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Pedagogy Principles Teaching Undergraduate Yale

Yale. On different approaches to teaching college economics. Ruggles, 1964

Yale professor Richard Ruggles gave a great deal of thought to the organization of undergraduate and graduate instruction in economics. For a special issue of Challenge magazine dedicated to the question of improving economic literacy in society published in 1964, Ruggles contributed the following short essay on the difficulties of offering a single principles of economics course to meet the needs of very different publics compounded by the incentives that lead instructors to teach as though every student’s ultimate goal was to become an academic research economist. Plot-spoiler: one size does not fit all.

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On graduate training in economics.
Ruggles’ Yale conference, 1955.

During the fall and early winter of 1954-55, Richard Ruggles and colleagues in the Yale economics department organized a series of interviews with representatives of business, government, international organizations, and universities to review the ultimate goals of a graduate education in economics and to identify future desirable directions the evolution of economics training might take. The interviews were followed by panel discussions in the Spring of 1955 attended by, among others, seven future economics Nobel prize winners.

GRADUATE TRAINING IN ECONOMICS,
A Report on Panel Discussions at Yale, 1956
.

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TEACHING COLLEGE ECONOMICS
By Richard Ruggles

There is a wide divergence of opinion on what subject matter should be emphasized in the elementary college economics course. Some argue that its primary function should be to improve the student’s ability to be an intelligent citizen; others feel that the basic economics course should be handled as part of the general cultural background offered in a liberal arts college. A third view is that freshmen economics is basically a useful background subject for those entering business, law and engineering. And, finally, there are those who feel that introductory economics should be taught as a professional discipline. RICHARD RUGGLES, Professor of Economics at Yale University, examines the different approaches to the teaching of college economics, as well as the equally thorny problem of teaching materials.

The teaching of economics to college undergraduates is viewed with considerable uneasiness by both students and teachers. Many of the students find themselves in the difficult position of arbitrating between the ideas they hear in the classroom and those which are established doctrine in the minds of their parents. Others find the subject dull and uninspired, full of abstractions and generalizations which do not appear to match the reality around them. The teachers, on the other hand, are plagued by the multitude of purposes which the teaching of economics is supposed to serve. Disagreements among faculty members about the major purpose of economics teaching are often responsible for considerable acrimony.

First, there are those who believe that the primary function of economics training is to improve the student’s ability to function as a citizen and an individual. Proponents of this view point out that the level of economic literacy in the nation is very low. Neither voters nor legislators generally understand the basic problems involved in economic policy making. But, it is argued, if the next generation is properly trained, economic policy will improve. While the obvious irrationality of economic decision making at the national level propels many teachers of economics to concentrate on this aspect of economic education, others, who do not feel the frustration of economic events as acutely, place more emphasis on the individual aspects of economics training for citizenship. They may give priority to instruction which will help the student spend his money wisely, invest, and cope with financial problems he may encounter.

A second view of economic education considers economics as an integral part of the general education which should be given to all students attending a liberal arts college. The basic economics course is viewed as a cultural subject much like survey courses in literature, music, history and science. For such a purpose it is appropriate to paint with a broad brush, providing a survey course which is related to other subjects but also has its own individual stamp as a separate discipline. In the more extreme cases, economics may be submerged in a general course which treats the behavioral sciences as a group, or it may be combined with political science or history.

A third point of view presents the argument that economics is basically a tool subject, useful as a background for students who are intending to go into business, law or engineering. Economics in this role serves the same function as biology is supposed to serve for pre-med students. Economics is also viewed as useful for students in related disciplines such as history and political science. From this point of view, the major function of economics teaching is to provide needed service courses for students who are primarily concerned with other professions and disciplines. Emphasis is therefore placed on providing information on how the economy functions in terms of its institutions and government regulations. Finally, there are always a number of staff members who feel that economics should be kept pure and untainted. From this point of view, economics is a professional discipline with a body of rigorous theory which must be mastered if one is to enjoy the essence of the subject. Abstractions are not necessarily the means to this end; they are in large part the heart of the subject. Since the proponents of this view consider that it is the integrity of the discipline which is at stake, they often put up strong resistance to the service concept of economics, and even object to the presentation of institutional material or to any orientation of an applied nature. Instead attention is focused on the type of material which a Ph.D. candidate in economics is expected to master.

The content of economics as taught to undergraduates reflects these divergent objectives. The major exposure of college students to economics comes, of course, in the basic elementary course. Typically, 50 to 75 per cent of undergraduates take the elementary course in economics. No more than 10 to 15 per cent of these become economics majors. And no more than two to three per cent of economics majors go on to graduate training in economics. Thus the number of potential professional economists is a very minute percentage of those taking the elementary course, yet in many ways at many institutions the course is created for these few. At the major universities which offer graduate training in economics, the elementary course is often taught by graduate assistants. These graduate assistants are aspiring to be professional economists, and they have a tendency to wish that their students shared these aspirations. In fact, the pride and joy of a teacher is a student who wishes to be just like that teacher, and in a profession where theory, abstraction and a high degree of specialization are status symbols, the results for the teaching curriculum are obvious. The energy and enthusiasm of graduate assistants is often very great, and they are anxious to impart to the students the full kit of abstract tools which they themselves have so recently mastered. The course must also serve all the other purposes.

It must present a wide range of contemporary economic policy issues and information about major economic institutions. It must provide a comprehensive survey of economics for that large body of undergraduates who will never take any more courses in the area. It must also equip the student who expects to major in the field of economics with the tools he will need for more advanced courses. In most institutions the elementary course is a prerequisite for all other courses in economics, and it is expected that higher level courses will build on the foundation of the elementary course. The result of all of these pressures is to produce a jumbled polyglot of topics which are jammed into an incredibly short span of time. The major benefactors of these basic courses are those who teach them, since they are forced to master and digest an enormous amount of material before they can present it. In fact, a graduate student’s training is not complete until he has taught the elementary course.

At institutions which do not have graduate students, elementary economics may be quite a different subject. The content of the course will depend a great deal upon the individual teacher. Where the course is taught by someone just out of graduate school, he will tend to behave like his recent colleagues, the graduate assistants, and in these cases he will face many of the same problems. In some institutions, however, the course may revolve around such practical matters as how the stock market operates and the problems of family finance. In other instances, the elementary course may be a propaganda piece on how well the free enterprise system operates and how all problems would be solved if we left everything to the invisible hand as described by Adam Smith.

Economics courses beyond the elementary level at almost all schools are generally considered the domain of senior faculty members, whether or not they are equipped to teach them. Every professor regards the course he teaches as his own private property and does not take kindly to suggestions by his colleagues. Rightly or wrongly, he considers himself the authority on the subject he teaches. If, for any reason, the course must be taught by someone else, as for instance when the regular teacher goes on leave, it is usually found that the same course differs considerably in scope, orientation and content.

Thus, for example, a course on money and banking taught by one instructor may cover a body of material on banking institutions, banking practices, problems of credit, and the money supply. Another instructor teaching the same course may disregard such material entirely and cover instead problems of employment, prices and output, with heavy accent on fiscal policy and income analysis. As a result, it is often necessary to supply the name of the instructor as well as the name of the course in order to understand what training a student has had.

Teaching materials probably play an even more important role in economic education than do teachers. Many students can educate themselves if they are assigned good texts and readings, even though their teachers are mediocre or poor, but it is difficult for even the best teacher to provide a good course in the absence of good teaching materials.

Unfortunately, teaching materials are normally produced as a by product of academic life, with a mere fraction of the total resources devoted to the educational process. In a course of 20 or 30 students, instructional costs amount to about $100 to $200 per student, but the total cost of teaching materials will rarely be more than $10 to $20 — and most of that goes to the paper and printing industries, not to the more intellectual factors of production. Authors usually receive 10 to 15 per cent of the total amount spent on teaching materials, or approximately one per cent of the total teaching cost for the course as a whole. The preparation of teaching materials, furthermore, is never considered a full-time job. There is a mass of material produced, but most of it is developed on the side a kind of moonlighting activity. The fact that textbook writing often attracts the best talent in the profession is due to the existence of relatively high returns for those few who can turn out successful texts. But even the best talents could do a much better job if textbook writing were not just a spare-time activity.

Textbooks, like platforms of political parties try to be all things to all people. They are designed to cover a multitude of purposes, and try to echo the most widely accepted doctrines in a manner that will offend no one. Teachers are supposed to pick and choose what they want to use, rearranging and adding. The resulting mixture is often an ill-adapted set of disjointed and heterogeneous readings, and much of the potentiality for a consistent and cumulative body of teaching material is lost. In some fields, notably physics and mathematics, there are indications that the profession is sufficiently concerned about this problem to provide an organized effort to improve the quality of teaching materials. In economics, however, the development of teaching materials still depends upon the invisible hand.

It is quite possible that a different mix of the factors of production and some innovations in the teaching process could be introduced which would greatly improve teaching effectiveness and provide a greater feedback in terms of the advancement of the subject itself. At the present time, it is not feasible for textbook writers to undertake major efforts to fill in gaps in knowledge. Economics texts rely heavily on causal empiricism and reasoning by analogy; their major effort is devoted to organizing and presenting existing knowledge. But the preparation of good teaching materials should involve devoting substantial resources to those problem areas to which adequate attention has not yet been given.

The dynamic factors which economics relies upon to explain productivity growth in other sectors of the economy, such as specialization, division of labor and the development of new techniques, are all sadly lacking in the preparation of the discipline’s own teaching materials, and production is essentially still a handicraft process.

There is no obvious solution to this problem, but one thing is certain: the present industrial organization of the teaching profession does not readily foster the kinds of approaches which are capable of yielding a solution.

It is very difficult to evaluate the impact of college level economics courses. In terms of the prevailing views on major economic policies, it would appear that the economic and political temper of the times is a more important factor than the level of intellectual enlightenment. A recession accompanied by substantial unemployment or a major threat to a nation’s security will be quite effective in making both voters and legislators doubt the validity and meaningfulness of traditional balanced budget precepts. But in a prosperous peacetime economy, these doubts evaporate, and college graduates who once were exposed to economics but who are now a part of the business community echo the “sound” doctrines around them, despite the fact that such doctrines would result in slower growth, smaller profits and future recessions.

Despite the obvious shortcomings of confused objectives and inadequate resources devoted to the preparation of teaching materials, economic education nevertheless does progress. Much of this progress is due to the development of the subject itself. From this point of view the future holds considerable promise.

With the introduction of electronic data processing and the development of statistical techniques, economists are now able to formulate and test hypotheses in a manner which has not heretofore been possible. Up to now economics has been an armchair discipline, depending mainly on logical reasoning and causal empiricism. Perhaps in the near future it can evolve into the social science it claims to be. Then and only then can the teaching of economics reach its true potential.

Source: U.S. Congress. Joint Economic Committee. Subcommittee on Economic Progress. Economic Education: Hearings before the Subcommittee on Economic Progress of the Joint Economic Committee Congress of the United States vol. 2, Selected Materials (1967),pp. 231-234. Originally published in Challenge (Special Issue “Economic Literacy in a Free Society”, March 1964).

Image Source:  Richard Ruggles, noted economic statistician, diesYale Bulletin & Calendar Vol. 29, No. 23 (March 23, 2001). Image smoothed using AI.

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Columbia Industrial Organization Labor Socialism Syllabus Undergraduate

Columbia. Excerpt from Contemporary Civilization Syllabus. Industrial Problems, 1921

Columbia College’s freshman course on Contemporary Civilization, a.k.a. “CC”, has been a core element in the undergraduate experience for over a century. This is the second post providing an excerpt of the third edition of the course syllabus (1921) that should be of particular interest for economists. Topics include: industrial organization, regulation, organized labor, and alternate systems of economic control. As in the earlier post, links to all the items referenced have been added.

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Another Post from the Syllabus

Book III, Sections 1-5. Historical background of contemporary civilization, 1400-1870.

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BOOK VIII. INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS

1. A survey of the prominent features of the modern industrial system.

  1. Private property.
    *Seligman, Principles of Economics, 125-138; *Hamilton, Current Economic Problems, 762-775; R.T. Ely, Property and Contract in their Relation to the Distribution of Wealth, Vol. I, 165-190.
    1. The meaning of the right of private property: the exclusive control over valuable things by private persons.
    2. Theories concerning the basis of property rights
      1. Occupation, or seizure.
      2. Natural rights.
      3. Labor.
      4. Legal theory
      5. Social utility.
    3. Property rights — rights vested in the owner of private property.
      1. Right of gift.
      2. Right of disposition by contract.
      3. Right of use.
      4. Right of bequest.
      5. Right of unlimited acquisition.
      6. Right to exclude.
    4. Limitations on property rights: social considerations limit the extent of private property rights.
      1. Right of use limited by principle of “eminent domain.”
      2. Right of use restricted by laws against “nuisances,” etc.
      3. Right of bequest limited by inheritance tax laws.
      4. Proposed limitations on the right of unlimited acquisition; the modern attitude toward great fortunes.
    5. Property and social authority. In the modern economic system private property is the chief basis of social authority and power.
  1. Competition as an economic principle. (See 3.A. below)

The doctrines of individualism and laissez faire are still regarded by modern business and industry as the basis for economic operation. It is felt that competition stimulates producers and protects both producers and consumers.

  1. The use of machinery and artificial power.
    *Marshall and Lyon, Our Economic Organization, 207-227; *Clay, H., Economics for the General Reader, 21-27; Marshall, Wright & Field, Materials for the Study of Elementary Economics, 158-160, 198-199.
    1. The standardization and mechanization of industrial processes and of industrial labor.
    2. Resulting tendency toward an elaborate technical division of labor, and toward a reduction of human effort to the simple repetition of a single operation. This mechanical character is typical of modern productive processes even where machinery is not employed.
    3. Limitations to the use of machinery.
      1. Unadapted to processes incapable of reduction to routine.
      2. Not applicable where tastes of individual consumers must be considered; the demand for quality and distinction.
  1. The factory system. (See above, p. 29.)
    *Hamilton, 112-113.
  2. The wage system.
    *Hamilton, 121-122; 617-619.
    1. The elaboration of the means of production has rendered ownership of the productive equipment by the laborers impossible under the present system.
    2. Modern industrial workers are thus in large part detached from direct personal control and responsible interest in the production and sale of commodities; dependent for livelihood upon employment as wage-workers by the owners of the means of production. The wage connection (“cash nexus”) the primary bond between the worker and his work. The proletariat.
    3. The mobility of labor under the wage system.
  1. The extensive use of capital and credit in promoting and conducting business and industrial undertakings.
    *Ely, Outlines of Economics, 212-230; *Hamilton, 110-112, 185-195, 206-208, 211-215; Clay, 97-104.
    1. Distinction between business and industrial units.
      1. The business unit: the unit of promotion and management. Types of business units.
        1. The individual business enterpriser.
        2. The partnership. (See (c) below.)
        3. The corporation. (See (c) below.)
      2. The industrial unit: the unit of production; the store, workshop, and factory.
    2. The necessity of capital and credit in industry today.
      1. The use of extensive plants and complicated machinery.
      2. The interval between production and sale may be long. Stock must be carried, workers must be paid, and other business and industrial expenses met in the meantime.
    3. Means of securing capital and credit.
      1. Individual and partnership enterprises.
        1. Use of capital of individual owners of the business.
        2. The use of bank credit.
          1. Banks as depositories of idle capital.
          2. Banks as agencies of credit.
      2. The corporation.
        1. Capital secured by sale of stock.
          1. Types of stock — common and preferred.
          2. The function and rights of stockholders.
        2. Capital secured by borrowing; the issuance of bonds.
          1. Types of bonds.
          2. The function and rights of bondholders.
      3. The use of bank credit.
    4. The relation of the business enterpriser (entrepreneur) to the owners of capital.
      1. The function of the promoter or organizer of a large corporation.
        1. The work of promotion.
        2. The relation of the promoter to the investors.
        3. The rewards of the promoter.
      2. The function of the executive officials of a corporation.
        1. The powers of the board of directors.
        2. The theoretical and actual relation of the directors to the investors and creditors.
      3. The possibility of misuse of power by the business representatives of owners of capital.
    1. The social importance of the separation of the actual ownership of property from direct control of that property.
      1. Corporate type of organization is breaking the direct relation of ownership between men and goods.
      2. Resulting change in the nature of the institution of private property.
  1. The dominance of large-scale enterprise in certain lines of industry.
    *Taussig, Principles of Economics, Vol. I, 49-66; Clay, 123-127. (Note — This section treats only the “legitimate” aspects of large scale production. Monopolies, combinations and “trusts” are treated under 3.B below).
    1. Marked increase in the size of the industrial unit within recent years.
    2. Reasons for the development of large-scale enterprises.
      1. Industrial reasons.
        1. Tendency toward increasing returns in industry.
        2. Advantages of standardization of product.
        3. Utilization of by-products.
        4. Economy of power.
        5. Greater division of labor possible.
        6. Scientific and technical research possible.
      2. Business reasons.
        1. Elimination of cost of competition.
        2. Selling advantages.
        3. Buying advantages.
        4. The stimulus of promoter’s profits.
    3. Restriction of the tendency toward large-scale production to certain industrial fields.
    4. Large scale enterprise and wide markets. As local specialization develops and the size of the productive unit increases, the entrepreneurs are driven to more distant markets to sell their produce. Large-scale enterprise is therefore dependent upon good means of transportation.
      1. Requirements for effective means of transportation.
        1. Speed: the importance of the time element in transportation, especially in the case of perishable goods. Refrigeration cars. Interest on invested capital while goods are in transit.
        2. Regularity: e.g. the milk supply of New York City. Commutation.
        3. Safety: passenger traffic, fragile goods.
        4. Cheapness: high rates reduce the size of the market. “Discriminating rates” in U. S.
          *Marshall, Wright & Field, 259-266.
        5. Elasticity: ability of the transportation systems to meet
          1. the peak-load requirements; e.g., coal in U. S. The after-the-harvest situation.
          2. the needs of the localities off the main lines of communication. The great increase in motor-truck transportation in the U. S.
      2. [Can the economic and social demands for means of transport be met by private companies? See 5.B.f below]
  1. The interdependence of all parts of the industrial structure.
    *Hamilton, 113-115, 204-205, 208-211; L. Alston, How It All Fits Together, 14-49.
    1. Industrial and geographical division of labor; resulting interdependence of different industries and regions. The whole industrial system thus constitutes what is in effect a single productive machine.
    2. The credit structure knits all modern business and industry together. The credit basis typical of modern business.
    3. Modern monetary and banking systems international in their scope.
    4. Manifestations of this interdependence: financial panics and industrial depressions. (Business cycles.) Railway strikes.

