigstein, Germany, Richard Abel Musgrave studied at the University of Munich, Exeter College, and the University of Heidelberg, where he received his Diplom Volkswirt (the equivalent of a bachelor’s degree) in 1933. He continued his studies at the University of Rochester and at Harvard, where he received an A.M. degree in 1936 and a Ph.D. in 1937.

Musgrave was an instructor in economics at Harvard until 1941, when he became an economist at the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, a position he held until 1947. He taught economics at Swarthmore College from 1947 to 1948, following which he was an economics professor at the University of Michigan from 1948 to 1958; at Johns Hopkins University from 1958 to 1961; and at Princeton University from 1962 to 1965.

In 1965 Musgrave joined Harvard as professor of economics in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences and at Harvard Law School. He was named H. H. Burbank Professor of Economics in 1969, when he also became chair of Harvard’s standing committee on Afro-American studies. In 1981 he was named professor emeritus at Harvard and became an adjunct professor at the University of California, Santa Cruz, remaining affiliated with that campus through 2004.

Among his numerous awards and honors, Musgrave was a Fulbright professor in Germany in 1956 and held a Guggenheim Fellowship in 1959. He was named honorary president of the International Institute of Public Finance in 1978, the same year he was elected a Distinguished Fellow of the American Economics Association. He received the Frank E. Seidman Distinguished Award in Political Economy in 1981. In 1983, 50 years to the day after he received his Diplom Volkswirt, Musgrave was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Heidelberg, his alma mater. He was elected to the National Academy of Sciences in 1986, and in 1994, he received the Daniel M. Holland Medal from the National Tax Association.

Musgrave is survived by his wife, Peggy Boswell [sic,  “Brewer” was her maiden name] Musgrave, and three stepchildren: Pamela Clyne of New Jersey, Roger Richmond [sic, “Richman” is correct] of California, and Thomas Richmond [sic, “Richman” is correct] of Colorado. He is also survived by numerous nephews and nieces, including Harry Krause, the Max L. Rowe Professor Emeritus at the University of Illinois College of Law. Details regarding a memorial service have not been finalized.

Source:  UC Santa Cruz. University News. January 16, 2007.

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Harvard Crimson Obituary

Renowned Economist Musgrave Dead at 96
Former professor ‘transformed’ public sector economics

By Tina Wang, Crimson Staff Writer
January 19, 2007

During the lifetimes of most Harvard undergraduates, Richard A. Musgrave—a founder of modern public sector economics—was in retirement.

Musgrave, who died Monday at age 96, also came from an era preceding current economics faculty. But his ideas about the state’s role in the economy left a lasting impact felt by Harvard faculty and alums today.

Having taught public finance at Harvard for about two decades, Musgrave had been an emeritus professor since 1981.

“The training I received well after he had retired was different because he was around,” said Dean for the Social Sciences David M. Cutler ’87.

Concerned with the government’s equitable and efficient distribution and redistribution of resources through taxation and spending, “he transformed the whole way people thought about public economics,” said one of Musgrave’s former students, James M. Poterba ’80, who now chairs the economics department at MIT.

Born in 1910 in Germany, Musgrave, who received a Ph.D in political economy from Harvard, taught here from 1937 until 1941, when he left for a post at the Federal Reserve.

After various teaching stints, including at Princeton, Musgrave returned to Harvard in 1965 with tenured appointments in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences and at Harvard Law School.

He also took prominent economic advising roles in Washington, as well as with foreign governments, from Colombia to South Korea.

Musgrave died in Santa Cruz, Calif., where he and his wife had moved to teach at the University of California, Santa Cruz.

‘THE MUSGRAVE TRICHOTOMY’

In his senior year of college—and the last year Musgrave taught at Harvard—Poterba audited Musgrave’s graduate course, co-taught with Baker Professor of Economics Martin S. Feldstein ’61.

“He didn’t just study the tax system or government policies in an abstract classroom, or in a theoretical way. He studied these questions because he believed they were incredibly important in making the lives of individual citizens better,” Poterba said.

The ground-breaking “Musgrave trichotomy” identified three separate roles of government—redistributing income, allocating resources, and stabilizing the macroeconomy, Cutler and Poterba said.

“Everything that’s taught in public economics now is completely different than what was taught from before,” said Cutler, who co-teaches Economics 1410, “Public Sector Economics.” “You look at textbooks before him and you wouldn’t even recognize them.”

Cutler said that when he teaches his students to think about questions of efficiency and redistribution in public sector economics separately, “all of that comes from Musgrave.”

“Generations of students who used his textbook [The Theory of Public Finance] think about the world very differently,” Cutler said.