2. The organization of production: problems arising from the conflicting interests of certain of the agents of production.

  1. The agents of production.
    *Ely, Outlines of Economics, 116-130; *Clay, 46-63, 92-94; Seligman, Principles of Economics, 283-287; Seager, Principles of Economics (Second Edition), 122-169; Marshall, Wright & Field, Materials, 58-61, 106-108, 204-206.
    1. Natural agents: the basis of all production; the source of raw materials.
      1. Types of natural agents.
        1. Agricultural land.
        2. Urban land, furnishing sites for dwellings, stores, office-buildings, factories, etc.
        3. Forests.
        4. Mines and quarries.
        5. Waterways and harbors.
        6. Sources of natural power: wind, waterfalls, etc.
      2. Certain characteristics of natural agents.
        1. Incapable of material increase in amount.
        2. Different units may vary in productivity.
        3. Varying locations make different units more or less accessible.
    2. Labor: physical and intellectual activities conducing to production.
      1. Labor and natural agents are the two primary factors in production.
      2. The gain in efficiency secured by division of labor. (See above, p. 30.)
      3. Different individuals possess varying degrees of productive ability.
    3. Capital.
      1. Technical meaning of the term “capital”: goods produced by man and used by man to assist him in further production.
      2. The money value of capital goods not to be confused with the concrete capital goods.
      3. The function of capital in production.
        1. Increases the efficiency of man’s labor by enabling labor to be more effectively applied.
        2. Enables labor to be supported during the process of production.
    4. Business enterprise, or organization.
      1. The necessity of an organizer in modern production. In the modern highly complex industrial system natural agents, labor and capital have to be brought together and suitable arrangements made for their cooperation in the production of any desired commodity. The task has become especially important under modern industrial conditions, for the productive factors are in general separately owned.
      2. The function of the business enterpriser in production.
        1. To organize the factors in production.
        2. To evaluate the services rendered by each factor to his undertaking.
        3. To assume, in part, the business risks involved in the enterprise.
      3. The relation of the enterpriser to production under the corporate form of organization. (See above.)
      4. The work of the business enterpriser may involve labor of management, which is separately remunerated. The business enterpriser may invest his own capital, for which service he is also separately remunerated.
  1. The relation of the business enterpriser to labor; conditions underlying the labor problem; the conflict of interests.
    *Hamilton, 615-619, 628-635.
    1. The business interests of the employer.
      1. Maximum profits : ordinarily secured by
        1. Efficient and well-disciplined labor force.
        2. Low labor costs.
        3. Production on basis of market conditions. The process of production is normally subordinated to that of sale, for advantage must be taken of changing market conditions, (e.g., coal.) This may result in irregular production.
        4. Limitation of expenditures on plant to those which will increase profits.
      2. Complete control of his own business and of his working force.
    2. The interests of the laboring force.
      1. High wages.
      2. Short hours.
      3. Protection against industrial accident and disease by elimination of dangerous and insanitary working conditions.
      4. Regular employment.
      5. Participation as responsible agents in the industrial process.
    3. These competing interests, together with the necessity of cooperation in production, give rise to the labor problem.
  1. The machinery of agreement; methods of adjusting the conflict of interests.
    1. Individual versus collective bargaining.
      *Hamilton, 32-37, 636-640. M.R. Beard, A Short History of the American Labor Movement, 19-21; L.C. Marshall, Readings in Industrial Society, 560-569.

      1. The system of individual bargaining.
        1. The meaning of individual bargaining. Separate agreements made between employer and each of his employees as to wages and general conditions of employment; both parties to the contract free and equal agents; laborers free to work for any employer and to leave at will; employers free to employ any one they choose, and to terminate that employment at will.
        2. The assumptions underlying the system of individual bargaining.
          1. Laissez faire; the interests of the whole are advanced by allowing complete freedom to each individual. (See above: Competition, p. 71, and also below, p. 88.)
          2. Bargaining equality of employer and employee.
          3. The rôle of the employer in this concept of the industrial relation: a private individual engaged in a private enterprise, employing private property and subject to no control, except that furnished by business competition.
        3. Advantages claimed for the system of individual bargaining.
          1. Costs kept down and production increased by allowing full liberty to the employer.
          2. A mobile, elastic labor supply is thus secured. The employer is free to increase force when business is good, and to decrease force when business conditions call for limited production. The free and independent laborer, following his own interests will be found where he is wanted and when his labor is needed. Supply and demand given free play.
          3. Domination by organizations of laborers prevented when each man is free to bargain individually with the employer.
          4. Each individual worker secure in the superior advantage of his own efficiency.
        4. Defects charged to the system of individual bargaining.
          1. Fallacies in the assumption of complete equality between the parties to the bargain.
            1. The stakes at issue are not the same: for the employer it is a question of one employee more or less in any individual case; for the worker it is a question of the means of livelihood for himself and his family. He is thus forced to accept employer’s terms, and is not free to bargain in regard to them.
            2. The employee may be a minor, in which case there can be no equality of bargaining power.
          2. The system has resulted in the exploitation of minors and of many classes of male and female workers.
          3. The right of the employer to take on and discharge at will, depending upon business conditions, leads to irregularity of employment and consequent suffering on part of workers.
      2. The system of collective bargaining.
        Different interpretations of “collective bargaining.”

        1. The right of wage-earners within a given industrial unit (e.g., a factory or mine) to organize and to bargain with their employer through representatives elected from their own number.
        2. “The right of wage-earners to organize without discrimination, to bargain collectively, to be represented by representatives of their own choosing in negotiations and adjustments with their employers in respect to wages, hours of labor and conditions of employment.” (Resolution presented to Industrial Conference at Washington, October 22, 1910, by Labor Group.)
        3. The concept of full collective bargaining: bargaining between representatives of organized employees and of organized employers in a given industry. (e.g., New York Garment Workers; English Industrial Conference program.)

(The use of the system of collective bargaining, and its advantages and defects, will be considered in connection with the discussion of labor organizations below.)

    1. Collective bargaining further considered ; the combination movement in labor.
      1. Causes of the movement toward combination.
        *Hamilton, 619-622.
        1. Development of large-scale industry with increased use of capital after the Industrial Revolution led to a sharp differentiation between employers and workers, creating a class of industrial wage-workers divorced from the land. (See III.4.F)
        2. Weakness of the individual employee under a system of individual bargaining.
        3. Desire of workers to escape labor competition in regard to hours, wages, and conditions of employment. “The union organization attempts to cover the industrial field within which there is labor competition with respect to hours, wages, and conditions of employment.” Hoxie.
        4. Development of class consciousness among the permanent wage-workers. (The Communist Manifesto.)
      1. Main types of labor combinations. Labor unionism is complex, many-sided, and opportunistic.
        *Hoxie, Trade Unionism in the United States, 31-53.

        1. Structural division of labor combinations.
          1. The craft or trade union: an organization of wage-workers engaged in a single craft.
          2. The federation of craft unions.
            1. The local trades council.
            2. The state or district federation.
            3. National or international federation. In a federation the constituent organizations retain a large part of their individual independence.
          3. The industrial union: an organization of wage-workers employed in a given industry; attempts to unite skilled and unskilled in a single group. Industrial unions may be plant, local, district, national, or international, (e.g., the I.W.W.; the French syndicates.)
          4. The labor union: an organization of all workers in a given district regardless of craft or industry (e.g., The Knights of Labor).
          5. The “inside union” (employers’ union).
        2. Functional classification of unionism. (Hoxie.)
          1. Business unionism.
            1. Characteristics: trade conscious, conservative, aiming at immediate results, “more.”
            2. Methods: collective bargaining, trade agreements, strikes and boycotts as last resort, (e.g., R.R. brotherhoods.)
          2. Friendly or uplift unionism.
            1. Characteristics: conservative, law-abiding, idealistic.
            2. Methods: collective bargaining, mutual insurance, profit-sharing and cooperation, (e.g., Knights of Labor.)
          3. Revolutionary unionism.
            1. Characteristics: class conscious, radical in view-point and action, repudiating existing institutional order, and refusing to be bound by prevailing morals and laws.
            2. Methods: direct action, sabotage, strikes. Collective bargaining and mutual insurance regarded as conservative. (e.g., the I.W.W.)
          4. Predatory unionism.
            1. Characteristics: opportunistic, selfish and ruthless.
            2. Methods: may be those of open bargaining combined with secret bribery and violence (e.g., those of certain building trades organizations) or a secret “guerilla” warfare (e.g., that carried on by Bridge and Structural Iron Workers a few years ago).
      1. Labor combinations in the United States.
        Hoxie, Trade Unionism in the United States, 89-98, *103-135; Brissenden, The I.W.W.; C. H. Parker, The I.W.W., Atlantic Monthly, November, 1917; Marshall, Wright & Field, Materials for the Study of Elementary Economics, 668-694, 700-704.

        1. The early character of labor combination in both England and U. S. was idealistic, friendly, and altruistic. The members favored political action, cooperation and education. The Knights of Labor in the U. S. is an illustration.
        2. The American Federation of Labor.
          1. General characteristics.
            1. A loose federation of virtually independent unions. Because of the elastic character of the organization room has been found within the A.F. of L. for many diverse types of unions. Originally a federation of craft unions. Recently several industrial unions have been admitted to membership (e.g., United Mine Workers of America).
            2. Non-theoretical and opportunistic. Immediate results sought.
          2. Types of subordinate organizations.
            1. National and international unions.
            2. Local unions.
            3. Local and district councils: organizations of local craft unions in the same or allied industries to govern interrelations and deal with employers.
            4. City central labor unions: composed of delegates from the local unions of the A.F. of L. in a given city.
            5. State federation: organization of A.F. of L. union bodies within a given state.
            6. The departments: federations of allied national and international unions.
          3. Organic character of the A.F. of L.
            1. The annual convention, the sovereign power.
            2. The permanent executive council, to carry out the will of the convention.
          4. General functions of the A.F. of L.
            1. Administration of intercraft union affairs; settling jurisdictional disputes.
            2. Advancing labor’s interests by labor legislation.
            3. Maintenance of a labor press.
            4. Promoting the organization of wage-workers.
            5. Promoting the use of the union label.
            6. Mediation between unions and employers.
            7. Giving financial and moral assistance to unions on strike.
            8. Education and publicity.
          5. Weaknesses charged to the A.F. of L.
            1. Limited membership: less than 10% of workers.
            2. Lacks adherence of several strong unions, (e.g., R.R. brotherhoods.)
            3. Inability to organize laborers in great trust-controlled industries.
            4. Failure to organize and help unskilled labor.
            5. Jurisdictional disputes within A.F. of L.
            6. Tendency to pursue immediate results; opportunistic policy said to have limited its accomplishments.
            7. Craft form of organization not adapted to progressive specialization found in scientifically managed industries.
        3. The Railroad brotherhoods.
          1. General characteristics.
            1. Models of pure craft unions.
            2. Highly centralized control, disciplined membership.
            3. Skilled, specialized and highly paid membership.
            4. Conservative type business union.
            5. Recent tendency to change policy because of problem of government ownership of railroads — The Plumb Plan.
          2. Methods:
            1. Collective bargaining, trade agreements. Avoidance of strikes except as last resort.
            2. Legislation.
            3. Mutual insurance.
            4. Recent movement for Plumb Plan.
        4. The unions in the clothing industry.
          Budish and Soule, The New Unionism, 27-45, 256-273, 191-204.

          1. The nature of the clothing industry.
            1. Seasonal demand and seasonal unemployment.
            2. Highly competitive system and “contracting out” in small producing units.
            3. Prevalence of immigrant labor, large percentage of women.
          2. Union organization of the industry.
            1. Early prevalence of the sweat shop with low wages and bad sanitary conditions.
            2. Early failures to correct these evils by legislation and union organization.
            3. Rapid growth of unionism after 1914.
            4. The establishment of trade agreements and joint boards with impartial chairmen.
          3. Policies of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers as a type.
            1. Belief in industrial unionism.
            2. Ultimate aim to establish self-government and control in industry.
            3. Encouragement of collective bargaining, shop committees and “industrial government.”
            4. Opposition to sabotage as a hindrance to the training of the workers in self-government.
            5. Promotion of workers’ education and cooperative enterprises.
            6. Anti-restrictionist attitude toward immigration.
            7. Promotion of separate political action.
        5. Revolutionary Unionism.
          The types of labor combinations given above stand for the modification and improvement of the status of the laborer under the existing systems of government. Revolutionary unionism is opposed to the existing political as well as economic organization. It believes that no real improvement of the position of labor can take place under the present political regime. It is organized therefore with the expressed purpose of over-throwing the governments as they are, and reorganizing society so that labor will receive its proper share of the national dividend. The Industrial Workers of the World is the most prominent example of this form of labor combination in the U.S. (See 5.B.h.iv below. American Syndicalism: the I.W.W.)
      2. Labor combinations in Great Britain.
        S. & B. Webb, Industrial Democracy; G.D.H. Cole, An Introduction to Trade Unions; G.D.H. Cole, The World of Labor.
        British industry is rather thoroughly organized into unions of many varieties and types. Craft unions, industrial unions and general labor unions are found side by side, often competing for members in the same industry. Since these unions have grown up haphazardly, without control or direction, no common principle of organization is found. In England, as in the United States, there are two rival types at present contending for supremacy: craft unionism and industrial unionism.

        1. The growth in strength of organized labor in Great Britain.
          1. 1892: total population, United Kingdom, 40,000,000; membership of unions, 1,500,000; 4% of population organized; 20% of male manual workers organized; 3% of women workers organized.
          2. 1915: total population, 46,000,000; membership of unions, 4,127,000; 9% of population organized; 45% of male manual workers organized; 10% of women workers organized.
          3. In 1917 the total membership in the unions was 5,287,522.
        2. Types of labor organizations in Great Britain.
          1. The Miners’ Federation of Great Britain: a strong industrial federation.
            S. & B. Webb, Industrial Democracy, 51, 57, 146.
          2. The National Union of Railwaymen: an industrial union.
          3. Transport Workers’ Federation: a federation of unions among dock and vehicle workers.
            Webb, History of Trade Unionism, 499-502.
          4. Cotton, engineering (steel-working), and ship-building industries organized into a great many separate craft unions, of which the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (A.S.E.) is the most powerful.
          5. General labor unions: strong organizations including unskilled and general laborers in many industries. General labor unions have developed comparatively recently, for up to 1890 craft unions of skilled workers dominated the labor movement in Great Britain. The organization of unskilled workers has been carried forward rapidly since that date.
        3. Mechanism of unification and cooperation.
          S. & B. Webb, Industrial Democracy, 265-278.

          1. Trades’ councils; federations of local trade union branches in each particular district; workers in different industries included.
          2. National federations of trade unions: federal combinations of local or of national trade unions. These federations, many of them strongly centralized, add strength and unity to labor organization.
          3. The Triple Alliance: the first great inter-industrial federation in the British labor movement. A general alliance between the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain, the National Union of Railwaymen and the Transport Workers’ Federation to secure joint action in industrial disputes. The disintegration of the Triple Alliance in 1921. S. and B. Webb, History of Trade Unionism (1920), 516-517.
          4. The Trades Union Congress. (Approximately 75% of the membership of British trade unions are included in this Congress.)
            S. and B. Webb, History of Trade Unionism (1920), 561-575, 649-663.

              1. Character of the Congress: an annual conference of delegates from affiliated societies.
              2. The Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress. The central executive authority of the Congress.
                1. Limitation of powers, because it cannot enforce any obligation upon the affiliated unions.
                2. Resemblance to Executive committee of the A.F. of L.
              3. The functions of the Trade Union Congress and its parliamentary committee primarily industrial.
          5. The Labor Party. A federation of trade unions, socialist and other societies organized for purposes of political action. (See below: The use of the political weapon by labor.)
            Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 441-447.
        4. Policies and methods of British unions.
          1. Policies.
            1. Earlier policies: conservative uplift unionism.
            2. Radical character of recent policies: the fight for nationalization and participation in control. (See below.)
            3. The proposed use of the industrial weapon for political purposes.
          2. Methods.
            S. & B. Webb, Industrial Democracy, 796-806.

            1. Mutual insurance and benefits.
            2. Collective bargaining.
            3. Trade agreements; the standard rate.
            4. Legislation.
            5. Combined industrial action: the methods of the Triple Alliance.
    1. Combination among employers.
      *Hoxie, 188-206; Marshall, Wright and Field, Materials, 694-699.

      1. Types of employers’ organizations. There are many structural and functional types, corresponding closely to similar union bodies. In general, two main functional types may be distinguished.
        The conciliatory association, seeking to maintain industrial peace

        1. largely through bargaining and conciliation.
        2. The militant association, one of the chief objects of which is to break union organizations.
      2. Methods of militant employers’ associations.
        1. Effective counter organization, paralleling union structure.
        2. War on closed shop, by action and propaganda; blacklisting.
        3. Mutual aid; assistance given employers in time of strikes.
        4. Establishment of welfare plans, insurance and pension schemes which are subject to forfeiture in case of strike.
        5. Organization of counter-unions.
        6. The use of the law: injunctions and damage suits, etc.
        7. Methods of political action.
      3. Mediatory employers’ associations.
        1. Organization paralleling union structure.
        2. Collective bargaining and conciliation. (See below.)
      4. The employers’ associations and the principle of individualism. Significant departure from strict laissez-faire principles is involved in the formation of strong employers’ organizations.
    2. Relations between labor combinations and employers.
      1. Typical forms of collective bargaining in operation.
        *Hoxie, 254-275; Seager, Principles of Economics, 548-572; Taussig, Principles of Economics, Vol. 2, 313-322; Hamilton, 638-650, 663-666, 602-605, 731-739, 788-793; Marshall, Wright and Field, Materials, 683-691; Arthur Young, The International Harvester Industrial Council Plan; J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., The Colorado Industrial Plan.

        1. The “inside union”; collective bargaining with Works Committees. The Colorado plan; the Midvale plan; the International Harvester plan.
        2. Negotiation and trade agreements between organized workers and organized employers.
          1. Examples of negotiation in American industry: the bituminous coal situation; the garment workers.
          2. Subjects of negotiation and character of agreements reached. The principle of uniformity; the standard rate; the minimum wage.
          3. The legal character of trade agreements.
        3. Mediation, conciliation and arbitration by outside agencies as modes of securing industrial peace.
          Report of President Wilson’s Second Industrial Conference.