Musgrave strove for much of his life to find ways for the state to play a positive role in the economy, which entailed understanding the trade-offs between allowing the government to provide some goods versus allowing the private sector to provide them.

As a student who came to Harvard in the mid-1930s during the Great Depression, when Keynesian views about the benefits of government intervention in the economy were starting to enter economic discourse, “Musgrave was always very deeply of the view that the government could make things better,” Poterba said.

ECONOMIC OUTLIER

Musgrave’s economic principles, particularly with their focus on social equity, did not always square perfectly with mainstream thinking in his field.

“He was probably a little bit frustrated that the profession has moved as far as it has toward the efficiency direction,” said Cutler. “Although I think it would’ve moved even farther had he not been around.”

An emphasis on equity may have eroded in conventional economics discourse, partially because “it’s really hard to say how equitable should things be,” Cutler said. “You’re saying, ‘gee, what’s the right distribution of income.’”

Contrary to trends in his field, Musgrave “probably moved a bit in the direction of thinking there was an activist role of government,” Poterba said.

The German school of thought— “thinking about the whole community almost as though it was one actor”—was another influence that Musgrave brought to bear on U.S. economic thinking, Poterba said.

“That was a perspective that was somewhat different from what most U.S. economists were using,” Poterba said.

Concerned with questions of how to set up an equitable tax system, Musgrave was a vocal critic of President Reagan’s conservative economic program.

In 1982, Musgrave, with 33 other economists, sent a letter to the White House criticizing Reagan’s economic policy as “extremely regressive in its impact on our society, redistributing wealth and power from the middle-class and poor to the rich,” The Crimson reported.

“One never knows if this will have any effect on the President, but we felt it was important to speak out,” Musgrave told The Crimson at the time.

‘DEEPLY COMMITTED’

Cutler said he first met Musgrave in the early 1990s when Musgrave was on the East Coast and had contacted him, saying he had heard Cutler had joined the Harvard faculty and wanted to meet him.

They met about every other year through much of the 1990s to chat about economics research and the goings-on of the department, according to Cutler, who joined the Harvard economics faculty in 1991.

“Every time after meeting him, I would think, ‘I hope I’m in as good a shape at 40 as he is at 80,’ ” Cutler said.

“Even though Musgrave was in his 80s and 90s at the time, he kept very well up-to-date…not very many people will do that,” he said.

He was still “very interested in the world of economics and how it could be used in policy areas,” he said.

Poterba has fond memories of Musgrave’s energy as well.

In Musgrave’s class, “even at that stage, one of his last years at Harvard, he was incredibly energetic and enthusiastic about the whole study of government and taxation, deeply committed to training students, and maintained long connections and ties to students,” Poterba said.

A stone in Mt. Auburn Cemetery in Cambridge will bear Musgrave’s name, his wife, Peggy Brewer Musgrave, told The Boston Globe.

SourceTina Wang. Renowned Economist Musgrave Dead at 96. Harvard Crimson(January 19, 2007).

Image Source: Harvard Law School Yearbook 1970, p. 31.

 

Categories
Exam Questions Johns Hopkins

Johns Hopkins. Mid-year and end-year exams for undergraduate money and banking. Weyforth, 1930-31

 

William Oswald Weyforth, Jr.  (b. September 1, 1889; d. March 10, 1983) was the author of The Federal Reserve Board. A Study of Federal Reserve Structure and Credit Control. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1933. The book was reviewed by F.A. Bradford in the March, 1934 AER and by C. S. Tippetts in the June, 1934 JPE.

Research for an earlier monograph (The Organizability of Labor [1917] was begun while Weyforth was a member of the Economic Seminary at Johns Hopkins. 

Weyforth’s A.B. (1912) and Ph.D. (1915) were both from Johns Hopkins University. Before returning to the Johns Hopkins department of political economy he was an instructor at Western Reserve University, 1915-17.

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Course Announcement and Description
3B. Money and Banking. Associate Professor Weyforth.

Three hours weekly through the year.(Mon., Tues., 9.30; Fri., 10.30.) Gilman Hall 313.

In the first part of this course the principles of money, credit and banking will be considered, with special reference to the operation of the American banking system. A study will be made of the functions of the modern commercial bank and of the relationship between the commercial bank and the business man. A large part of the course will be devoted to a consideration of the factors leading to the passage of the Federal Reserve Act, the changes in our banking system under that Act and problems in the management of the Federal Reserve System.

In the second part of the course the principles of international trade and exchange will be studies. Particular attention will be given to foreign exchange, foreign credits, foreign investments and in general to the problems of international finance.

Prerequisite: Political Economy 1C.

Source: Johns Hopkins University. The College of Arts and Sciences of the Johns Hopkins University, 1930-31, p. 33.

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THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
Mid-Year Examination
POLITICAL ECONOMY 3
January 29, 1931

  1. What is meant by the monetary standard? Explain the following types of standards: gold standard, bimetallic standard, paper standard. What are the reasons for adhering to a gold standard?
  2. Explain carefully the quantity theory of money, showing the various limitations upon the theory. Does the fact that at times increases in prices may precede changes in the quantity of money nullify the theory. Explain.
  3. Describe briefly the various types of financial institutions that may function in meeting the financial requirements of corporations and explain the fundamental nature of the operations of each type.
  4. Describe an underwriting operation by a syndicate in the flotation of an issue of corporation bonds.
  5. Enumerate and describe the more important types of investment credit instruments. What are the fundamental commercial credit instruments? Explain their nature and use. What is the nature and importance of negotiability?
  6. What is the essential nature of a “demand deposit”? How do such deposits come into existence? How does the receipt of a cash deposit of $100,000 affect the lending power of an individual bank? How does it affect the lending power of the system as a whole? Explain fully.
  7. Why is it necessary for a commercial bank to maintain a cash reserve? What determines its amount? What is the importance of capital and surplus to a bank? How does a commercial bank invest its fund? What is the importance of liquidity in its investments? How is liquidity secured?

*  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
Final Examination
POLITICAL ECONOMY 3
Wednesday, May 27, 1931 — 9 a.m.

  1. Give a brief survey of banking conditions in the United States leading to the organization of the National Banking System. Explain the defects that developed in that system and the history of the reform movement that eventually led to the establishment of the Federal Reserve System.
  2. In what way can the banking system of a country contribute to stability or instability of business conditions?
  3. Explain the manner in which the Federal Reserve System can affect the general level of prices. Discuss the limitations upon the powers of the Federal Reserve System in this respect.
  4. What is the nature of the business of commercial paper houses? Explain the financial services that they perform. How are installment sales financed? Describe the operations of the institutions that perform this type of financing.
  5. Describe the organization and operations (a) of the Federal Farm Loan System, (b) of the Federal Intermediate Credit Banks.
  6. Explain the manner in which international payments are effected by means of foreign exchange operations. Show how, through these operations, exports pay for imports. What is the basis of the contention that the United States ought to reduce its tariff rates if it expects the allied nations to pay their debts to us?
  7. What is meant by “department store” banking? What factors have been responsible for the consolidation of banks in recent years? What are the arguments for and against branch banking?

Source: Johns Hopkins University.Sheridan Libraries, Ferdinand Hamburger, Jr. Archives. Department of Political Economy Curricular Materials, Series 6, Box 2, Folder “Exams 1930-1935”.

Image Source: William Oswald Weyforth (ca. 36 years of age). Johns Hopkins University graphic and pictorial collection, Sheridan Libraries.

Categories
Johns Hopkins Socialism

Johns Hopkins. Henry Carter Adams on Socialism in Economic Thought, 1879

 

The following essay by Henry Carter Adams is added to provide another observation of what American economists in the late 19th century understood “socialism” to mean.  John Bates Clark also wrote his own essay on this topic in 1879.

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THE POSITION OF SOCIALISM IN THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL ECONOMY.

by Henry Carter Adams

The Penn Monthly. Vol. 10 (April 1879), pp. 285-94.

It is certainly unfortunate that Socialism, as an economic system, should be confounded with social Democracy as a political factor and a revolutionary force. The apparent object of the latter is to increase the rate of mortality among the monarchs of Europe; the object of the former is purely scientific and economic. This confusion is unfortunate, because it places Socialism at a disadvantage before the public mind, and does not allow a candid judgment of its economic importance. What this importance is can be the most easily recognized by determining its position in the historical development of the study. To state this position is the object of the present paper.