          1. Limited applicability. Questions of recognition of union and of open versus closed shop not usually open to arbitration.
          2. Boards of arbitration, public and private.
        4. Compulsory arbitration: employers and employees must accept decision of a judicial arbitration tribunal; the case of New Zealand.
          1. The object of compulsory arbitration: to prevent industrial stoppage due to strikes and lockouts.
          2. Difficulties of compulsory arbitration.
            1. Difficulty of enforcing findings against labor.
            2. In attempting to determine what are “fair” wages the tribunal must determine what are “fair” profits and “fair” interest. Whole distributive process thus subject to regulation.
          3. The present status of compulsory arbitration: the attitude of labor; the situation in New Zealand and Australia.
        5. Kansas Industrial Relations Court plan.
          Allen, Party of the Third Part.
          Some provisions of the law:

          1. Creation of a tribunal vested with “power, authority and jurisdiction” to hear and determine all controversies which tend to threaten the operation of essential industries.
          2. All essential industries must be operated with reasonable continuity. Permission to discontinue must be given by Court.
          3. Right of collective bargaining is recognized.
          4. Violations of the act are punishable by fine or imprisonment or both.
      2. The appeal to force.
        *Hamilton, 650-659, 677-680; Marshall, Wright & Field, Materials, 705-709; Adams and Sumner, Labor Problems, 175-212.

        1. The weapons of the unions.
          1. The strike in relation to collective bargaining.
            1. Definition: The refusal of a number of workingmen to sell their labor for less than a stipulated price or to work under other than specified conditions of employment, coupled with the refusal of the purchaser of that labor to accede to their demands.
            2. The sympathetic strike.
            3. The utility of the strike as a weapon for the attainment of union ends. The right to strike considered by labor to be an essential element in collective bargaining.
            4. Criticisms of the strike. Strikes and violence. Proposed laws prohibiting strikes.
          2. The ostracism of non-union workers.
          3. The boycott and the “unfair list”: means of discouraging the purchase of products of a hostile employer. The law against the boycott; the Danbury Hatters’ case.
        2. The weapons of the employer.
          1. The lockout.
          2. The black-list.
          3. The use of strike-breaking and detective agencies.
          4. The employers’ associations sometimes in a position to use the power of the state in breaking strikes.
      3. The weapons of revolutionary unionism. Disavowal of collective bargaining, conciliation, arbitration, and trade agreements.
        1. The strike.
        2. The general strike: a general stoppage of work in all industries.
          1. Attempts to utilize the weapon of the general strike in the past.
          2. The general strike as the weapon by which the revolutionary unionists hope to achieve their final objects.
        3. Sabotage; “Ca Cannie”; the “strike on the job.” The reduction of output by disabling machinery, working less efficiently, or destroying part of the product.
  1. Points of conflict between labor and capital and proposed solutions.
    *J. B. Andrews, Labor Problems and Labor Legislation, 23-44.
    (The discussion above has been confined largely to a description of the machinery of agreement, the means by which cooperation in production is normally secured. Some of the points at issue, other than that of collective bargaining, are now to be considered.)
    1. The struggle for higher wages.
      Hamilton, 586-602; 591-593; Marshall, Wright and Field, 643-647, 659-669; Seager, 583-590.

      1. Factors in the wage dispute.
        1. Earlier theories of wages according to which the remuneration of the laborer was fixed by agencies not in his control.
          1. Malthus and the subsistence theory of wages.
          2. The wages-fund theory.
        2. Wage levels in the early years of the Industrial Revolution. (See above, p. 30.)
        3. The standard of living and the fight for higher wages.
          1. Education and the standard of living.
          2. The struggle to maintain and to raise the standard of living an ever-present cause of conflict over wages.
          3. The standard of living and rising prices.
        4. The wage question and unionism. The standard rate an essential element in collective bargaining.
      2. Methods of adjusting wage disputes.
        1. Trade agreements as to wages. Such agreements constitute merely temporary solutions.
        2. Profit-sharing: an attempt to eliminate wage disputes, increase efficiency of workers and harmonize the interests of employers and employed by giving the workers a share in the profits.
          1. Types of profit-sharing.
          2. Advantages and defects of profit-sharing.
          3. Failure of profit-sharing to eliminate industrial disputes.
        3. Bonus and premium systems, involving additional rewards to exceptional men for added output.
          1. Object: increase in output without increase in labor cost per unit.
          2. Opposition of organized labor to these systems, based upon
            1. Tendency of such arrangements to weaken collective spirit in laborers.
            2. Danger of pace-making.
            3. Alleged cutting of rates by employers if earnings of men become large.
        4. The legal minimum wage.
          1. Definition: A minimum wage established by the state for work of a certain sort or workers of a certain class.
          2. The argument against the minimum wage: wages are automatically adjusted to the productive ability of the worker, and cannot be set above this point by legal enactment.
          3. The argument for the minimum wage.
            1. Exploitation of workers, especially women and children, must be prevented.
            2. Adequate standard of living must be maintained, and it is the duty of the state to see that this standard is not lowered.
          4. The application of minimum wage laws presents the problem of providing for the inefficient and the unemployable.
    2. The struggle for shorter hours.
      *Andrews, Labor Problems and Labor Legislation, 45-69; Hamilton, 784-787; Seager, 574-583; Goldmark, Fatigue and Efficiency; Marshall, Wright and Field, 716-721; Commons and Andrews, Principles of Labor Legislation, 221-286.

      1. The efficiency argument for short hours.
        1. Investigations concerning the relation of fatigue to efficiency.
        2. The experience of the war: the economy of short hours.
      2. Other arguments for short hours.
        1. Necessity of protecting women and children.
        2. Necessity of regulating hours in dangerous occupations.
        3. Short hours and democracy. Necessity of leisure for education and participation in the life of the democracy.
      3. The legal regulation of hours.
        1. Laws regulating hours of labor of children. State and federal legislation in United States.
          1. The federal law of 1916 forbidding interstate traffic in goods produced by children working long hours; set aside by Supreme Court.
          2. The federal tax on the profits of establishments employing children between 14 and 16 at night or for more than 8 hours daily. 1919.
        2. State legislation limiting hours of labor of women.
        3. Recent movements toward legal regulation of men’s hours. The Adamson railroad law establishing 8 hours as the standard for pay.
      4. Limitation of hours through collective bargaining.
        1. The 8-hour day being largely established through direct bargaining.
        2. The movement toward further reduction of hours: the 44-hour week.
      5. Increased productivity versus shorter hours.
        *Hamilton, 700-705.
    3. Conditions of employment.
      Andrews, Labor Problems and Labor Legislation, 69-82, 83-92; Hamilton, 566-570; 577-578, 584-586; Seager, Principles, 583-590; Seager, Social Insurance; Marshall, Wright & Field, 721-723; Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 568-641. Commons and Andrews, 323-382.

      1. Safety.
        1. General nature and causes of industrial accidents. Types of dangerous occupations.
        2. The cost of industrial accidents.
          1. The burden as borne by the workers; the theory that wages are adjusted to risk.
          2. Social results of this system.
        3. Methods of reducing the number of industrial accidents.
          1. Trade union regulations concerning working conditions.
          2. Industrial safety laws.
        4. Workmen’s compensation laws as a means of relieving the worker of the cost of accidents.
      2. Health.
        1. Nature and causes of occupational diseases.
        2. The improvement of working conditions and the reduction in amount of occupational disease through legal and trade union action. Prohibition of dangerous substances and regulation of working conditions.
        3. The movement for social insurance as a method of relieving the worker of the burden of sickness.
      3. Working conditions under the “sweat-shop” system.
        1. The evils of tenement house manufacture: congestion, unsanitary conditions, low wages, long hours, child labor.
        2. The fight against the sweating system.
    4. Scientific management.
      *Hamilton, 705-713; *Hoxie, 296-348; Marshall, Wright & Field, 219-233; Goldmark, Fatigue and Efficiency, 192-210; Marot, Creative Impulse in Industry, 29-55.

      1. The meaning of “scientific management.”
        1. The application to machines and workers of scientifically established laws governing the processes of production and the modes of payment for the purpose of increasing efficiency in industry.
        2. Time and motion study the method by which the facts and laws of efficient production are to be established.
          1. Narrow conception of time and motion study: an instrument for task-setting and efficiency rating merely.
          2. Broader conception: time and motion study as a method of analysis applicable to every feature of the productive and distributive process.
      2. Scientific management and production. Systematic scientific study of productive processes and methods affords possibility of great increase of world’s productive efficiency, a possibility which should be utilized.
      3. Scientific management in the mechanical and in the human sphere.
        1. The unquestioned success of scientific management in dealing with the mechanical, material factor in production; efficient mechanical arrangements and processes have been established.
        2. Inability of scientific management to discover objective laws of universal validity in regard to the human factor.
        3. Danger that scientific management will reduce workers to a little-skilled, interchangeable, unorganized mass.
          1. The tendency to extreme specialization.
          2. Traditional craft knowledge systematized in the hands of the employer; the workers’ skill vested in the foreman and manager.
          3. Established crafts and craftsmanship tend to break down.
      4. The opposition of organized labor to scientific management.
        1. Reasons given for labor opposition.
          1. Danger of narrow specialization and loss of craftsmanship.
          2. Undemocratic character of scientific management, with tendency to break down collective bargaining.
          3. Unfair character of tasks set and wages paid.
          4. Scientific management a device for increasing production and profits.
          5. Scientific management a speeding up and sweating system.
          6. Work under scientific management is monotonous routine.
          7. Continuity and certainty of employment lessened.
        2. Fundamental antagonism of scientific management and dominant type of modern unionism, the essential principle of which is uniformity.
      5. The problem of securing the benefits of increased productivity which scientific management can give, without reducing the status and craftsmanship of the worker.
        1. Antagonism of labor will persist if scientific management is used as an instrument for profit-making and exploiting the workers.
        2. Human defects of scientific management may in part be overcome by
          1. A broad and universally applied system of industrial education.
          2. Fuller and more intelligent participation by labor in the processes of industrial production.
    5. Insecurity of employment.
      Hamilton, 545-566, *547-549, 554-566; Marshall, Wright and Field, 709-715; W.H. Beveridge, Unemployment; Andrews, 7-21; F. C. Mills, Theories of Unemployment and of Unemployment Relief, 118-164.

      1. General causes of insecurity of employment.
        1. Seasonal fluctuations in the demand for labor.
        2. Cyclical fluctuations in the demand for labor.
        3. Necessity of labor reserve due to the casual character of employment in many industries.
        4. Changes in industrial structure resulting in decreased demand for labor of certain types.
        5. Deficiencies of industrial training.
        6. Old age and personal deficiencies.
      2. Results of insecurity of employment.
        1. Decreased productivity of industry.
        2. Evil effects of uncertainty of employment upon the worker.
        3. The evil of under-employment and under-nourishment.
        4. The development of the habit of casual employment.
        5. The migratory laborer a product of seasonal and casual demand for labor. Evil results of a migratory existence.
      3. Proposed methods of remedying insecurity of employment.
        1. The organization of the labor market. Haphazard hawking of labor should be replaced by systematic placing of labor through governmentally organized employment offices.
        2. The regularization of industry.
        3. Diversification of industries and systematic distribution of public work to offset fluctuations in demand for labor.
        4. Adequate industrial training.
        5. Unemployment insurance to protect worker during periods of unavoidable unemployment.
    6. Immigration in its relation to the labor problem.
      Hamilton, 496-527; 496-516; Frances Kellor, Immigration and the Future, 227-258. *See Appendix III, 4 (p. 146).

      1. The character of recent immigration to the United States contrasted with earlier immigration.
        1. Marked predominance of northern and western Europeans prior to 1890.
        2. The influx of southern and eastern Europeans since 1890; the stimulation of immigration by steamship companies and large employers of labor.
      2. Date of change in character of immigration practically corresponds with date of exhaustion of free land in U.S. Immigrants after 1890 thus became definitely laborers, rather than settlers and independent farmers.
      3. Problems arising from the changed character of recent immigration.
        1. Language and educational differences; the necessity of immigrant education today.
        2. Differences in standards of living.
          1. Inability of workers with high standards to compete with some of new arrivals.
          2. The forcing down of wages in unskilled occupations.
        3. Difficulties arising from the congestion of immigrant population in large cities; relation to unemployment and to the sweating system.
        4. Recent immigrants and organized labor.
          1. Occasional use of immigrants as strike-breakers.
          2. Difficulty of organizing immigrants.
          3. Successful organization of immigrants in certain industries within recent years.
      4. The problem of future immigration.
        1. Reasons advanced for curbing immigration.
          1. The alleged racial inferiority of certain types.
          2. The question of “hyphenated” Americans.
          3. The maintenance of the American standard of living.
          4. The danger of over-population and of forcing wages to a subsistence level.
          5. The difficulty of educating and absorbing large numbers of immigrants of a different culture.
        2. Arguments advanced for a continuance of our former immigration policy.
          1. There is no basis for the claim of racial inferiority of certain types.
          2. The United States must continue to furnish a haven for the oppressed of the world.
          3. American industries need a large supply of immigrant labor. More labor, not less, is needed, for overpopulation is a very distant danger.
          4. Immigrants make intellectual and moral contributions which are valuable to American democracy.
          5. Education and absorption will not be difficult if congestion in large cities is prevented.
        3. Proposed policies.
          1. The continuance of a selective immigration policy.
            1. Exclusion of paupers and illiterates.
            2. Prevention of stimulation of immigration.
            3. Perfection of machinery for educating and absorbing immigrants.
          2. Complete exclusion, permanently, or for a term of years.
        4. The recent immigration act, 1921.
    7. Recognition of the Union.
      The closed versus the open shop.

      1. Open shop with no recognition of unions.
      2. The closed shop with the closed union may result in a form of labor monopoly.
      3. The closed shop with the open union.
    8. Participation in management. (The demands of organized labor have in the past been confined in the main to questions of hours, wages and conditions of employment. Within recent years, however, questions of management and control have come within the scope of labor’s interest. In England and, to a lesser extent, in the United States, organized labor is now seeking to secure a share in the control of industrial undertakings, especially the large public service enterprises such as mining and transportation. This question is taken up below, in the section on “The problem of control in industry.”)

3. The organization of production: competition versus combination and monopoly.
*Clay, Economics for General Reader, 107-115; Seligman, 139-150. *Hamilton, 429-478; Seager, Chaps. XXIII, XXV.

  1. The meaning and significance of competition.
    1. The doctrine of laissez-faire in industry; its importance during the nineteenth century. The basis of laissez-faire: the belief that an individual in seeking to advance his own interests is thereby, “as if led by a hidden hand,” advancing the interests of society.
    2. The meaning of modern business competition: the struggle to obtain the largest possible amount of wealth in exchange for commodities produced or services rendered.
    3. Competition the regulating factor by which the flow of economic goods is directed.
    4. Relation between competition and cooperation: both a conflict and a community of interests between individuals and groups in the modern economic system.
    5. The extent of competition today.
      1. Limitations placed on competition by government.
      2. Limitations placed on competition by agreement and combination between competitors.
      3. Inherent limitation because of the unnecessary expenses of competition in advertising; duplication of plant and services.
      4. Ultimate limitation claimed by some, who point out the general waste and social loss resulting from unregulated competition. This loss is illustrated by over-production, unequal, “unfair” and cut-throat competition.
  1. Combination in business and industry.
    (Note — Monopolistic control may be obtained by forcing competitors out of business either by underselling or by taking them into a combination. The latter form has been the more prominent in recent years.)
    1. The movement toward combination in recent years.
      1. Causes of movement toward combination. (See above.)
      2. Forms of combination.
        1. The selling agreement.
        2. The pool.
        3. The trust.
        4. The holding company.
        5. The giant (unified) corporation.
      3. To what extent has the movement toward combination been a natural one and to what extent a forced one?
    2. Advantages of combination.
      1. General advantages of large-scale production. (Cf. above.)
      2. Monopolistic or semi-monopolistic advantages due to limitation of competition and partial or complete control of prices and markets through the complete or partial limitation of the supply of the monopolized commodity.
    3. Disadvantages of combination.
      1. Difficulty of adequate supervision and control.
      2. Tendency toward loss of personal initiative among employees.
      3. Burden of uneconomical charges carried (e.g., promotors’ profits, “water” of various types, etc.).
  1. Competition versus combination in relation to the consumer
    1. Productive advantages of combinations in certain industries and avoidance of competitive charges make possible a lowering of price to consumers.
    2. If a combination secures a monopolistic or semi-monopolistic position extortionate prices may be charged. Thus competitive charges may be in some cases lower and in some cases higher than those of a combination. The problem is: How may the advantages of large-scale production be secured without placing unregulated monopolistic power in the hands of combinations? Governmental action has been found necessary to secure this.
  2. The attitude of the state toward combinations.
    1. The historical development of governmental policy.
      1. The early attempts to enforce competition and to prohibit combination. Anti-trust laws: the Sherman Act, 1890, prohibiting monopolies and combinations “in restraint of trade.”
      2. The recognition of the necessity of permitting combination in certain fields; the problem of regulating combination.
    2. The present situation in the United States.
      1. The Clayton Act; reenforces the Sherman Act and makes illegal
        1. Intercorporate stockholding when the effect may be to lessen competition.
        2. Interlocking directorates.
        3. Discriminatory trade practices.
      2. Federal Trade Commission; vested with wide powers of investigation and supervision.
  1. Proposed solutions of the Trust problem.
    1. Regulatory remedies.
      1. Full publicity.
      2. Strict prohibition of unfair competition.
      3. Prevention of monopolistic practices.
      4. Federal incorporation.
      5. Strict regulation by government commissions.
    2. Remedies involving greater changes in the industrial system. (Government ownership, and socialistic and syndicalistic proposals are discussed below.)

4. Problems connected with the distribution of the annual social income.
King, Wealth and Income of the People of the United States, 154-167; Ely, Outlines of Economics, 384-405; Seager, Chap. XI; Seligman, 352-431; Clay, 279-354. See Appendix, III, 5, (p. 147).