But, first of all, has Socialism any just claim to be included in the history of Economy? It is no assumption to answer this question in the affirmative. Socialism is an ideal plan of a form of society which does not now exist, but which, its advocates claim, ought to be established. To support this claim, they have criticised severely and minutely the existing system of industry, and constructed an ideal system which they present for substitution. This has a position in the historical development of Political Economy, just as the Mercantile System, the System of the Physiocrats, or the English System of Private Economy has. If it is objected that Socialism is nothing but an ideal, a dream, like Plato’s ideal state, or Sir Thomas More’s Utopia, and that one must wait until it has asserted its reality by the establishment of its plan, before incorporating it in the history of Economy, it is answered: already such has been its influence in the modification of the doctrines of English Economy, that any historic sketch of economic thought must be incomplete which does not include it. Moreover, Economic Socialism has had actual economic and political results. The former are seen in what is termed German Economy of the present. It has given life to economic thought, and guided the criticisms which the Germans have made upon Adam Smith and his school. Its political results may be traced in many of the laws of the German Empire for the last twenty years, and in the ever-increasing importance of the state in economic industrial life. The [286] economic discussions, also, of the last ten years, could not be understood or in any way explained, if the writings of Carl Marx, who, in many respects, may be likened to Ricardo, were dropped from economic literature; or if the political agitations and philosophical writings of Lassalle, who, at nineteen, was a personal friend of Humboldt, were not admitted in the solution. Socialism has, of its own right, a position in economic history; and he who properly understands that position holds the key to the great economic problem of the present day.

A hasty sketch of the economic systems since the year 1500 is, for our purpose, indispensable. The difference in method between the Mercantile System and that of the Physiocrats is, that while the latter proceeded from theory to practice, the former developed from practice to theory. With the Physiocrats, for the first time, was there an economic theory opposed to existing commercial and industrial conditions. The Mercantile System sprang from the physical conditions and political life of the sixteenth century; the doctrine of the Physiocrats, on the other hand, as well as that of Adam Smith, was born of philosophical abstractions.

With the sixteenth century, entirely new factors entered into the world’s life, and for three centuries guided its history. These factors, so far as they are physical, were three great inventions: the invention of printing, of gunpowder, and of the mariner’s compass. These are of so great importance, that to trace in full their wonderful workings would be to write the subsequent history of the Christian world. The most significant of these factors, in its effect upon the economic life of the centuries which followed, is the mariner’s compass. By means of it the road to India was made secure, and the new world, with its rich mines, discovered. Under its guidance, Europe was brought into intimate connection with the decaying civilization of the East, whose peoples were glad to exchange the products of their luxurious climate, and their accumulated treasures, for the products of the industry of the West. In America, too, the rapid growth of the quickly-planted colonies gave rise to a constantly-increasing demand, which Europe alone could supply. To meet these demands, the industries of the Old World were developed, and out of this relation between manufactures and commerce and the political condition of Europe, grew the Mercantile System.

[287] The underlying principle of Mercantilism was, that the precious metals alone constituted wealth. For nearly three centuries this idea worked unquestioned and unrestrained, until, in the latter part of the eighteenth century, Europe found herself, both politically and economically, in a disastrous condition. Governments had left their proper sphere, and monarchs had transformed themselves into great merchants; the interests of individuals and classes were neglected, because it was firmly believed that if a nation but held gold and silver within its territorial limits, its citizens must be rich and happy; monopolies were established in every branch of industry, patents and grants were issued without number, while laws were framed, entering into the details of life, and even into the minutiae of burial, for the purpose of creating a home market; the agricultural was subordinated to the manufacturing industry, and even in agriculture, that which produced bread-stuffs was in its turn subordinated to that which produced raw material for manufacture. With its three centuries of unrestrained working, this idea affected one thing besides. The middle class of the sixteenth century had disappeared, but a new class had been created in society, which, in the Revolution of 1789, took the name of the Third Estate. Of what was this Third Estate composed? The answer to this question is of significance in our present inquiry. This Third Estate was composed of that class in society under whose name the gold and silver of the world were held;—it  is that class which is now ruling the world. The great object of the Mercantile System had been effected. The countries of Europe held the precious metals, in amounts which would have been considered fabulous in the fifteenth century; still her people were more dissatisfied than ever; the misery of want had not disappeared from her borders.

About the middle of the eighteenth century, a Frenchman, Thomas [sic! François is intended] Quesnay, undertook to discover the cause of the misery of the agricultural classes in France. The writings of the school which he founded hold an important position in the development of economic thought. To understand this school, the philosophy of the day must not be forgotten. This was the philosophy of nature. To say that an institution was based upon nature, or to discover in any movement a natural law, was considered sufficient ground for its acceptance. It was the time of Rousseau and the [288] Contrat Social, when the phrase, “All men are by nature free and equal,” was pleasing the fancy of the enthusiastic French and their admirers. Still, this principle was recognized as being sadly out of harmony with many actual conditions; for example, how could the monopolies and hierarchies of the commercial and industrial world, which, according to the existing theory, were necessary, be explained? Could this principle of freedom be applied to economic life? This question the Physiocrats answered in the affirmative, by claiming to have discovered a “law of nature ” capable of regulating all economic movements, if only the unnecessary and disastrous interference of government were removed. This “law of nature” is all that remains of the Physiocrats. This law was accepted by Adam Smith, and appears in English Economy, in a new form and under a new name, as the law of supply and demand: the principle upon which is based the maxim of free competition. The characteristic feature of English Economy is the theory that the truest adjustment of economic society will come about by permitting the economic forces unrestrained activity. The reasoning upon which this is based is very simple: each individual knows better than any one else what is for his own interest, therefore society, which is a collection of individuals, will attain the most harmonious and satisfactory conditions by allowing to each person his free choice. By means of this force of self-interest is all economic activity explained; and further, if perfect freedom of action is permitted, whatever is found to result from the working of this force must be accepted as satisfactory, at least as unchangeable, for it contains in itself the ground of its own justification, in that it is in harmony with the principle of competition. The means through which competition works is the open market, where the law of supply and demand is recognized as supreme arbitrator. The actual price of products, or of labor, which is determined by this law, must be the just price, and, as such, should be accepted without question. If any individual should be so unfortunate as to be financially ruined thereby, or any class in society finds itself in a condition of want and misery, society is unblamable. The individual should have been more cautious, or, in technical language, sharper: the class should exercise more prudence. The universal postulate of this system is, that if proper freedom be allowed, every member of society must [289] find his proper sphere of activity and proper grade in the social organism, according to the degree of his talents and strength; and also, that the remuneration which he receives at the hands of society, through the open market, must be in proportion to the efficiency of his labor and sacrifice. The ultimate result of the workings of this force, according to Bastiat, will be perfect harmony of apparently conflicting interests.

We are now in a position to introduce our socialistic critics. The writings of Saint Simon, Fourier, and Robert Owen may be passed over without consideration. Their plans were communistic rather than socialistic, and most of their criticisms have been abandoned. Louis Blanc is the founder of Socialism of the present, although the German writers, Engels, Marx and Lassalle, have developed his plan and intensified his criticisms to such an extent, that they are now hardly recognizable. The first three of the six propositions upon which Blancism is built are as follows:

  1. The deep and daily increasing misery of the lower classes (du peuple) is the greatest misfortune.
  2. The cause of the misery in which the lower classes live is competition.
  3. This competition, which is the support of the possessing class (la bourgeoisie, or capitalists), is the cause of their ruin.

Sismondi, an earlier French writer, had pointed out the undesirable tendencies of unrestrained competition, but Blanc was the first who went so far as to charge it with the evils of the present industrial system, and to hold it responsible for the misery of want in which the lower classes live. It is this principle of competition against which Socialism aims all its blows; to so reconstruct industrial society, that this force shall not appear in it as the supreme arbitrator in the division of products, is the one object of all socialistic study.

The optimistic views which the advocates of the system of free competition profess, are based, according to socialistic critics, partly on false and partly on assumed propositions. They are the result of à priori reasoning and do not stand the test of a comparison with fact, and, further, in the reasoning itself, the unfavorable side of free competition has been overlooked. Among the propositions charged as false, are the following: that economic relations are developed according to any natural and therefore necessary [290] law; that each individual understands the best his own economic interests, and that each one, in forwarding his own, forwards the interest of society; that each member of society is entirely responsible for his own economic success or failure; and, above all, that harmony of interests can result from the strife of competition. Among the claims of the English school, which are criticised as unproven assumptions, are two characteristics of Socialism: First, that any interference on the part of the state with economic activity would be injurious to economic life, or, in other words, it is an assumption that the laissez faire policy of government is the true policy; and second, that the price of products and labor, or of interest and rent, dictated by the law of supply and demand, must be the fair and proper price, from which there is no appeal.

From these criticisms, one may easily determine the relation which socialistic economy holds to English economy. The particular complaint, however, which socialists urge against the prevalent system is, that it is unfair to the laborer. This complaint takes the following form: that the price of labor, as indicated by wages determined by the law of supply and demand, is no fair equivalent for the activity and sacrifice of the laborer. The extreme socialists claim that labor is the source of all wealth, and therefore, that all wealth belongs to the laborer, a very straightforward and satisfactory solution of the problem now troubling the century, if the premiss were only true. Other critics of the system of free competition, some of whom are socialists and some not, take the ground that, in industrial society of the present, the law of supply and demand cannot work its legitimate results; that there are other factors, the most important of which is ignorance, which opposes its free working, and that, as Louis Blanc has said, the principle of free competition which is the support of the possessing class, is the cause of the laborer’s ruin. Of the truth of this statement there is little room to doubt. That the condition of the laborer is very bad, indeed, as bad as possible, English economy freely admits. Thus, Ricardo showed that there was a tendency for the laborer to receive the least amount of wages possible for the support of life and strength; Mill formulated the law of wages which declared the same fact; Thornton endeavored to disprove the law, and succeeded so far as to show that it did not properly express the disadvantage at which it was necessary for the laboring class [291] to enter into this competitive strife with the capitalist. This, however, is no proper place to discuss the wages question; the above statements were introduced to show that the criticism of the socialists in favor of the laborer is no creation of their own fancy, but the statement of a somewhat startling fact.