  1. General statement of the problem. The total volume of goods produced each year constitutes an annual flow of consumable commodities and services which are apportioned among the agents of production. A share goes to the owners of the natural agents, a share to the owners of capital, a share to the laborers, and a share to the business organizers of production — the entrepreneurs. Money income is merely a claim to a share in the distribution of commodities and services which constitute the real income of an individual or a group. Many of the current economic problems arise from disputes concerning the right of certain of the agents of production to shares in this distribution, and from attempts of the different agents to increase their own shares. As the organizing factor in production the business enterpriser evaluates the services rendered by each of the other factors. Payment of the shares in distribution to the other agents is made through him. The fundamental question in distribution is: What determines the amount the business enterpriser must pay to each of the other agents and the amount he may keep for himself?
  2. Briefly stated, the following are the principles on which distribution takes place today:
    1. The owners of the natural agents of production receive a share in the social income which is called rent. The amount of the rent paid the owner of any particular piece of land depends upon the relative advantage resulting from the utilization of that piece, as compared with others. This differential advantage may be due to
      1. Favorable location.
      2. Fertility (or richness, as in the case of mines). Payment to the owners of these natural agents is based upon the fact of possession. The question as to whether the owner inherited the site, bought it when it was worth little and held it till its value increased, or bought it at its present value with money earned by his own labor has nothing to do with his receipt of a share in the social income, under the present distributive system.
    1. Interest. The owners of capital receive a return which is called interest. The amount of interest paid at any time for the use of a given amount of capital depends upon the amount of available capital in existence and upon the strength of the demand for the use of it. Business men are willing to pay for the capital borrowed because, by the use of capital, the productiveness of labor is increased (e.g., a man with a plough is more effective in tilling the soil than a man with a pointed stick). It is believed that the stimulus of interest is necessary in order to promote saving. Interest is paid to the owner of capital irrespective of the means by which he may have acquired ownership, whether by personal abstinence, inheritance, gift, or other means.
    2. Wages. The share of the annual income paid for labor, physical or mental, is called wages. In general, those who receive this form of income may be divided into six non-competing groups, set off from each other by differences of education and training, environmental differences, and differences of inborn gifts:
      1. Unskilled day laborers.
      2. Semi-skilled workers.
      3. Skilled workmen.
      4. Clerical workers.
      5. Professional workers.
      6. Salaried business managers.

Within each of these groups wages tend to a rough equality. The wage received by an individual within any group is fixed, in general, somewhere between a lower limit set by the standard of living (a standard of bare physical subsistence in the lowest group) and an upper limit determined by the relative degree of efficiency or indispensability of the labor constituting that group. This degree of indispensability will depend upon his productive ability, upon the number of workers within the group of equal productive ability, and upon the character of the demand for workers of that particular type. The point at which wages will be fixed between these two limits is determined by the relative bargaining power of employers and workers.

    1. Profits. The share in income which the business enterpriser receives is called profits. It is a residual share, left over after the other agents of production have been paid. Profits vary greatly in amount depending upon the degree of risk undertaken, the extent to which competition or monopoly operates in a given industry, and the degree of exceptional efficiency found in a given individual. Competitive profits tend to disappear, insofar as true competition operates, but profits based upon a monopolistic advantage do not.
      Summary. The distribution of the annual social income today is thus, in general, based upon the strategic strength of the position occupied by the owners of the various agents of production. Those individuals or groups which are in a relatively strong position, whose services are indispensable, (or relatively so) for any one of a number of reasons, secure a relatively high return. Those whose services are less indispensable, due to weaker demand for their products, greater number of competitors, lower efficiency, receive a lower return. The degree of indispensability, it is important to note, may depend upon personal efficiency, or upon any one of a number of other factors.
  1. Arguments advanced to justify the present distributive system.
    1. Distribution under the present system is based upon competitive efficiency. Society gains by giving high prizes to the highly efficient.
    2. Inequalities of capacity must be recognized; corresponding inequalities of reward are justified.
    3. The various distributive shares at present criticized, such as interest, rent, profits, high salaries, are necessary to secure the services called forth — thrift necessary for accumulation of capital, effective use of land, and high business ability.
    4. Such payments as do not represent services (as rent) are necessarily involved in the retention of the system of private property, and are therefore legally and economically justifiable.
  1. Arguments advanced against the present system of distribution.
    1. Distribution today is based chiefly upon the power to take, and only secondarily upon productive efficiency. Accordingly not all shares in distribution serve as stimuli to production.
    2. Men would save their surplus money, use their land effectively, and develop their individual capacities to the full without the bribe of a special pecuniary reward.
    3. Rent, in particular, does not arise as a result of personal effort and therefore should belong to the community as a whole.
    4. The stimulus of profits has perverted business enterprise from the production of commodities as the chief end to that of profit-making, with a consequent loss to the consumers. Greater profits may be made in some cases by limiting production than by increasing production.
  1. Proposed changes in the system of distribution.
    *Russell, Proposed Roads to Freedom, 86-110.
    1. Continuance of present system, insofar as payments are based upon efficiency and productive ability, but with state appropriation of unearned increments; limitation of great fortunes and of rights of inheritance; the use of taxation as a means of correcting distributive injustice.
    2. [Socialistic and communistic ideals. (See below, p. 94.)
      1. Distribution on the basis of need; i.e., approximately equal distribution, irrespective of work performed.
      2. Distribution on the basis of sacrifice; payment based on irksomeness of various occupations.]

5. The problem of control in industry.

  1. [The present system of control and management in industry: a brief restatement.
    1. Chief characteristics of modern system
      1. The system of private property.
      2. The four-fold division of function in production.
      3. The status, and degree of initiative, responsibility and control resting in each of the agents of production.
      4. The importance of large-scale industry today.
    2. Advantages claimed for the present system of management.
      1. Strong and efficient leaders reach the top and exercise power.
      2. Scope given for initiative and individual ability.
      3. Quantity production secured.
      4. Prices kept down by rigorous competition for markets.
      5. Compatible with human nature; strong instincts of acquisitiveness and pugnacity satisfied in a competitive system based on private property and survival of the strongest.
    3. Defects charged to the present system.
      1. Characterized by inefficiency in production.
        1. Duplication of services; competitive waste.
        2. Business side of industry over-developed at expense of productive efficiency; production subordinated to profits.
      2. Chaotic system of distribution; lack of order and system in marketing organization.
      3. Periodic breakdowns (financial panics and business depressions) constitute a fundamental weakness.
      4. Many individuals performing no useful service continue to share in the social income, while many productive workers continue to live in poverty.
      5. An autocratic rather than a democratic form of government exists in industry.
      6. Continual labor unrest affords evidence that the present industrial system does violence to human nature.
  1. Proposed solutions of the problem of industrial control.
    1. Competitive individualism: continuance of the nineteenth century system without state interference.
      1. Conditions involved in this type of solution.
        1. Maintenance of full private property rights.
        2. Restoration of complete freedom of competition.
        3. Restoration and maintenance of individual bargaining; denial of right of collective bargaining; refusal to recognize labor organizations.
      2. Advantages claimed for competitive individualism. (Cf. above.)
      3. Difficulties involved in this solution. (Cf. above.)
        1. Recent changes in industrial structure, type and size of modern industrial unit, development of corporate form of organization, large scale enterprise, render impossible the maintenance of such a system.
        2. Return to this individualistic system impossible in view of present unrest.
    2. Continuance of present system of control; amelioration of labor conditions and limited degree of regulation of industry by the State.
      Object: The maintenance of the advantages of the present competitive system and the avoidance of competitive excesses by state protection of labor and state regulation of competition and monopoly. ‘The New Freedom.’
    3. Continuance of present system of management with collective bargaining in matters of wages, hours, and general conditions of employment.
      1. Collective bargaining in the organized trades today. (Cf . above.)
      2. Trade union control under this system.
        1. Negative character of trade union control; union rules and regulations necessarily restrictive, in that direct and positive control is exercised by the employer.
        2. This control, though negative, constitutes an important factor in the management of industry today.
      3. Inability of trade unions and industrial unions as at present organized to take over more effective control.
        1. Faulty organization; jurisdictional disputes.
        2. Lack of effective coordination between unions.
        3. Lack of adequate leadership.
        4. Technical experts and managers not included in union organization.
        5. The difficulty of securing capital.]
    4. Full collective bargaining, with a share in control vested in labor; the English program.
      *Hamilton, 716-729; Memorandum of the Industrial Situation after the War, (Garton Foundation), 158-175.

      1. Recognition and encouragement by the State of organization on the part of employers and workers.
      2. The National Industrial Council: a national council to secure joint action between representative organizations of employers and workers, prevent and adjust industrial disputes, and to serve as official consultative authority to the government upon industrial relations.
      3. Machinery of organization within each industry. The Whitley scheme.
        1. Joint Standing Industrial Councils (National) composed of representatives of employers and employed in each industry.
        2. District Councils: representative of trade unions and employers’ associations in each district.
        3. Works Committees: representative of management and workers in particular plants.
      4. Functions of Works Committees, District Councils and National Councils.
        1. To deal with questions of hours, wages and conditions of employment.
        2. To provide security and continuity of earnings and employment.
        3. To provide for technical education, training, and industrial research.
        4. To deal with proposed legislation affecting the industry.
      5. The advantages and limitations of the Whitley Plan and similar proposals: attitude of organized labor.
    5. The Cooperative system.
      Seager, Chap. XXXI; S. and B. Webb, A Constitution for the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain, 248-263.

      1. The object of cooperation: the elimination of the managing employer and of private profits; general policy settled and risks assumed by cooperators as a body; ownership and control vested in a body of cooperating equals.
      2. Cooperation in retail and wholesale trading; success of the Rochdale stores and the Schulze-Delitzsch societies.
      3. Cooperation in production. Comparative lack of success in this field.
        1. Character of operations fundamentally different from those of retail trading and banking.
        2. Difficulty of carrying on production on large scale, due to lack of capital.
        3. Failure to secure capable leaders.
      4. Cooperative Credit Societies.
    6. Government ownership of great public service industries (nationalization); control by joint boards representing workers, managers, and public.
      1. The proposed organization of the English coal mining industry; the Sankey Report.
        *Coal Industry Commission Act, 1919 Second Stage, Reports, 5-26.

        1. State purchase of coal royalties and coal mines.
        2. Control by councils of workers, consumers and technical experts, under the general supervision of a Ministry of Mines; the National Mining Council, District Mining Councils, and Local Mining Councils.
      2. The Plumb Plan for railroad re-organization in the U.S. [Plumb Plan Weekly: Vol. I, No. 1; Vol. I, No. 2; Vol. I, No. 3; Vol. I, No. 4; Vol. I, No. 5; Vol. I, No. 6; Vol. I, No. 8; Vol. I, No. 9]
        *The Sims Bill. [Representative Thetus Sims of Tennessee was the ranking Democrat of the House Interstate Commerce Committee]

        1. Government purchase of all railroad systems, on basis of capital invested.
        2. Administration.
          1. Operation of roads by a board of fifteen directors, five representing the public, five the managers, five the classified employees.
          2. Rate-making by Interstate Commerce Commission.
        3. Division of surplus between government and employees, provided that if surplus exceeds a certain percentage of the operating revenues, rates must be reduced; deficits to be met by government.
      3. The present status of the Sankey scheme and the Plumb Plan. Significance of these proposals.
    7. Collectivism: ownership and control of all industrial undertakings by the state; State Socialism.
      *Hamilton, 847-860; *Russell, Proposed Roads to Freedom, 1-31; Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 477-567; Gide and Rist, History of Economic Doctrines, 407-479.

      1. The general principles of Socialism.
        1. Abolition of private property in the means of production (land and capital), with retention of private property in articles of personal use. Collective (State) ownership of means of production.
        2. Administration of collectively owned industrial system through a democratic political organization.
        3. Abolition of wage system as at present constituted.
      2. The basic doctrines of Marxian Socialism.
        1. The materialistic interpretation of history. All human phenomena can be explained in terms of the underlying material facts of life. Irresistible economic forces shape human history.
        2. The law of the concentration of capital. Capitalistic undertakings tend to become larger and larger; small competitive enterprises tend to disappear, and to be replaced by great trusts.
        3. The class war. Increasing concentration of capital leads to division of society into two great classes, the capitalist class and the wage-earning class, bourgeoisie and proletariat. Between these two classes a struggle will go on until all wage earners combine, locally, nationally and internationally, and take over the ownership and control of land and capital for the common good. View of Marx that this process of concentration of capital, increasing misery, class war and ultimate social control is natural and inevitable, a working out of irresistible economic forces. The Communist Manifesto. The great influence of Marx on socialist thought.
      3. Other types of socialistic doctrine; the Fabian policy of securing reforms and collective ownership gradually, by the use of constitutional methods; the Socialist Party in politics.
      4. The Socialist program today; arguments advanced for a Socialistic organization of industry, and objections to it.
    8. Syndicalism: ownership and control by the workers in each industry. (See above: The Industrial Workers of the World.)
      Russell, Proposed Roads to Freedom, 56-85; Kirkaldy, Economics and Syndicalism; Gide and Rist, 479-483; Brissenden, The I.W.W., 155-177, 259-282.

      1. General principles of syndicalism.
        1. Organization of industry by the workers as producers, not as consumers. The industry as the unit of ownership and control; ownership by organized labor.
        2. Substitution of industrial (direct) action for political action; boycott, union label, strike, and sabotage. The general strike the chief weapon.
        3. Destruction of the state.
      2. Syndicalism in practice.
        1. French syndicalism: The C.G.T.
        2. [American syndicalism: The I.W.W] (See iv below.)
      3. Syndicalism as a working principle of industrial organization; advantages claimed for it and objections to it.
      4. The Industrial Workers of the World.
        C. H. Parker, The Casual Laborer.

        1. Their principles.
          1. Class conflict. “The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the world organize as a class, take possession of the earth and the machinery of production, and abolish the wage system”: Preamble of the I.W.W. Constitution.
          2. Abolition of the wage system.
          3. Organization on industrial instead of craft lines.
            1. The doctrine of working class solidarity, “One Big Union.”
            2. The organization of the unskilled together with the skilled; opposition to labor aristocracy.
          4. Accomplishment of ends by direct industrial action.
            [Note: A seceding wing of the Industrial Workers of the World (Detroit Branch) favors political action, but the dominant group (Chicago Branch) disavows political organization.]
          5. Ultimate complete control of the industrial system by the workers; control of the political system will necessarily accompany industrial control.
        1. The structure of I.W.W.
          1. The local industrial union.
          2. The District Industrial Council.
          3. The International Industrial Department.
          4. The General Executive Board.
            1. Power originally strongly centralized in the Executive Board.
            2. The movement toward decentralization; present weakness of the central authority.
        2. Method and tactics of the I.W.W.
          1. Direct action; various forms of direct action; sabotage.
          2. Free speech fights as means of propaganda.
          3. The general strike.
        3. The I.W.W. today.
          1. Membership.
            1. Confined to textile, steel, lumber, mining, farming, railroad construction and marine transportation industries.
            2. Majority of members migratory unskilled workers; a radical, militant, relatively unstable group recruited from industries characterized by irregularity of employment and bad working conditions.
            3. Numerical strength: not over 60,000 members at present. Actual influence not measured by paid-up membership.
          2. The I.W.W. as a social phenomenon; conditions and causes of its existence.
          3. Weaknesses of the I.W.W.
            1. Inability to maintain stable membership.
            2. Organic weaknesses due to internal conflict.
              1. Centralization of power versus decentralization.
              2. Constructive industrial unionism versus the revolutionary ideal of uncontrolled agitation, “guerilla” warfare against authority.
            3. Financial weakness.
            4. Membership unfitted for constructive endeavor.
          4. The future of industrial unionism in the United States; the agitation for industrial unionism in the A.F. of L.; dual unionism versus “boring from within.”
    1. Guild Socialism: a compromise type of organization, standing between collectivism and syndicalism.
      *Russell, 80-85; G.D.H. Cole, Self Government in Industry; S.G. Hobson, Guild Principles in War and Peace; *Hamilton, 860-870, G.D.H. Cole, Guild Socialism, 187-195.

      1. General principles of guild organization.
        1. Ownership of the means of production by the State, as trustees for the community.
        2. Management of industrial undertakings by guilds or workers in each industry, acting also as trustees for the community; payment of tax or rent to State.
        3. The Guild Congress: a body consisting of representatives of all National Guilds, and having supreme authority in industrial matters.
        4. Parliament to retain supreme authority in political matters; Parliament to represent consumers.
        5. Joint Committee of Parliament and Guild Congress to deal with conflicts arising between the two bodies; Joint Committee to reconcile interests of producers and consumers.
        6. Adjustment of prices by Joint Committee.
        7. Adjustment of pay within each industry by the National Guild controlling that industry.
      2. Guild socialism as a possible working principle; advantages claimed for it; objections to it.

Source: Columbia University. Introduction to Contemporary Civilization — A Syllabus, (Third edition, 1921), pp. 70-96.

Image Source: Cover of Labor Problems and Labor Legislation by John Bertram Andrews (1919).

 

 

 

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Economics Programs Undergraduate Yale

Yale. The State of Economics at Yale. Reynolds, 1951

 

The chairman of Yale’s economics department in 1951, Lloyd G. Reynolds, found his department in the crosshairs of alumni enraged by the charge of collectivist indoctrination leveled by young William F. Buckley, Jr. (Yale ’1950) in his book that was a call-to-action for religious and individualist alumni of Yale to voice their opposition to the influence of atheism and collectivism on campus. Paul Samuelson’s textbook Economics was offered as Exhibit No. 1 of the collectivist rot found in the Yale economics department. Buckley’s bottom-line was explicit though not specific. 

Image Source: PBS, American Masters. S38 EP3: The incomparable Mr. Buckley.

“I shall not say, then, what specific professors should be discharged, but I will say some ought to be discharged. I shall not indicate what I consider to be the dividing line that separates the collectivist from the individualist, but I will say that such a dividing line ought, thoughtfully and flexibly, to be drawn. I will not suggest the manner in which the alumni ought to be consulted and polled on this issue, but I will say that they ought to be, and soon, and that the whole structure of Yale’s relationship to her alumni, as has been previously indicated, ought to be reexamined.
Far wiser and more experienced men can train their minds to such problems. I should be satisfied if they feel impelled to do so, and I should be confident that the job would be well done.”

SourceGod and Man at Yale: The Superstitions of “Academic Freedom”Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1951 (pp. 197-8).

And so, in the interest of damage control, Reynolds found himself out on the stump speaking to alumni and other potential donors. This post gives us Reynold’s response to youthful calumny from the future darling of the extreme conservative fringe in the U.S.