The position of Socialism in the historical development of Political Economy, may be clearly stated by comparing the four following points in socialistic thought, with analogous points in previous systems:

  1. The point of view from which society is contemplated.
  2. The productive principle which is incorporated in the system.
  3. The department of economic investigation to which it gives prominence.
  4. The principle which it accepts as giving direction to all economic activity, and as supreme arbitrator between conflicting economic interests.

And first, with reference to the point of view from which society is contemplated. English economy considers society as a collection of individuals. The individual stands in the foreground; man is the unit, and as such he is studied. The system is a system of private economy. On the other hand, the socialist studies individuals as members of classes, and classes as parts of society. Society is the unit of investigation. Public economy, people’s economy, or class economy, is to take the place of private or personal economy. He contemplates the individual as part of the social organism. If personal and social interests conflict, there is no necessity to prove that the individual is in error in thus being out of harmony with society, his interests must be subordinated to the united wishes of other members of society. This is nothing more than the legal conception of true liberty introduced into Economy. That Socialism has carried the application of these views too far, may not be denied, but the position is well taken, and the system will receive the credit at the hands of all fair economic historians, of having successfully criticised the one-sided view of previous economists.

The second comparison is with reference to the productive principle incorporated into the socialistic system. The three productive forces which must be accepted in every complete economy, are land, capital and labor. The history of economy presents a peculiar [292] fact, namely, that three systems of industrial organization have been formed in which each of these forces has been respectively exaggerated at the expense of the other two. The doctrine of the Physiocrats was, that land is the source of all wealth. They defined rent as the free gift of nature, or the excess of the product of the land over that which justly compensated for the labor of tillage. Therefore, the one object of the Physiocrats was to increase the rent on land. Adam Smith corrected this one-sided view. Theoretically, his system was a perfect system in that it recognized the three productive forces. In fact, however, the system of private economy which Adam Smith founded, is the capitalist’s economy. Socialism has accepted the third productive force and based its system upon it. It is the laborer’s system of economy, its fundamental economic proportion being, that labor is the source of all wealth. Capital, according to both Marx and Lassalle, is built from the difference between what the laborer actually produces and what he receives in wages. The system as a system cannot survive, because this, its fundamental principle, is false. Labor is not the source of all wealth, at least as that word is defined by socialistic writers. The historian of the future will probably say that it was necessary for a century of unrestrained working to have been given to the private economy of Adam Smith, in order that the great importance and true position of capital, which, in all the previous life of the world had not been recognized, should be disclosed, but that, this having been accomplished, it was equally necessary that the reacting school should have exaggerated another productive force, to draw attention to the undesirable tendencies of the unrestrained principle of free competition, in order that the consequences of an undue supremacy of material possessions should be averted, and I think the judgment of the future will declare the historian to be right.

The third point of comparison concerns merely Socialism and the English system, and is with reference to the department of economic investigation to which each gives prominence. The school which Adam Smith founded has devoted its energies almost exclusively to the department of the production and exchange of wealth. In this sphere its results have been wonderful. The nineteenth century will take its place in history as the century of great inventions in the sphere of production and transportation. [293] This, socialistic writers recognize, and they admit candidly that this highly desirable result is the legitimate consequence of the working of the principle of self-interest as incorporated in English economy, but they claim that production is not all of the economic problem. A proper, equal and economic distribution is as essential, they say, to a harmonious and successful economy as intense production, They therefore have directed their attention to the distribution of wealth; in this department is included all of their studies. Taken by itself, Socialism is as one-sided as the system it criticises, but taken in connection with English economy, so far as this point is concerned, it appears as its harmonious complement and as such it will live.