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An earlier post on Yale economics

1999 musings about Economics at Yale by a few Yale economics professors.

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In Memoriam: Lloyd Reynolds
[2005]

Shaped fields of labor relations and economics

Lloyd G. Reynolds, a scholar who shaped the fields of labor and economic development and transformed Yale’s Department of Economics, died April 9 at his home in Washington, D.C., after a series of strokes.

He was 94 years old.

Born and raised on a frontier settlement in the Canadian province of Alberta, Reynolds earned a B.A. at the University of Alberta, an M.A. at McGill University and a Ph.D. at Harvard University. He held an instructorship at the latter institution before becoming a professor at Johns Hopkins University.

During World War II, as federal spending increased at a furious pace, Reynolds took leave from Johns Hopkins to serve in 1942-1943 as chief economist of the War Manpower Commission, and in 1943-1945 as a public member of the Appeals Committee for the National Labor Relations Board. At these institutions, he successfully labored to prevent wartime budget deficits from turning into price and wage inflation.

During and after the war, Reynolds served widely in governmental and private agencies as labor mediator, consultant, officer and committee member, lending his analytic, organizational and administrative skills to the Bureau of the Budget, the Agency for International Development, the Industrial Relations Research Association, the Ford Foundation, the National Bureau of Economic Research and the American Economic Association.

In 1945, Reynolds joined the Yale faculty, where he remained for 35 years until his retirement in 1980. In 1951, he became chair of Yale’s Department of Economics. In the next eight years, he increased the number of faculty in economics from 31 to 65, including such notable scholars as William Fellner, Tjalling Koopmans, John Montias, Hugh Patrick, Gustav Ranis, James R. Tobin, Robert Triffin and Henry Wallich. Two later won Nobel Prizes. A third Nobel Laureate, Simon Kuznets, was soon wooed back to Harvard.

In later years, Yale President Kingman Brewster liked to tell the story of meeting Reynolds on Martha’s Vineyard. Brewster remembered asking Reynolds, “Would you take me out behind the barn some day and tell me how it is you turned one of the worst departments in the country into one of the best?”

“I don’t have to take you out behind the barn,” replied Reynolds. “It’s very simple — just be willing to hire people who are brighter than you are.”

Early in his term as chair, Reynolds confronted the firestorm caused by the publication of “God and Man at Yale,” in which William Buckley criticized “the hot collectivist turn taken by the [economics] faculty after the war” and argued that such faculty should be fired. “Whit Griswold [Brewster’s predecessor as Yale president] sent me out on the road,” he liked to recall, “with the football coach, to talk to the alumni. Usually the coach spoke first, and after that … the alumni didn’t much want to hear about the economics department.”

Twice during the 1950s, Reynolds took brief leaves from Yale to direct the Ford Foundation’s new program of support for developing countries. At the end of that decade, he convinced Ford to donate $15 million to establish the Yale Economic Growth Center, where he served as founding director until 1967. The center annually brings together about 30 faculty and visiting economists studying the growth process.

When Reynolds retired from Yale, the Graduate School minutes recorded a tribute which reads in part: “[I]n the early 1950s, he was able to convert a spirited defense of the department against right wing critics into an occasion for the substantial infusion of outside resources. It was his great capacity to recognize talent in others which helped attract a first-rate faculty, including the move of the Cowles Commission to Yale.”

In 1949, Reynolds published “Labor Economics and Labor Relations” (Prentice Hall). Now in its 11th edition, this textbook is widely credited with creating the field of labor economics. Over the course of a half century, Reynolds published 10 scholarly books and dozens of articles in the fields of labor economics, economic development and comparative economic systems. He published five introductory economics texts, trying his ideas out first on Yale’s undergraduates. Reynolds was an institution at Yale graduations, where for more than 30 years, as senior fellow of the college, he carried the Berkeley mace as he led the seniors into the Old Campus.

Reynolds had a lifelong fascination with mountaineering, a passion that took him to the summit of Mt. Blanc at age 23, and to the top of Kilimanjaro at age 41. In his 50s, on three Nepal treks with his wife, he reached the Mt. Everest Base Camp and the Annapurna glacier.

Reynolds was married for 63 years to Mary Trackett Reynolds, who died August 28, 2000. He is survived by three children, Anne Skinner of Williamstown, Massachusetts, Priscilla Roosevelt of Washington, D.C., and Bruce Reynolds of Charlottesville, Virgina; as well as seven grandchildren and eight great-grandchildren. He was a member of the Century Club of New York, the Cosmos Club in Washington and the West Bend (Wisconsin) Country Club.

A memorial service in Reynolds’ honor will be held at 1:30 p.m. on Saturday, June 11, in Battell Chapel, corner of Elm and College streets.

SourceYale Bulletin & Calendar, Vol.33, No. 27 (April 22, 2005). Links added by Economics in the Rear-view Mirror.

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The State of Economics at Yale
[1951]

By Lloyd G. Reynolds,
Chairman of the Department of Economics.

The following paper was delivered by Mr. Reynolds at the meeting of the Alumni Board on October 20th. During the meeting the Board passed a unanimous resolution that it should be published in the November issue of Y.A.M.

AMERICAN economists in 1951 are doing about the same things they have been trying to do for the past hundred and fifty years. First, we aim to present a clear picture of what the economic system looks like and how it operates. How many business concerns, big and little, are there in the United States? How are they organized and managed? How much money do they take in and pay out, and for what purposes? How many people work for a living in the United States? What work do they do and how much are they paid for doing it? A great deal of economics is concerned simply with providing an accurate description of our economic institutions and how they have changed over the course of time.

Economic Analysis

BUT economists are not content to operate only at the level of description. We are interested always in the question of why things happen as they do in the economy. Why does one kind of work pay 80 cents an hour and another $1.50? Why does wheat sell for $2.50 a bushel and cotton for 33 cents a pound? Why has the retail price level risen by 10 per cent since June 1950? In order to answer this sort of question one needs not only a knowledge of facts but methods of arranging and thinking about the facts — in short, what we call economic theory or economic analysis. Theory is not just day — dreaming or idle opinion. It plays much the same role in economics as in physical science. It is a way of organizing and focussing facts to explain and predict economic events.

                  Economics aims to be, and is steadily becoming, a factual, quantitative science. It aims to get behind mere opinion to a solid basis of truth. The tests of an economist are these: is he thoroughly grounded in the facts and the history of our economic system? Has he mastered the methods of analysis which economists have gradually been developing over the past century and more? Can he use these methods with skill and good judgment to explain and predict actual developments in the economy? If he cannot pass these tests, it does him no good to come around claiming that he is a warmhearted fellow who wants to improve the lot of the workingman, or that he is a sound conservative and a hundred per cent American. If he cannot pass the tests, we would not trust his judgment, we would not give him an advanced degree in economics, we would not employ him for the Yale faculty.

                  I want to make it clear that economics and politics are quite different things. The study of economics can of course be applied to political issues — it would not be of much use otherwise. Our courses involve discussion of taxation systems, tariffs, the federal budget, labor laws, social security, foreign economic aid, agricultural price supports, and a host of other issues. But the job of an economist with respect to these issues is not to say what policies should be followed. His task is to discover and point out the consequences of different possible policies. Ideally, economics should be able to say what will happen if the tariff on pottery is reduced by ten per cent or the federal minimum wage is raised ten cents an hour. Whether the public, or our students, like and approve what will happen is up to them. Economics is not politics, and it is not up to us to sway people in one political direction rather than another.

Ground Rules

ECONOMISTS are also human being of course, and I see nothing wrong with an economist occasionally expressing his personal opinion on a political issue. But he should be careful to point out when he is stepping out of his shoes as a scientist and speaking as a plain citizen. He should also be mindful of contrary opinions, and should not strive just to convert his hearers to his own point view. I believe that these ground rules are well observed in the teaching of economics at Yale. I don’t think there is much political preaching in our courses and if there is some it is certainly not all on the same side. The department includes everything from Roosevelt Democrats to Hoover Republicans, and our students have ample opportunity for exposure to different points of view.

                  This brings me to my main point — the state of the Yale Department of Economics and its prospects for the future. I note first a substantial strengthening of our senior staff since the end of the war. In the first year after the war, we had nine teaching members of the department in the rank of assistant professor and above. Today we have sixteen men in the professorial ranks. The newcomers to the department have been most carefully chosen from among dozens of a candidates whom we have considered in the last five years. They are men of whom Yale can well be proud, not only scholars but as individuals. They are highly regarded by their colleagues in New Haven and by their fellow-economists throughout the United States — so much so that we are constantly fending off raids from other institutions which want to hire them away from us.

                  Our two most recent appointments are Professor Henry Wallich, who comes to us from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, where he has been chief of research and has also acted as consultant to several of the Latin American countries in the revision of their banking systems; and Professor Robert Triffin, who has had a distinguished career with the Federal Reserve Board, the International Monetary Fund, and as American representative on the governing board of the European Payments Union. These men, both excellent economists with a wealth of practical background, have at one stroke put us ahead of any university in the country in the area of international finance and international trade.

Research and Teaching

NOW a word about the job which we are trying to do here. As scholars, we are all concerned with trying to push back the frontiers of knowledge in our chosen field. During the last two years alone, members of the department have published ten books on subjects as diverse as the pricing of military supplies, the effect of federal taxation on executive compensation and retirement systems, the history and structure of the American cigarette industry, and the human relations problems of a large public utility company. We have other studies currently in process, some of which I will mention in a moment. I do not think that any department of economics in the country excels the Yale department in terms of the quality and significance of its research work.

                  Our main responsibility in the University, however, is for teaching. How are we doing on this front? Judging from the comments of the students who come though my office, and from other reliable sources of student opinion, I would say that about half of our undergraduate courses are excellently taught. The other half are good solid courses but not outstanding, and we may even have one or two which are a bit on the dull side. The department has currently under way a thorough study of our course offering and degree requirements in the College, and we are of course seeking continuously to strengthen the teaching staff in areas of weakness. We expect that these efforts will bear fruit in a steady increase in the quality of our teaching work.

                  Our most difficult teaching problem has been the course in elementary economics, Economics 10. It is enormously difficult to cover all aspects of the economic system in a year’s time and to arrange the material in the best possible way. No one textbook or combination of textbooks is ever fully satisfactory. I can assure you that the Department has given much prayerful thought to this matter over the past five years. We have changed both the structure of the course and the reading assignments almost every year. The course is still not ideal — it never will be — but it is a good deal better than the course we were giving four or five years ago.

                  An even more serious problem in this course has been to find enough fully qualified instructors. We were faced just after the war with the largest enrollment in the history of the University. In the peak year we had almost fifty divisions of Economics 10, requiring a staff of 20 to 25 instructors. There are just not that many good economists, even at Yale. We were forced to take on a considerable number of partially-trained men from the graduate school as teaching assistants, often on very short notice. Some of these men turned in an excellent teaching job but we also drew a few lemons who had to be dropped after a short time.

                  This phase is now happily behind us. Enrollments have declined to a more normal level, and we are much better staffed to handle them. Of the nine men teaching in Economics 10 this year, only one is without previous teaching experience; and this man is a mature individual who in fact owned and operated a profitable business for several years before coming here for graduate study.

                  The central purpose of our teaching work is to give students an understanding of the history and present operation of American economic institutions, and to train them to think systematically about the economic issues of the day. We hope to develop habits of reflection and careful analysis which will stand our students in good stead as they emerge to take their place as citizens and as leaders of public opinion.

                  We are not trying to sell the American economic system to our students as one might sell a package of breakfast food. We believe that such an approach is both futile and unnecessary. We have found from experience that, if our economic institutions are carefully explained and thoroughly understood, the great majority of students will support them of their own accord. They will support them, not in a spirit of blind adherence to a fixed creed, but with an understanding of why they prefer our system to any sort of totalitarian regime. They will seek to perpetuate American institutions, not by freezing them into a fixed mold, but by striving constantly to improve them over the years to come. This outlook, which I would term intelligent conservatism, is characteristic of most of our faculty members and most of our student body.

                  How do our students come out from this sort of training? If you could read the departmental examinations which our economics majors write at the end of the senior year, I believe you would find that most of them show a good grounding in economic facts and economic analysis. They also show a healthy diversity of political viewpoint. We do not and should not turn out students whose minds are tailored to a particular pattern. If a student is intellectually honest, accurate in his use of facts, willing to state his basic premises, capable of reasoning logically from those premises — then I respect him. Let him come out where he will, politically speaking. I believe this is good American doctrine and sound educational policy.

                  I realize that some people hold a contrary point of view. They believe that the function of an economics department should be to propagandize students for a particular political and economic creed, that only professors willing to swear allegiance to this creed should be allowed to teach, and that students should be carefully protected against contrary opinions. This totalitarian outlook, though it has had much success in Europe, seems to me completely at variance with American traditions. The members of the economics department at Yale would, I am sure, be unalterably opposed to the establishment of any official party line on economic questions. I do not see how a free university in a democratic country can take any other view.

                  Now before closing I want to admit in all humility that there are many things wrong with our understanding of economics and our teaching of it. A great deal of the economics currently taught in universities is undoubtedly unrealistic, ivory-tower, out of touch with the facts of economic life. Too many of the books which we read and teach were written strictly in the library. Too many of our teachers of economics have had no contact with practical affairs.

                  I want to assure you that this ignorance of the real world is not deliberate on the part of the professors. It comes about mainly because of the way in which young economists are trained and employed. On finishing college, a prospective economist is usually advised to go directly into graduate school to work toward the hallowed Ph.D. without which his future career is hopeless. If he is a really good student he may receive a fellowship to support him in his studies. This phase lasts at least three or four years, during which time he spends his life mainly in the classroom and the library. As he hears the end of his graduate training, he begins to cast about for a job and, if he is capable and lucky, he lands an instructorship somewhere. But he is now being paid to educate students, and only incidentally to educate himself. He is not especially encouraged to wander outside the academic walls. If he does so on his own initiative and tries to learn something about business operations, he may quite possibly be rebuffed by executives who are busy with their own affairs or worried at the idea of stray professors wandering around the plant.

                  I am very conscious, and I believe any economist who has had much contact with industry is conscious, of how much economists have to learn about the facts of life and how wide a gap still exists between economic theories and business practice. I have given much thought to the question of how young teachers in their formative years can gain more experience of practical affairs, and have a few ideas on the subject. The difficulty, is that all of my ideas would cost money and money is not the most plentiful thing on the University scene.

                  We are not taking a defeatist view of this problem. We have already made some beginnings toward building bridges between industry and the University community. Professor Healy’s work in transportation has brought him into close contact with the largest railroad systems in the country. Professor Bakke’s studies of human relations in industry have included a thorough analysis of the management structure of a large New England Company, and he is going on from this to similar studies in other companies. I am currently working, along with my colleague Professor Miller, on a study of top management organization and policy which will involve discussions with the top officers of a dozen or so companies. Professor Westerfield, who has been in charge of our teaching of money and banking for many years, is president of a highly successful savings and loan association. Professor Wallich, I am sure, will not neglect his banking contacts in New York because of his move to New Haven.

                  We believe in this sort of thing and hope to develop it increasingly in the future. We consider that the factories, stores and offices of the country are the laboratories in which a real science of economics can be developed. There are difficulties, of course, in using these laboratories without upsetting normal business operations, but we are confident that these difficulties can be overcome. We believe that in this way the practical experience of men of affairs can be gradually translated into economics textbooks and economics teaching. If some of you can take a little time from your businesses to educate us, we shall stand a better chance of educating our students. Until both you and we have done more in this direction, economics will continue to be too largely an ivory tower subject.

                  I have tried to give a realistic picture of our present situation, not simply a rosy one. We are certainly doing a better job than we were doing five years ago, and five years ahead we expect to be doing still better. But we are not complacent about our progress. We realize that we have still a long way to go and will never do the job perfectly. We welcome advice and suggestions on what we are doing. We hope for sympathetic interest and support.

Source: Yale Alumni Magazine (November 1951), pp. 18-20. A copy of this article was provided to Economics in the Rear-view Mirror directly by the Yale Alumni Magazine. On behalf of the history of economics community I thank the executive editor, Mr. Mark Branch for his help.

Image Source1954 Fellow, Lloyd G. Reynolds. John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation.

 

Categories
Amherst Economics Programs Undergraduate

Amherst. 100 years of economics, 1832-1932

Even a superficial local history of one department can contain anecdotal nuggets of interest to historians of economics. This one for Amherst College was written by the University of Chicago trained economic historian George Rogers Taylor (Ph.D. 1929) whose Amherst faculty career spanned four decades. He tagged along when Paul Douglas took leave to teach at Amherst.

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One Hundred Years of Economics
[1832-1932]
at Amherst College
by George Rogers Taylor
 

                  ALTHOUGH economics is one of the oldest of the so-called social sciences, it may come as a surprise to some to learn that in one form or another this subject has been taught at Amherst probably since the founding of the college. At first no separate courses were given in economics, but it was a recognized part of the more general subject then known as moral philosophy. It will be remembered in this connection that Adam Smith himself was professor of moral philosophy at the University of Glasgow and came to his interest in economics from that more general subject. As early as 1827-28 “political economy” — now known as “economics” — was listed as required for seniors, but it is not known how much work was done or what member of the faculty directed it. Quite possibly Pres. Heman Humphrey, who held the chair of professor of mental and moral philosophy, may have done some regular teaching in economics.

                  One hundred years ago, during the school year 1832-33, political economy became a definitely recognized part of the curriculum, and Hon. Samuel C. Allen [a trustee of the Amherst College Corporation] was appointed to the faculty as lecturer in political economy [First term of Senior Studies “Say’s Political Economy” (p. 14); “ Lectures on Political Economy and Legislation will be delivered by the Hon. Samuel C. Allen” (p. 15)]. It is reported that he volunteered his services for this purpose and received by way of compensation “the thanks of the trustees.” He lectured only during this one year. Though political economy continued to be taught, there probably were no further formal lectures in the subject until 1835. In that year Hon. William B. Calhoun of Springfield [A.M. “Lecturer on Political Economy”, Nov 1836 Catalog (p. 5)], one of the trustees, was appointed lecturer in political economy [Third term, Senior year. Nov 1836 Catalog (p. 16)]. He continued to hold that position until 1849 [sic, 1835-1850 according to Amherst records]. Then, for a little more than a decade, there was no faculty representative definitely in this field; but the course continued as part of the curriculum and, at least in some years, regular lectures were given. Apparently this teaching was allotted to the professor of intellectual and moral philosophy.