The fourth and last comparison, which considers the principle of arbitration between conflicting interests, lies wholly in the department of distribution. As we have already seen, this principle, in English Economy, is free competition. We have also noticed the criticisms upon its workings which have been offered. That which is proposed by the Socialists as a substitute for this force, which shall give direction to all economic activity and serve as supreme arbitrator, is the State. This idea that the State should be introduced into industrial life, is also accepted from the teachings of Louis Blanc. This idea of an economic state will prove to be the important historical idea of Socialism. It will live as leading to two new schools of Political Economy; the one of which incorporates the idea into its teachings and makes it the foundation of its system, the other, while admitting the ground to be tenable for which the interference of the State is demanded, will attempt a solution of the problem of just distribution upon the old laissez faire principle. The first already exists in the rapidly-developing school of German Political Economy. According to this teaching, the only question calling for serious consideration is one of degree: how far shall the State be allowed to assume the character of a private producer? It finds the application of its principle in the administration of the State railroads, telegraphs, post, and express; in the management of public domains and forest, and in all those enterprises that are undertaken by the State and carried on as private enterprises, with the single exception that they are carried on not for profit to the State, but in the interest of the people. This school has also developed an entirely new system of Finance. The [294] German method of study and skill of systemization are greatly to be admired, and, so far as practicable, to be appropriated; but when one considers the principles upon which their Economy and Finance are based, these are found to be, in their extreme application, inappropriate to the political and industrial conditions of the United States. It is, moreover, difficult to see how they are to be applied in England and France. Out of this necessity, the error which has shown itself in English Economy on the one hand, and the inadaptability of German Economy to a free government on the other, must arise a new school, or, at least, a radical reformation of the old. A new problem is to be solved. How can the principle of competition be so restrained that its beneficial results may be retained, and its detrimental workings hindered? There is no country in the world where the political and economic conditions are so favorable for the solution of this problem as the United States. America must repudiate the centralizing tendency of German Economy, because that tendency is opposed to the ideas upon which the government is founded; but, on the other hand, another century of unrestrained activity of private enterprise will itself contradict the theory of freedom, and destroy that government. From this dilemma must arise an American Political Economy,—an Economy which is to be legal rather than industrial in its character.

H. C. ADAMS, PH. D.,
John[s] Hopkins University.

Image source: Henry Carter Adams Page at the NNDB website.

Categories
Economists Gender Harvard Johns Hopkins Michigan

Michigan, Johns Hopkins and Harvard. Three Generations of Economics PhDs. Orcutt-Nakamura(s)

 

 

In an earlier post we met the Ruggles Family Dynasty, three generations of economists with Harvard economics Ph.Ds. Silly me that I thought that this might have been a unique constellation, but in the meantime I have “discovered” a second observation. Meet the Orcutt-Nakamura dynasty of economists!  Painstaking empirical analysis reveals that both dynasties display a greater frequency of women economists (including the spouses), than the frequency for the entire population of economists.

Thus, with all the power vested in me  from this second observation, I hereby declare Collier’s conjecture on economist-dynasties:  the economist-gene is carried on the X chromosome.

__________________

1st Generation: Guy Henderson Orcutt
(Ph.D. from Michigan, 1944)

Guy Henderson Orcutt (b. 5 July 1917 in Wyandotte, Michigan; d. 5 March 2006 in Bowie, Prince Georges, Maryland)

B.S.  with honors, Physics (1939)
M.A. Economics (1940)
Ph.D. (1944) University of Michigan

Dissertation Title: Statistical Methods and Tools for Finding Natural Laws in the Field of Economics

Taught or affiliated with MIT, Cambridge, Harvard, Wisconsin, and Yale, IMF, World Bank and The Urban Institute.

Guy Orcutt material transcribed for Economics in the Rear-view Mirror:

Economics 110. Introduction to Econometrics. Harvard, Spring Semester 1950.
A Bibliography of Books and Articles on the Scientific Method

Economics 110a. Empirical Economics. Harvard, Fall Semester 1950.
Course Readings

Autobiographical/Biographical material

Guy Orcutt, “From engineering to microsimulation: An autobiographical reflection” In Special issue “Orcutt Festschrift” Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization. Vol. 14, No. 1 (September 1990), pp. 5-27.

Harold W. Watts. An Appreciation of Guy Orcutt, Distinguished Fellow of the American Economic Association. Journal of Economic Perspectives  Vol. 5, No. 1 (Winter 1991) pp. 171-179.

Guy Henderson Orcutt page at the Prabook website.

Image source: Ugo Colombino’s lecture Microsimulation and Microeonometrics: Survey, Interpretation and Perspectives. (Università degli studi di Torino, Campus Luigi Einaudi) April 1, 2015. Slide #3.

 

2nd Generation: Alice Orcutt Nakamura
(Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins, 1972)

Alice O. Nakamura (b. Boston, Mass., 1945)

B.S. in Economics (Political Science minor), University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1968
Ph.D. in Political Economy with a minor in Sociology, Johns Hopkins University, 1973

Dissertation Title: State and Local Police Expenditures: An Empirical Investigation.