                  One other lecturer in political economy was appointed before 1876. Amasa Walker [Note: Father (!) of Francis Amasa Walker] held that position from 1860 to 1869. Like Allen and Calhoun, Walker came to his teaching with the background of one interested in public affairs. In addition to holding state offices, all three men were members of the United States House of Representatives. Both Calhoun and Walker carried on their work at Amherst College while serving in Congress. All of these early teachers of political economy at Amherst were unquestionably able, public spirited, and deeply religious men.

                  The economics taught in these early lectures followed in general the lines laid down by the English classical school. The popular translation of Say’s “Political Economy” was used as a textbook until 1838, when it was replaced by Wayland’s “Political Economy” — an American restatement and simplification of the classical doctrine. But it must not be concluded that these men were dry-as-dust expositors of the “dismal science.” Nor were they among those of the period who have been so often accused of using classical economics primarily as a device for defending the status quo. All were men of liberal tendencies, much interested in the progressive movements of their day. Allen, who started out as a Congregational minister, afterwards becoming a Unitarian, was a Democrat and an ardent champion of free trade. William B. Calhoun is described as one who dealt with social and political problems more in the spirit of a philosopher than a politician. He left former political allegiances to become a strong anti-slavery Whig and was a leader in the temperance movement of the time. Amasa Walker also was an active leader in the reform movements of his day. He gave generously of his time and ability to the temperance, anti-slavery, and peace movements.

                  Of the three, Walker is the only one who was primarily an economist. He was generally recognized in his day as an authority in finance and has left writings, particularly in the field of currency and finance, which may still be read with profit by the economist and the historian. In 1866 he published his chief work, “The Science of Wealth.” His chapters on money and currency are particularly able. He was much in advance of his time in the use of statistics and graphical methods. Even in the more theoretical parts of the subject, Walker was vigorous and questioning. American conditions with which he was acquainted, not only as a business man but also as a legislator, led him to question Malthus’s famous law of population and to differ with Ricardo on certain important points of rent theory.

                  The present phase of economics at Amherst College began with the appointment of Anson D. Morse as instructor in political economy in 1876. The subject became now much more than an appendage to moral philosophy and the lectures were no longer given by ministers or practical men of affairs. From now on the teachers were professional students of social science, trained as such, and among those who were called to the chair of professor of economics were men who are numbered among the ablest in the American field.

                  Professor Morse [Anson D. Morse Papers at the Amherst College Archives] began his many years of fruitful teaching at Amherst in 1876 as an instructor of political economy. But his main interest was history, and before many years he had shifted completely over to that department. It is history, therefore, rather than economics, which has primary claim upon this man who is remembered not only as a scholar but as one of Amherst’s most stimulating teachers.

                  From 1885 down to the World War, three outstanding teachers left their impress on economics, not only by their teaching at Amherst College but also through their writings. Two of these, John Bates Clark [see also; also this post] and his son, John Maurice Clark, have made major contributions to the economic thought of the time. The elder Clark is known for contributions to economic theory that are regarded by many as the most significant which America has produced. His son has taken his place as one of the ablest and most original of American economic writers of today. The third, James W. Crook, [see also] was primarily a teacher, beloved by two generations of Amherst students.

                  In more recent years, the professors of economics at Amherst have continued to be men of outstanding ability and national prominence. Among those who were in the department long enough to leave a definite mark on the life of the College must be listed Walton Hale Hamilton, Walter W. Stewart, Paul Howard Douglas, and Richard Stockton Meriam.

                  Until 1880 only one course was given in economics. This was apparently comparable to the principles or introductory course of more recent years. It is interesting to note that the first course to be added (1880) was one in the history of socialism. As time went on other courses appeared and disappeared, but usually they were substantially in one of the four fields now covered by advanced courses — finance, labor, economic history, and advanced theory.

                  It will be noted that two tendencies in the teaching of college economics which have been increasingly prominent in the United States during the last twenty years have been completely avoided at Amherst. The first is that toward the multiplication of courses. In fact, Amherst has gone to the extreme in the other direction. A study¹ of a large number of American colleges made in 1928 brought out the fact that only three colleges offered fewer courses in economics than Amherst, and the average number of subjects per instructor was smaller at Amherst than at any other college.

                  In the second place, the trend toward the introduction of business subjects has not affected the Amherst course of study. Economics, as taught here for one hundred years, has been given from the cultural and not from the professional point of view. In fact, the early courses in moral philosophy, which included at least some economics, were in so far as they were especially designed for students preparing for the ministry, possibly more professional than are the present courses in economics which are designed for the student who is to enter any walk of life.

                  The first hundred years of economics at Amherst College has witnessed many changes. A distinguished line of teachers has come and gone. The subject matter of the courses has been somewhat altered and expanded. In the early days economics was a compulsory course during part of the senior year. As time went on the department was enlarged but study in the department was made optional. Since 1927 the introductory course has been open to sophomores. The advanced student has now four courses in the department from which he may choose: economic history of the United States, labor problems, theory of credit, and development of economic thought, and additional individual work is offered for those taking honors in economics. But though many changes have taken place, the purpose of the work has remained essentially what it has always been, to fit the student to take his place in the world as a cultured man and a good citizen.

1 E. E. Cummins, “Economics and the Small College,” American Economic Review, Vol. XXVIII, No. 4 (December 1928) p. 631.

Source: George Rogers Taylor, “One Hundred Years of Economics at Amherst College,” Amherst Graduates’ Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 4 (August 1933), pp. 300-303.

Image Source:  1831 view of Amherst College by Alexander Davis. Restored copies are available for $44.95 (plus presumably shipping) at Vintage City Maps.

Categories
Amherst Principles Undergraduate

Amherst. Economics course offerings. Crook, 1901-1902.

At the beginning of the twentieth century there was only one instructor for economics at Amherst College. He offered elective courses to seniors.  His name was James Walter Crook, Associate Professor of Political Economy, an 1895 Columbia University Ph.D, the successor to John Bates Clark who had briefly taught at Amherst from 1892 to 1895.

_________________________

James Walter Crook
Timeline

1859. Born December 21 in Bewdley, Ontario, Canada.

1883. Married Eva Maria Lewis of Manistee, Michigan. They had no children.

1891. A.B., Oberlin College.

1891-92. Instructor in history, Oberlin College.

1892-93. Graduate fellow in economics at the University of Wisconsin.

1893-94. Graduate student at the University of Berlin, Germany.

1894-95. Graduate fellow in economics at Columbia University.

1895. Lecturer on Taxation at Columbia University.

1895. Ph.D., Columbia University.

German Wage Theories: A History of Their Development. Vol. IX, No. 2 (1898) of Studies in History, Economics and Public Law. New York: Columbia University

189599. Assistant Professor of Political Economy, Amherst College.

1899-1907. Associate Professor of Political Economy, Amherst College.

1907-27. Professor of Political Economy, Amherst College.

1912. M.A., Amherst College.

1927—. Professor Emeritus, Amherst College.

1927-33. Professor of Public Speaking at Northeastern University.

1933. Died November 22 in Springfield, Massachusetts.

Sources: Annual yearbooks of Amherst College (The Olio), Crook’s Boston Globe obituary (October 23, 1933)

___________________________

Amherst College
Economics Course Offerings

1901-02
Professor Crook

The numbers 1, 2, 3, 4 denote, not the four classes, but the successive years in which courses are offered. The letters a, b, c denote the first, second, and third terms. The letters aa, bb, cc indicate courses parallel with courses a, b, c, respectively. [p. 51]

(1 a) Outlines of economics. Walker’s Political Economy; Hadley’s Economics. (Four hour course.)

(1 b) Advanced work in economic theory. Assigned readings in Smith, Ricardo, and Mill, with especial attention to Marshall’s Principles of Economics and Clark’s Distribution of Wealth. (1 a requisite.)

(1 bb) Money and banking. Dunbar’s Theory and History of Banking; White’s Money and Banking; Taussig’s Silver [Situation in the United States]. (1 a requisite.)

The practical monetary problems of the United States are considered, and the systems of banking practised in England, France, Germany, and the United States are compared.

(1 c) Public finance; taxation; public expenditures; public debts; financial administration. Adams’s Science of Finance. (1 a requisite.)

(1 cc) Practical economic problems; transportation; monopolies; trusts. Thesis required. Hadley’s Railroad Transportation; Jenks’s Trust Problem, (1 a requisite.)

Source: Amherst College Catalogue for the Year 1901-02, pp. 53-54.

Image Source: James Walter Crook in The Olio 1905, p. 23.

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard Undergraduate

Harvard. Exams for Introductory and Advanced Political Economy. Dunbar and Laughlin, 1878-1879

 

Like the previous post, this one plugs a gap (1878-79) in the time series of Harvard political economy exams from the 19th century. Charles Dunbar was still at the top of his game and the young Dr. James Laurence Laughlin enters the picture. 

__________________________

Political Economy [first course].

Course Enrollment

[Philosophy] 6. Political Economy. — J. S. Mill’s Political Economy. — Financial Legislation of the United States. Three times a week. Prof. [Charles Franklin] Dunbar and Dr. [James Laurence] Laughlin.

Total 121: 1 Graduate, 45 Seniors, 71 Juniors, 1 Sophomore, 3 Others.

Source: Harvard University. Report of the President of Harvard College, 1878-79, p. 60.

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PHILOSOPHY 6.
Mid-year Examination, 1878-79

(Do not change the order of the questions.)

  1. State the argument for raising the whole of the supplies of state by taxation within the year. Illustrate by the experience d England from 1793 to 1817, and of the United States in the recent war.
  2. Examine the assertion that, if the rich increase their unproductive expenditure, the now unemployed working classes will be benefited.
  3. If all land were of equal fertility, and all required for cultivation, would it pay Rent? Give the reasons for your answer.
  4. By what reasoning, irrespective of value or price, does Mr. Mill arrive at the law of Rent?
  5. State the general laws of value, and show what modifications are necessary for articles produced in foreign countries. Complete the whole theory by any peculiar cases of value.
  6. (1) Show that capitalists cannot secure themselves against a general increased cost of labor by raising the prices of their goods. (2) On what does Cost of Labor depend?
  7. Illustrate Gresham’s Law by the causes which led to the Suffolk Bank System, and the Coinage Act of the United States in 1834.
  8. Point out the fallacy in the theory that an increase of the currency is desirable because it quickens industry.
  9. When our imports regularly exceed our exports, what will be the rate charged in New York for sight bills on London? What is the par of exchange between Paris and London?
  10. What is to be said as to the doctrine that the advantage to a country from foreign trade is found in the surplus of exports over imports?
  11. Explain the system of the Bank of Amsterdam, and the reasons for establishing it.
  12. Arrange the following resources and liabilities of the Bank of England in the proper form, separating the Issue and the Banking Departments:
Notes Issued £41.5 Government Securities £14.2
Other Deposits 27.9 Reserve 9.4
Other Securities (Loans) 27.9 Public Deposits 5.6
Coin and Bullion 26.5 Rest 3.2
Government Debt., &c. 15.0 Seven-day Bills 0.3
Capital 14.5
  1. Having arranged the account, show what changes would be made in it, if the Bank increased its loans by 3 millions and sold 1 million of government securities, and depositors at the same time withdrew 2 millions to be sent abroad.

Source: Harvard University Archives. Examination papers, 1873-1915. Box 2, Bound Volume 1878-79, Papers Set for Mid-Year Examinations in Rhetoric, Logic, Philosophy, Political Economy, History, Music, Fine Arts in Harvard College, February 1879, pp. 8-9.

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PHILOSOPHY 6.
Year-End Examination, 1878-79

  1. What is the cause of the existence of profit? And what, according to Mr. Mill, are the circumstances which determine the respective shares of the laborer and the capitalist?
  2. Explain the statement that “high general profits cannot, any more than high general wages, be a cause of high values. . .. In so far as profits enter into the cost of production of all things, they cannot affect the value of any.”
  3. On what does the minimum rate of profit depend? What counterforces act against the downward tendency of profits?
  4. State the theory of the value of money (i.e. “metallic money”), and clear up any apparent inconsistencies between the following statements: (1) The value of money depends on the cost of production at the worst mines; (2) The value of money varies inversely as its quantity multiplied by its rapidity of circulation; (3) The countries whose products are most in demand abroad and contain the greatest value in the smallest bulk, which are nearest the mines and have the least demand for foreign productions, are those in which money will be of lowest value.
  5. What is the error in the common notion “that a paper currency cannot be issued in excess so long as every note represents property, or has a foundation of actual property to rest on?”
  6. What are the conditions under which one country can permanently undersell another in a foreign market?
  7. On whom does a tax on imports, if not prohibitory, fall?
  8. Discuss the following:—
    “A man with $100,000 in United States bonds comes to Boston, hires a house …; thus he lives in luxury… I am in favor of taxing idle investments such as this, and allowing manufacturing investments to go untaxed.”
  9. If depositors in the Bank of England withdraw £3,000,000 in specie and send it abroad, how does this withdrawal of gold from the vaults of the Bank affect the currency in actual circulation?
  10. Describe the plan on which a national bank of the United States is organized, the security for its notes, the provision for their redemption and the extent to which the law makes them receivable.
  11. When were the legal-tender, compound interest notes issued, and what was their peculiar characteristic as a currency? How did their action as currency differ from that of the other issue of interest-bearing legal-tender notes?
  12. Describe the Resumption Act of 1875. What circumstances have promoted its success?

Source: Harvard University Archives. Examination papers, 1873-1915. Box 2, Bound Volume 1878-79, Papers Set for Annual Examinations in Rhetoric, Logic, Philosophy, Political Economy, History, Music, Fine Arts in Harvard College, May 28 to June 4, 1879, pp. 13-14.

__________________________

Advanced Political Economy.

Course Enrollment

[Philosophy] 7. Advanced Political Economy. Cairnes’s Leading Principles of Political Economy. — McKean’s Condensation of Carey’s Social Science. — Lectures. Three times a week. Prof. Dunbar.

Total 36: 2 Graduates, 31 Seniors, 3 Juniors.

Source: Harvard University. Report of the President of Harvard College, 1878-79, p. 60.

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PHILOSOPHY 7.
Mid-year Examination, 1878-79

(Write your answers in the same order as the questions.)

  1. Give a careful and logical summary of the laws determining the values of all commodities, monopolized or free, domestic or foreign, using the corrected definition of Cost of Production. [Forty minutes]
  2. As a new country fills up, what changes may be expected in the normal prices of meat, timber, grain and wool?
  3. Why is it unlikely that any formula will be devised, embracing in one statement the law of the value of commodities and the law of the value of labor, i.e. the law of wages?
  4. Give a summary of Mr. Cairnes’s restatement of the wages-fund theory.
  5. Analyze this statement:
    “An article which a farm laborer has produced in a day does not exchange for one which a watchmaker has spent an equal time in producing, because the latter is a more skilful operative.”
  6. Explain the statement that “the high scale of industrial remuneration in America, instead of being evidence of a high cost of production in that country, is distinctly evidence of a low cost of production.”
  7. What effects upon foreign trade have general changes in the rates of wages, and what have partial changes? Give the reasons.
  8. What effect has the existence of a large debt payable to foreigners, upon the ability of a country to keep up a metallic circulation?
  9. The Governor of M. is informed,
    “That the longer continuance of the provisions of the treaty with Great Britain, permitting the free importation of fish from the Provinces, will be most disastrous to the fishing interest; and that the permanent maintenance of this policy will insure its complete destruction. This would involve the decay of our fishing ports and the loss of millions of capital, and drive from their occupation thousands of deserving citizens. … This class has been the nursery of the navy of the Union. It has manned our mercantile marine.”
    Discuss the suggestion that for these reasons the provisions of the treaty referred to should be abrogated.
  10. Give some account of the Economistes and of their doctrines.

Source: Harvard University Archives. Examination papers, 1873-1915. Box 2, Bound Volume 1878-79, Papers Set for Mid-Year Examinations in Rhetoric, Logic, Philosophy, Political Economy, History, Music, Fine Arts in Harvard College, February 1879, p. 10.

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PHILOSOPHY 7.
Year-end Examination, 1878-79

  1. What are Mr. Cairnes’s reasons for doubting whether any great improvement can be made in the condition of the laboring class, so long as they remain mere receivers of wages?
  2. How is the statement that “a rise or fall of wages in a country, so far forth as it is general, has no tendency to affect the course of foreign trade” to be reconciled with the fact, that in the last two or three years the United States have been able to export certain manufactured goods in increased quantities, in spite of competition?
  3. What is the explanation of the statement that “what a nation is interested in is, not in having its prices high or low, but in having its gold cheap”?
  4. How does Mr. Shadwell’s definition of value differ from that adopted by the school of Ricardo?
  5. Discuss the following extract:—
    “As a cause must precede its effect, increase of population cannot be the cause of an increase of food, nor of its increased dearness, which is consequent on the resorting to poorer soils in order to raise a larger quantity. If, then, the cost of food has any tendency to increase as society advances, it must be because farmers are prompted by some motive or other to resort to poorer soils, while richer ones are to be had. But such a supposition is contrary to the principle that every one desires to obtain wealth by the least possible labor, and is therefore inadmissible. Poor land is taken into cultivation not because the population has increased, but because some discovery has been made which renders it possible to obtain as much profit as from the worst previously cultivated, and this discovery enables the quantity of food to be increased, and an increase of population is the effect and not the cause.”
  6. Also the following :-
    “Agricultural profits cannot fall unless recourse is had to poorer land, but such land will never be cultivate, since capitalists can never be willing to submit to a fall of profit; and the very meaning of the expression that some land is not worth cultivating, is, that it will not yield the ordinary profit to the farmer who should attempt to reclaim it. It appears, then, that the rate of profit is stationary in agriculture, and, consequently, in all other trades; and that whatever rate be established in an early stage of society, it must remain the same throughout its subsequent development.”
  7. “Why then should we suppose that the supply of paper substitutes for coin (like the supply of corn) would not be best maintained by allowing bankers and their customers to bring them into circulation in whatever quantities, and at whatever times, they find to be mutually convenient?”
  8. In what forms was the French indemnity finally received by Germany (bills of exchange being a mere instrument of transfer)? How did the payment probably affect Austria and the United States?
  9. A considerable party in England now propose “Reciprocity,” — that is, the admission without duty of the goods of such countries only as in turn admit English goods without duty. What practical objections and what theoretical ones can be urged against this proposition?
  10. “No act of Parliament,” it is said, “or convention of nations can prevent (between gold and silver) changes in value resulting from variations in the conditions of production, or of the action of demand and supply.”
    To this M. Cerunschi replies, — “You confound money with merchandise. To speak of merchandise is to speak of competition, supply and demand, purchase and sale, price. To speak of money is nothing of the kind.
    “Whether he produces little or much at a profit or at a loss, no miner can ever sell his metal money either dearer or cheaper than other miners, for the simple reason that the metal money is not sold or bought; it is itself its price…
    “When the monetary law is bi-metallic, therefore, no competition [is] possible between the producer of gold and the producer of silver, no purchase and sale, no discount, no price between one metal and the other. Without their being offered, without their being demanded, the circulation absorbs them both at the legal par, and cannot refuse them. When the monetary law is everywhere bi-metallic, neither gold nor silver, coined or uncoined, is merchandise. That is the secret.”

Source: Harvard University Archives. Examination papers, 1873-1915. Box 2, Bound Volume 1878-79, Papers Set for Annual Examinations in Rhetoric, Logic, Philosophy, Political Economy, History, Music, Fine Arts in Harvard College, May 28 to June 4, 1879, pp. 14-15.

Image Source: Harvard Library, Hollis Images. Charles F. Dunbar (left) and James Laurence Laughlin (right). Colorized by Economics in the Rear-view Mirror.

Categories
Gender Undergraduate Wellesley

Wellesley. Economics education of Virginia Foster Durr, ca. 1922

Again we may thank serendipity and my propensity to plunge into the rabbit-holes of opportunity for another post. I came across a collection of oral history interviews in the University of North Carolina’s Documenting the American South while seeking information about UNC economics professor Daniel Houston Buchanan. It was in that collection of primary resources that I stumbled upon the 1975 interviews with the Civil Rights activist Virginia Foster Durr. In her description of her years at Wellesley College, I came across Durr’s positive recollection of economics professor “Muzzy”. That part of her interview was reworked and included in her autobiography seen below. I then decided to track down the professor who ignited her lifelong interest in economic inequality. It would have made my work slightly easier had she or her editor thought about checking the correct spelling of Muzzy. The professor in question turns out to be Henry Raymond Mussey (Columbia Ph.D., 1905).

What we have with this post some indication of the impact made by one economics instructor on the future political life of one of his students. She fought the good fight and Mussey was a positive influence in her personal development. 

Bonus Material: What Durr had to say about matters sexual and biblical at Wellesley in the early 1920s has been included along with the account of her economics awakening.

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Virginia Foster Durr

Born August 6, 1903, and raised in Birmingham, Alabama, Virginia Foster Durr was the youngest child of Ann (Patterson) and Sterling Johnson Foster. She attended Wellesley College from 1921 to 1923, when she was forced to withdraw due to lack of funds. In 1926 she married Clifford Judkins Durr. In 1933, when Clifford Judkins Durr was appointed to the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, the Durrs moved to Seminary Hill, Virginia; Clifford Judkins Durr later worked for the Federal Communications Commission.

During the years the Durrs lived in Virginia, Virginia Foster Durr led an active social life. Her circle included government officials she knew through Clifford Judkins Durr and through her sister, Josephine, and brother-in-law, Hugo Black, Sr., who was appointed to the United States Supreme Court in 1937. She also devoted time to liberal causes. From 1938 to 1948 Virginia Foster Durr was active in the Southern Conference in Human Welfare, primarily fighting the poll tax. She campaigned for progressive Democrats in 1942 and for the Progressive Party, supporting Henry A. Wallace’s 1948 presidential bid. She also endorsed the American Peace Crusade in 1951.

In 1951, after a brief period in Denver, the Durrs returned to Alabama, where Clifford Judkins Durr opened a private law practice in Montgomery, and Virginia Foster Durr worked as his secretary. In 1954 Virginia Foster Durr and others were accused of being Communists and were called before the Senate Internal Security Sub-Committee, chaired by Senator James Eastland of Mississippi. Although Clifford Judkins Durr did not serve as Virginia Foster Durr’s attorney, he did a great deal of work on the case, collecting information about the informants and providing legal advice to Virginia Foster Durr and her co-defendants. The accusations were ultimately proven to be false.

In 1955, when Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat on a bus to a white passenger, Clifford Judkins Durr was called in as her attorney and arranged for her release on bail. This incident sparked the “Montgomery Bus Boycott,” during which African Americans refused to ride on public transportation in the city for over a year. Thus began a second period of civil rights activism for Virginia Foster Durr.

Virginia Foster Durr’s political activities, and Clifford Judkins Durr’s activities with the National Lawyers’ Guild and his public attacks on loyalty oaths and the FBI, led to surveillance by the Bureau.

The Durrs had five children, four of whom survived to adulthood: Ann Durr Lyon, Lucy Durr Hackney, Virginia (“Tilla”) Foster Durr, and Lulah Durr Colan. After the death of Clifford Judkins Durr in 1975, Virginia Foster Durr lived in Wetumpka, Alabama, spending summers on Martha’s Vineyard, Massachusetts. Her autobiography, Outside the Magic Circle, was published in 1985. She continued to be politically active until a few years before her death. She died in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in 1999, at the age of 95.

Source: Biographical note to Papers of Virginia Foster Durr, ca. 1910-2007 in the Schlessinger Library, Radcliffe Institute Collection.

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Sex, Religion, and Economics
The liberations of Virginia Foster Durr at Wellesley Colleg
e

                  …Instead of making us think how wonderful it would be to have a baby, we developed a real horror of such a disgusting performance. But that was typical of Wellesley: they would teach you one thing on a scientific basis but never tell you how the baby got into the mother’s stomach. Now, I’m sure there were girls at Wellesley who did know, but not the group I was with. We had been so inhibited by that time that we didn’t want to know. We didn’t discuss things like that. We talked about romance and beaus and lovers and sweethearts but not sex.

                  I’m sure the Southern girls believed, as I did, that sex was something connected with black people. It happened in the basement and was dirty and ugly and smelled bad, with a man leaving in the middle of the night or early in the morning and Mother getting upset and saying, “She’s had a man down there all night.” Something was ugly and disgusting about it.

                  We had some excellent teachers at Wellesley. I had a marvelous teacher in economics, Professor Muzzy (sic). He was a socialist, a Fabian. The Russian Revolution had taken place, but I never heard about it. Communism and Russia were far removed from my world. Muzzy was a follower of the Webbs. He read their great massive volumes with the details about how many outhouses there were in a certain road in London and the terrible plight of the poor. There were all kinds of tables and statistics that I had difficulty following. But I did get the impression that the great majority of people in the world had a pretty hard time. Once Muzzy gave me a paper to write. He knew that I came from Birmingham, so he said, “Mrs. Smith is the wife of a steelworker and her husband makes three dollars a day. Now tell me how Mrs. Smith with three children is going to arrange her budget so that she can live.”

                  Well, I tried to do it. I had to look up the price of food and rent and doctors. It was an active lesson in economics. I soon realized that Mrs. Smith couldn’t possibly live on that amount of money. She just couldn’t do it. When I handed in my paper, I had written at the end, “I’ve come to the conclusion that Mrs. Smith’s husband doesn’t get enough money, because they can’t possibly live on what he is paid as a steelworker in Birmingham, Alabama.” Not that I had ever been in a steel mill or knew anything about it. But Muzzy gave me an A, because he said I had finally realized that people can’t live on what they are paid.

                  I had another great experience, too. Bible was a required course at Wellesley, but it was taught as history. So I learned that my father had been right about Jonah and the whale. You can’t imagine what that meant to me. I had always felt that Daddy did a very noble act by saying he did not believe the whale swallowed Jonah. He refused to lie and be a hypocrite. But I had always been uneasy that my father had been thrown out of the church for being a heretic as a result of that. It was a great relief to learn that he had been not only noble but also right about the Bible stories as symbolism and myth.

                  These incidents at Wellesley had a delayed effect, but the main thing I learned was to use my mind and to get pleasure out of it. I also learned I could be comfortable about the Bible, and I could be comfortable that a woman could make a living and be happy even if she didn’t have a husband. And I began to realize that people had a hard time living and didn’t get paid enough. I began to get some inkling of economics. So my Wellesley education was quite liberating. On sex, there was a tremendous breakthrough, although it is hard to realize. I began to kiss Bill Winston and enjoy it thoroughly. Oh, he was so handsome and he used to wrap me in his VMI cape. My goodness, what romance! That was more dangerous than a hammock. So I was liberated to a degree. In sex, religion, and economics in those three in particular—I was liberated at Wellesley.

Source: Virginia Foster Durr and Hollinger F. Barnard. Outside the magic circle: the autobiography of Virginia Foster Durr. (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987), pp. 62-63.

Image Source: Alabama Department of Archives & History. Alabama Photographs and Pictures Collection. Portrait of Virginia Foster Durr. Colorized by Economics in the Rear-view Mirror.

Categories
Barnard Columbia Principles Undergraduate

Columbia and Barnard. Essay on Economics in the College Course. Henry R. Mussey, 1910

In the next post you will be provided a proper introduction to the Columbia University economics Ph.D. alumnus (1905), Henry Raymond Mussey. In doing a proper background check on the man and his career, I found the following essay that many, or probably even most, historians of economics would not stumble upon. Mussey is thinking out loud about what should be done pedagogy-wise and his remarks seem remarkably current.

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ECONOMICS IN THE COLLEGE COURSE

Henry Raymond Mussey
Barnard College, Columbia University

                  The aim of economics teaching in college depends on the purpose of college training as a whole. Increasing wealth brings to our institutions growing numbers of students of varying earnestness and capacity. During the freshman year the college ought to weed out ruthlessly the indifferent and the incompetent. During the remaining years it ought to train for leadership a genuine intellectual and spiritual aristocracy, an aristocracy of keen mind, broad vision, and unfailing enthusiasm; an aristocracy capable of the wise, far-seeing leadership so essential in a democracy. The college gains nothing by yielding to the spurious utilitarianism that demands “practical” training, — that is, training immediately valuable in dollars and cents. I would hold fast to the cultural ideal, though I would not hold fast to the old idea of culture.

                  Four things the college ought to do for its students. It ought to interest them broadly in practically all human affairs, giving them a series of pegs, so to speak, on which to hang what they will learn in after life. It ought to bring them into contact with the world’s best minds past and present. It ought to teach them scientific habits of work and thought. It ought to develop in them a sense of proportion, sanity, balance, ability to look things full in the face, to form judgments and choose courses of action in view of all the consequences involved, both direct and indirect. Such is the culture the college ought to give its students — to the gifted few in rich measure, to ordinary students according to their capacity.

                  In such a college course, what is the aim of economics teaching? First of all, to train the student in scientific thinking and to cultivate in him the power of practical judgment. Before beginning economics, he should have had some training in mathematics and natural science, thus learning the first elements of scientific method in fields where conditions are simple and capable of experimental control. To form habits of exact and patient observation, to learn to formulate and test theories, and to make logical connections of cause and effect, — these things the student should learn from natural science. Passing then to the study of economics he meets a new and more refractory set of facts, that do not fit his formulas and that can be used by the skillful teacher to break down much of the cocksureness that often afflicts the immature student in his first enthusiasm at having really learned something in natural science. This greater complexity of facts compels him in each case not only to scrutinize carefully his premises, but to make sure that he has included all the important premises. Moreover, the facts, even when properly classified, do not “stay put.” Economic conditions are constantly changing, and even the human motives behind economic actions have nothing like the constancy and reliability of the law of gravitation, for example. The conclusions of economics, therefore, are at best only provisional; this very in exactness and partialness, in my judgment, give to the subject additional value as a means of scientific training. The student who has been led to work out the conditions and implications of the Malthusian theory of population, for example, will learn to walk warily among facts and to avoid hasty and sweeping generalizations. A science that teaches a student to pick out essential and underlying causes, and at the same time to give due weight to temporary disturbing influences, may fairly claim high rank as a means of developing scientific temper and habits of work.

                  Especially is it valuable for the development of practical judgment; for questions of social policy are rarely capable of mathematical demonstration. Statesman, legislator, administrator, reformer, — all alike must decide things on a balance of considerations. Even in everyday life there are few clear-cut questions of right and wrong, wise and unwise. A study like economics, in which some phenomena have been reduced to a considerable degree of order and coherence, while others remain intractable, is fitted in peculiar degree to further that sane, alert, cautious habit of judgment that characterizes both the true scientist and the level-headed man of affairs.

                  Further than this, economics in college ought to help students get rid of class prejudice. They come to college with all sorts of astonishing notions on economic and social affairs, unconsciously picked up from parents and friends: prejudices against trade unions and trusts, against foreigners and anarchists, against democracy and progress, against everything imaginable — but in any case prejudices and not reasoned convictions. They generally come, too, with a rich store of social good-will and desire to be really of use. Such desire, lacking wise direction, sometimes runs off into mushy sentimentalism or barren radicalism. Prejudices and enthusiasm alike need rationalizing; both alike give the teacher an opportunity of setting the student to thinking about the truth or falsity of his particular notion, of suggesting to him the tests he must apply to it. Since all social questions have an economic basis, this is peculiarly the opportunity of the economics teacher. Wherever he finds a prejudice he ought to destroy it, compelling the student either to abandon it, or to substitute for it a conviction based on reason. This is a part of that process of broadening the interest of the student which was suggested as the first duty of the college.

                  Finally, economics ought to help the student acquire a sane attitude toward social improvement. Realizing in some measure the importance of the social institutions worked out in the world’s experience, yet seeing that they are always relative to particular conditions of time and place, he can be brought to face the great problems of present-day economic reconstruction and social reform with broad sympathy, patient regard for facts, recognition of economic laws, tolerance of other opinions and points of view. His training in economics ought to give him not a set of cut and dried opinions, but a point of view and a method of work, the one sane, the other scientific. Rightly enough the country demands leaders with such equipment: college economics ought to help supply that equipment. The advancement of the science is a noble aim, but that task rests on the economist as investigator and university teacher. The college today, as ever, should be the maker of men and women. The sanction of economics teaching in college is primarily not scientific, but social. It attains its social end, however, only as it is uncompromisingly scientific.

                  This statement of aims indicates roughly when economics should be introduced into the college course, and what it should include. It is traditionally and rightly a junior subject. On the whole, it is rarely that a student will profit by formal economic study during the first half of the college course. Give him first some natural science and history. To allow freshmen to study economics is in my judgment distinctly wrong, and its election by sophomores, save in exceptional cases, is to be discouraged. It is better to take it too late rather than too early, no matter if the opportunity for advanced work is lessened thereby. Few college departments have much more to give a student after two years’ work.

                  The real problem is that of the elementary course, and it must be remembered that three students out of four will take no other. It should be a solid course of five hours a week, or its equivalent, throughout a whole year, taking a third of the student’s time. In my experience students in a five-hour course do much more than twice the same amount of work as in a three-hour one. (This change, by the way, I would extend to other subjects besides economics.) The increased frequency of impact of instructor on student, the student’s unpleasant consciousness that each day brings a new demand, the very momentum gained by daily meetings, — all combine to improve the quality of the work.

                  Yet more important, increased time makes possible an enlarged content, and this is vitally important. At the recent conference on the teaching of elementary economics [See Journal of political economy, December, 1909.] an astonishing diversity of ideas and methods was disclosed, yet it was pretty clearly shown that most teachers make theory the staple of their work, however much they sugar-coat it. They are right in so doing, for fundamentally they are trying to lead the student to explain economic phenomena. Theory can not be taught rapidly, and as most teachers feel it necessary to give a rather complete outline, a three-hour course leaves time for little else, except some “practical problems.” But pure theory is dry pabulum for the immature student; moreover, it is likely to be worthless and even dangerous to him. Consequently, while the first course should have a stiff backbone of theory, it ought to be built up of concrete description of phenomena as they exist today, with enough economic history to show the conditions out of which the present organization has arisen. It should contain enough of the history of economics to show the relativity and transitoriness of present theories, and it should show the relation of economic conditions and theory to past and present problems of social betterment. As it is today, most teachers, like most textbooks, divide their time between theory and so called “practical problems,” and leave out the other things. They can scarcely do otherwise. A thoroughly satisfactory course in elementary economics must wait till college authorities are willing to reorganize their curriculum so as to give it the added time above suggested, and till teachers are willing to do the amount of hard work involved in such a course. The gain will be well worth the cost.

                  The student should learn first how the production of wealth depends on labor, natural resources, artificial capital, and business organization, studying the actual organization of agriculture, mining, manufacture, and commerce, and familiarizing himself with important facts in their development. He should study our fundamental economic institutions, private property, competition, and freedom, observing their history, their limitations, and their actual present operation, discovering their relativity and the necessity for their readjustment to changing conditions. On the basis of these fundamentals he should build up a theory of value and distribution that takes account both of economic history — especially since the industrial revolution — and of the history of economic theory. I should insist on the history, in order to guard against too implicit faith in our own theory.

                  The latter part of the course may well be devoted especially to problems of trade unions, trusts, money, tariff, and the like, and schemes of economic reform, like cooperation, the single tax, and socialism. I would not fundamentally change the elementary economics course, but I would enrich and vivify it by giving the student a mass of concrete illustrative material, contemporary and historical, such as will make theory real to him. The work thus becomes dynamic, and always looks forward to the process of social adjustment in which we desire the student to take intelligent part. One thus trained ought not to become either an unintelligent reactionary, a visionary reformer, or a fire-eating revolutionary.

                  It is difficult to discuss separately the matter and the manner of the elementary course. I shall, therefore, turn directly to the question of how it should be presented. Most teachers use one of four methods: (1) Textbook; (2) lecture; (3) syllabus; (4) library work. Each method has its own disadvantages. Textbooks in general have a singular lack of emphasis. Most students do not distinguish the essential from the unessential, the terminology being new and the whole treatment more or less abstract. Of the ordinary evils of slavery to a text I need not speak. In a lecture course most undergraduates do no work. If a syllabus is used, most of the difficulties of the text are encountered, but with two or three books instead of one. Without unlimited library funds, library reading as a basis for class discussion is impossible. A hundred students are always wanting to get hold of half a dozen books. Most teachers, therefore, come back to a combination of textbook and lecture, with more or less effort at supplementary library work, — not a bad solution, though by no means an ideal one.