Professor of Finance and Management Science at University of Alberta

Biographical/Professional Information

Apr. 4, 2019 archived webpage of Alice Orcutt Nakamura.

Alice O. Nakamura’s c.v. (June 2017)

Alice O. Nakamura’s Short Biography
March 31, 2019 archived

Alice Nakamura is a Professor of Finance and Management Science at the University of Alberta. She holds a Ph.D in Economics from John Hopkins University and a B.S. from the University of Wisconsin at Madison. She is a Fellow of the Canadian Economics Associations. In 1994-95, she served as President of the Canadian Economics Association. She has received numerous honors, including begin an Honorary Doctorate from the University of Western Ontario, the Kaplan Award for Excellence in Research, and the McCalla Research Professorship. She has also held numerous public policy and advisory roles, including being a member of the Axworthy Social Security Reform Task Force, the Statistics Canada Price Measurement Advisory Committee and the Co-chair of the Canadian Employment Research Forum (CERF). Her publications are in the areas of labour economics, econometrics, price and productivity measurement, social policy, and genomic statistics among other topics. She has numerous publications in the most prestigious journals in economics and statistics, including the American Economic Review, Econometrica, the Journal of Econometrics, the Journal of the American Statistical Association, the Review of Economics and Statistics and the Canadian Journal of Economics.

Image Source: Alice Nakamura’s webpage.

Alice Nakamura is married to Masao Nakamura

B.S., Keio University (Tokyo), 1967 in Administration Engineering
M.S. Keio University (Tokyo), 1969 in Administration Engineering
Johns Hopkins University Ph.D. 1972 in Operations Research/ Industrial Engineering

Title of Dissertation: Mathematical analysis and optimization of health services systems.
Dissertation Adviser: Rodger Parker

Professor of Commerce & Business Administration (Emeritus)
Strategy & Business Economics Division, Sauder School of Business
University of British Columbia

Masao Nakamura’s c.v. (April 2016)

Masao Nakamura’s Personal webpage (Nov. 30, 2018)

 

2nd Generation: Harriet L. Orcutt Duleep

Harriet L. Orcutt born 1953.

B.A., Oberlin Conservatory/College, 1973
B.A., in Economics, University of Michigan, 1976
Ph.D. in Economics, M.I.T., 1986

Title of DissertationPoverty and Inequality of Mortality.
Advisers:  Jerry Hausman and Lester Thurow.

Research Professor of Public Policy, College of William and Mary since 2007.

Harriet Orcutt Duleep’s c.v.

 

3rd generation: Emi Nakamura
(Harvard Ph.D., 2007)

Emi Nakamura (b. 1980)

A.B. (summa cum laude) Princeton University, 2001
A.M. Economics, Harvard University, 2004.
Ph.D. Economics, Harvard University, 2007.

Dissertation Title: Price Adjustment, Pass-through and Monetary Policy
Advisers: Robert Barro and Ariel Pakes

Emi Nakamura is Chancellor’s Professor of Economics, University of California, Berkeley since 2018.

Emi Nakamura’s c.v. (January 2019)

Image source: Emi Nakamura’s home page.

From an Interview with Emi Nakamura

Can you tell us something about growing up in an academic family of economists?

My parents love their work and really wanted to give me a sense of what they did. That’s easy when your parents are firemen or policemen, but harder when your parents spend all their time sitting at a desk reading books and running regressions. How do you explain to a kid what it means to do research? So my mom brought me to a number of economics conferences when I was a child. Of course, I didn’t understand much, but I did get some sense of what it meant to be an academic economist. It also led to some funny conversations when I grew up and met colleagues like Kevin Lang, who I’d first met as a child. Because of my parents, I also got to take a bunch of economics classes at the University of British Columbia when I was in high school and over the summer when I was home from college in Vancouver, including a number of classes on economic measurement from Erwin Diewert. Measurement is a really understudied topic in economics today and you don’t learn much about it even in grad school, so that was a unique opportunity. I have since written several papers on measurement issues where this experience was very useful.

Source: CSWEP News. 2015 Issue 2.  From “An Interview with Emi Nakamura” by Serena Ng.

HUGE UPDATE: John Bates Clark Medal 2019 awarded to Emi Nakamura!

Emi Nakamura is married to:

Jón Steinsson also Chancellor’s Professor of Economics at UC Berkeley.

Jan. 2019 c.v.  of Jón Steinsson.

Note: Emi Nakamura and Jón Steinsson have two children…[to be continued?]

Image: Guy Orcutt, Alice Nakamura, Emi Nakamura.