                  The root difficulty is to get into the hands of all the students concrete material that will serve as the basis for intelligent and informed discussion. Our students do not know the facts of economic life. Of late some books are beginning to appear that try to meet this need. A critic has said, with a good deal of truth, that if one knows no economics these books are useless, because they do not contain enough; and if he does know some economics they are useless, because he already knows all they contain. None the less I believe that the solution of our present difficulty is to be found in putting into the hands of students a large book, perhaps running to two or three volumes, consisting of well-selected studies of different phases of contemporary economic activity, selections from economic history, and the history of economics, and studies of pending problems in economic and social readjustment. The difficulty of keeping such a book up to date I fully recognize. Such a work could be to a considerable extent compiled from standard literature, but to meet the need it would also have to include considerable amounts of new descriptive matter. For example, in the study of value I would have a section showing the conditions of wheat production in the United States, Argentina, India, and Russia; the way in which the grain gets to market, where it is sold, and what influences determine its price; together with a sketch of the course of wheat prices during the nineteenth century. The question of value would thus immediately be tied up in the student’s mind not only with some vague formula of marginal utility, but with actual conditions of distribution of population, fertility of land, the consuming habits of the people, the use of machinery and scientific methods in agriculture, soil conservation, transportation, speculation, — the real influences that our formulas fail to suggest. By the use of a good textbook the student can at the same time learn as much of the technical jargon as is thought desirable, — but with this difference, that it will now have some meaning for him. After wheat I should treat some monopolistic commodity, such as kerosene or anthracite coal, bringing out similarities and differences as compared with wheat. The purpose of this reading or “source” book would be, not to furnish an inductive basis for elementary economics, for I doubt the possibility of teaching it inductively, but to give concrete illustrative material in which the student may examine actively at work every important principle laid down in text or lecture. He can thus be stimulated to study his own experience and employ his own observation and research in determining the truth or falsity of the hypotheses out of which economic theory is built up. According to this plan the teacher may lecture occasionally, but the student will do the work, because he will have something to work on. He will not be required to perform the impossible feat of grinding out scientific explanations in vacuo, which is about what we ask of him in his ignorance now. Description without explanation is empty; explanation without description, futile; description and explanation combined train the scientific thinker.

                  Given then a sourcebook such as has been suggested and a reasonably satisfactory text, the task of the teacher in the elementary course becomes fairly simple. It is summed up in two words — interest and drill. With proper equipment there is little excuse for failure to interest college students in economics, but interest is not enough; it needs to be combined with healthy compulsion. Considerable though their interest be, most elementary students, like other people, have no inclination to overwork. They need close supervision. To make this possible in large classes without entailing prohibitive work on the teacher, assignments of required material must be standardized, so that students can be handled in groups. The better ones can easily be grouped by themselves for special work in addition to that required of the ordinary ones. The better students are neglected by most teachers at present, their efforts being centered on the group of mediocrities who set the suggested reading book might well contain all the material the ordinary student could be expected to use. Then, instead of wasting the time of the whole class with assignments of books they will never read, the teacher could confine such recommendations to the special groups that will actually use them. Lacking such a sourcebook the standardizing of assignments and grouping of students are none the less desirable.

                  Into the technique of the introductory course I shall go no further. The constant effort must be to make the student think clearly, thoroughly, and broadly, and to express his thought simply, clearly, and directly. To this end I rely chiefly on constant classroom discussion of assigned reading. In many ways it is less valuable, however, than the written report, the topical investigation, the collection of material from newspapers, magazines, and public documents, the specific question for written answer and the written examination. All these methods unfortunately devolve a great amount of work on the teacher, and unless he can group students such methods become almost impossible as classes grow in size.

                  Advanced courses present a less difficult problem than the introductory one. The smaller number of students and their more select character, as well as the more specialized character of advanced work, which usually deals with some one part of the field, such as the labor problem, socialism, or money, make it possible to adopt university methods. The students can be thrown largely on their own resources and held responsible only for results. They can be trained to make careful and somewhat extended studies of special topics, and class work can be based to an extent on such studies, though it is fatal to take much time in having students present, often very badly, the results of immature thinking. I am of the opinion that these advanced courses, like the elementary one, would profit by being “fattened.” If it is thought impracticable for a student to give a third of his time to such a study, let him give at least a quarter. Let us have done with the leisurely two-hour undergraduate course, where the student leaves the classroom, say on Wednesday morning, with the pleasing consciousness that economics need trouble him no more till the next week. Let us cut down the number of courses and make serious business of those we do give. Too many college teachers are trying to do for their students what only the university can do.

                  In introductory and advanced work alike, one puzzling question is always presenting itself. What is to be the attitude of the college teacher of economics toward the great economic and political issues that divide classes and parties? He must discuss them, for they are the very questions that give interest to his subject, and on which its conclusions may be expected to throw light. Moreover, he must have opinions about them. A man who has no positive ideas about trusts and trade unions, a central bank, municipal ownership, conservation, and socialism, and who would therefore confine his teaching to a mere “scientific” statement of facts about them, — such a man has not red blood enough to teach economics to undergraduates. The economics teacher ought to have useful opinions if any one has. What shall he do with them?

                  Probably few men of scientific temper and honest disposition consider themselves justified in using their position as undergraduate teachers to play the propagandist for mere opinions, however firmly they may hold them. The classroom is no place for propaganda. Suppose, for example, that at the present juncture one believes in a central bank, — may he urge that view in his classroom? Certainly not, however popular it may happen to be with his trustees. As a scientist he ought to point out the scientific reasons for his opinion, and as a man of affairs he ought, if he desires, to take part in practical movements looking toward the realization of the end he believes wise — and this equally, whether the end desired is a central bank or a cooperative commonwealth. Such freedom is fundamental to having honest men in college and university. But as a teacher of immature students, the economist finds himself under obligation not to impose his views on minds more or less incapable of resistance. He will not wish to convert his students to an opinion that will be held more or less as a prejudice.

                  Two courses, then, are open to him. Either he may keep his opinions to himself, trying to present fairly the arguments on both sides and leaving the students to form their own conclusions; or, he may frankly state his own judgment, giving the reasons which lead him to his conclusion and the arguments on the other side. The first course in my judgment is unfortunate for two reasons: first, because we do not wish to create a race of civic jellyfishes. The spectacle of an economist out of whom one can not get a positive conclusion on any live subject is, to say the least, not an inspiring example for students whom we desire to have form the habit of reaching sane decisions. Secondly, any man, no matter how fair minded, will find it hard not to present more convincingly the arguments he believes than those he doubts. Hence, in taking up any disputed topic, I tell a class in advance what is my own conclusion, thus giving them, so far as possible, the opportunity to discount the element due to the personal equation. Students and teacher thus stand on a footing of mutual understanding that seems to me conducive to mutual respect and intelligent discussion. The teacher can not help imposing his ideas on his students to some extent, but he can, at any rate, avoid foisting off on them opinions that they absorb from him unconsciously, because they do not know that he holds them. But, after all, perhaps the particular method of dealing with this problem is less important than the spirit in which it is approached. To realize that college boys and girls are generally young and easily impressed, and that propaganda of disputed social policies on which scientific opinion is not united, is at the farthest remove from the teaching of science — to have this consciousness is the great requirement for dealing wisely and fairly in this matter with undergraduates.

                  A little the same thing may be said concerning the general problem of method. To see the fundamental importance of economic relations, to think clearly and systematically, to put things simply and directly, to be filled with enthusiasm for a better social order, — these are the characteristics that will enable the real teacher to touch his students with the live coal off the altar. None the less a method capable of general use needs to be developed as a pedagogical tool, serving the interests at once of sound scholarship, free science, efficient citizenship, and sane social progress.

Source: Educational Review, Vol. XL (October, 1910), pp. 239-249.

Image Source: Faculty portrait of Henry Raymond Mussey in the Barnard College Yearbook, The Mortarboard 1911.

Categories
Business School Education Gender Race Undergraduate

Useful links. The Monographs on Education in the U.S. edited by Nicholas Murray Butler for the St. Louis World Fair. 1904

 

The institution of “World Expositions”, where newest developments in science and technology, industry and the arts are celebrated and showcased in specially built halls in fairgrounds that include activities for young and old, gardens, parks and fountains, etc., lacks salience in the public mind today. Looking at a list of world expos in Wikipedia, I confess that several decades have gone by without a single Expo having even caught my attention for a moment. In comparison the World Expositions used to be a huge deal at least up through the middle of the twentieth century.

No less a light than the President of Columbia University commissioned some twenty monographs for the national U.S. contribution to the Education department of the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exhibition (a.k.a. the St. Louis World’s Fair).  Economics in the Rear-view Mirror posts links to these twenty monographs on aspects of education in the United States as of 1904. About half of the titles provide interesting context for the artifacts gathered here dedicated to economics education. I have added the group assignments for the monographs from the attached outline of the education exhibits featured in the Palace of Education and Social Economy at the St. Louis exposition. 

Meet me in St. Louis, Louis (1904) performed by Billy Murry.

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Monographs on Education in the United States
edited by
Nicholas Murray Butler

Department of Education, Universal Exposition
St. Louis, 1904.
  1. Educational Organization and Administration. Andrew Sloan Draper, President of the University of Illinois, Champaign, Illinois. [Group 1] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc01butluoft
  2. Kindergarten Education. Susan E. Blow, Cazenovia, New York. [Group 1] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc02butluoft
  3. Elementary Education. William T. Harris, United States Commissioner of Education, Washington, D. C. [Group 1] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc03butluoft
  4. Secondary Education. Elmer Ellsworth Brown, Professor of Education in the University of California, Berkeley, California. [Group 2] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc04butluoft
  5. The American College. Andrew Fleming West, Professor of Latin in Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey. [Group 3] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc05butluoft
  6. The American University. Edward Delavan Perry, Jay Professor of Greek in Columbia University, New York. [Group 3] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc06butluoft
  7. Education of Women. M. Carey Thomas, President of Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania. [Group 3] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc07butluoft
  8. Training of Teachers. B. A. Hinsdale, Professor of the Science and Art of Teaching in the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan. [Group 1] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc08butluoft
  9. School Architecture and Hygiene. Gilbert B. Morrison, Principal of the Manual Training High School, Kansas City, Missouri. [Group 1] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc09butluoft/mode/2up
  10. Professional Education. James Russell Parsons, Director of the College and High School Departments, University of the State of New York, Albany, New York. [Group 3] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc10butluoft/mode/2up
  11. Scientific, Technical and Engineering Education. T. Mendenhall, President of the Technological Institute, Worcester, Massachusetts. [Group 3] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc11butluoft
  12. Agricultural Education. Charles W. Dabney, President of the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, Tennessee. [Group 5] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc12butluoft
  13. Commercial Education. Edmund J. James, Professor of Public Administration in the University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois. [Group 6] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc13butluoft
  14. Art and Industrial Education. Isaac Edwards Clarke, Bureau of Education, Washington, D. C. [Group 4] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc14butluoft
  15. Education of Defectives. Edward Ellis Allen, Principal of the Pennsylvania Institution for the Instruction of the Blind, Overbrook, Pennsylvania. [Group 7] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc15butluoft/mode/2up
  16. Summer Schools and University Extension. George E. Vincent, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Chicago; Principal of Chautauqua. [Group 8] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc16butluoft/mode/2up
  17. Scientific Societies and Associations. James Mckeen Cattell, Professor of Psychology in Columbia University, New York. [Group 8] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc17butluoft
  18. Education of the Negro. Booker T. Washington, Principal of the Tuskegee Institute, Tuskegee, Alabama. [Group 6] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc18butluoft
  19. Education of the Indian. William N. Hailmann, Superintendent of Schools, Dayton, Ohio. [Group 6] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc19butluoft
  20. Education Through the Agency of the Several Religious Organizations. Dr. W. H. Larrabee, Plainfield, N.J. [Group 8] https://archive.org/details/monographsoneduc20butluoft

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DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION.
Classification of Exhibits.

GROUP I.
ELEMENTARY EDUCATION

Class 1. Kindergarten.

Class 2. Elementary grades.

Class 3. Training and certification of teachers.

Class 4. Continuation schools, including evening schools, vacation schools and schools for special training.

Legislation, organization, general statistics.
School supervision and school management.
Buildings: plans, models; school hygiene.
Methods of instruction; results obtained.

GROUP 2.
SECONDARY EDUCATION

Class 5. High schools and academies; manual training high schools, commercial high schools.

Class 6. Training and certification of teachers.

Legislation, organization, statistics.
Buildings: plans and models.
Supervision, management, methods of instruction; results obtained.

GROUP 3.
HIGHER EDUCATION

Class 7. Colleges and universities.

Class 8. Scientific, technical and engineering schools and institutions.

Class 9. Professional schools.

Class 10. Libraries.

Class 11. Museums.

Legislation, organization, statistics.
Buildings: plans and models.
Curriculums, regulations, methods, administration, investigations, etc.

GROUP 4.
SPECIAL EDUCATION IN FINE ARTS

(Institutions for teaching drawing,
painting and music.)

Class 12. Art schools and institutes.

Class 13. Schools and departments of music; conservatories of music.

Methods of instruction; results obtained. Legislation, organization, general statistics.

GROUP 5.
SPECIAL EDUCATION IN AGRICULTURE

Class 14. Agricultural colleges and departments; experiment stations; instruction in forestry. (See Department H, Group 83.)

Curriculums; experiments and investigations; results. Methods of transportation and shipment. Legislation, organization, general statistics. Buildings: plans and models.

GROUP 6.
SPECIAL EDUCATION IN COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY

Class 15. Industrial and trade schools; evening industrial schools.

Class 16. (a) Business and commercial schools; (b) Higher instruction in commerce.

Class 17. Education of the Indian.

Class 18. Education of the Negro.

Legislation, organization, statistics. Buildings: plans and models. Methods of instruction; results.

GROUP 7.
EDUCATION OF DEFECTIVES

Class 19. Institutions for the blind; publications for the blind.

Class 20. Institutions for the deaf and dumb.

Class 21. Institutions for the feeble minded.

Management, methods, courses of study; results. Special appliances for instruction. Legislation, organization, statistics. Buildings: plans and models.

GROUP 8.
SPECIAL FORMS OF EDUCATION
— TEXT BOOKS—
SCHOOL FURNITURE AND SCHOOL APPLIANCES

Class 22. Summer schools.
Class 23. Extension courses; popular lectures and people’s institutes; correspondence schools.
Class 24. Scientific societies and associations; scientific expeditions and investigations.
Class 25. Educational publications, text books, etc.
Class 36. School furniture, school appliances.

Source: Official catalogue of exhibitors. Universal exposition. St. Louis, U.S.A. 1904, pp. 11-12.

Image Source: Palace of Education and Social Economy from the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Snapshots. The State Historical Society of Missouri.

 

Categories
Agricultural Economics Exam Questions Fields Harvard History of Economics Industrial Organization Money and Banking Public Finance Sociology Theory Undergraduate

Harvard. Division Exams for A.B., General and Economics, 1921

The Harvard Economics department was once one of three in its Division in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences. The Departments of History and Government shared a general division exam with the Department of Economics and also contributed their own specific exams for their respective departmental fields. This post provides the questions for the common, i.e. general, divisional exam, the general economics exam, and all the specific exams at the end of the academic year 1920-21 for those fields falling within the perview of the economics department.

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Previously posted
Division A.B. Exams

Division Exams 1916
Division Exams, January 1917
Division Exams, April 1918
Division Exams, May 1919
Division Exams, April/May 1920

Division Exams 1931

Special Exam for Money and Government Finance, 1939
Special Exam Economic History Since 1750, 1939
Special Exam for Economic Theory, 1939
Special Exam for Labor and Social Reform, 1939

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DIVISION OF HISTORY, GOVERNMENT AND ECONOMICS

EXAMINATIONS FOR THE DEGREE OF A.B.
1920-21

DIVISION GENERAL EXAMINATION

PART I

The treatment of one of the following questions will be regarded as equivalent to one-half of this examination and should therefore occupy one hour. Write on one question only. Insert before your answer to this question a sketch of your plan of treatment.

  1. Discuss the relations of civilization to climate.
  2. Does history show that the periods of a nation’s political and literary greatness tend to coincide?
  3. Was America’s entrance into the World War a consequence or a violation of her policies and traditions?
  4. Discuss the following: “One of the great difficulties, as well as one of the great fascinations of history is the constantly changing point of view; but we should beware of interpreting the past in the light of the present.”
  5. What have been and what should be the limitations upon the application of the principle of self-determination in national relations?
  6. Contrast Roman provincial, and nineteenth-century colonial relations.
  7. What should be the limits of nationalization of essential industries?
  8. What have been the marked characteristics of three great states at the time of their greatest power?
  9. “Society has departed very widely from the strict rule of non-interference with industry by the State; indeed, the policy of non-interference was never carried out logically by any State.” Comment.
  10. Discuss: “The patriotism of nations ought to be selfish.”
  11. What are the standards of social justice?

PART II

The treatment of four of the following questions in Part II is required and will be regarded as equivalent to one-half of this examination, and should therefore occupy one hour. The four questions are to be taken from the Departments in which the student is NOT CONCENTRATING; two questions from each of the two Departments.

A. HISTORY

  1. Briefly characterize, with approximate dates, five of the following: Alexander, Aristotle, Augustus, Francis Bacon, Frederick Barbarossa, Bolivar, Calvin, Chatham, Franklin, Richelieu.
  2. Give a short account of the rise of the Christian Church down to the period of the Crusades.
  3. Estimate the importance of the Netherlands in the development of Europe.
  4. Discuss the relations of England and the United States during the past one hundred years.
  5. Write a brief historical account of slavery in the Western Hemisphere.

B. GOVERNMENT

  1. Discuss: “Not independence but interdependence is the hope of nations.”
  2. Explain the evolution and significance of trial by jury.
  3. What is the significance of the following headlines in March, 1921?
    1. “Austria in dangerous unrest.”
    2. “Briand voted confidence on reparations.”
    3. “Crown prince is plotting.”
    4. “Lenin knows his Italian friends.”
  4. What are the limits of uniform state legislation?
  5. What political unities can best control:
    1. police,
    2. water supply,
    3. roads?

C. ECONOMICS

  1. “The fundamental fact in history is the law of decreasing returns. It is the cause of the origin and development of civilization. . . . It is equally, and for the same reason, the source of poverty and war.”
    State, explain, and indicate the significance of the law of decreasing (diminishing) returns.
  2. What are the fundamental features of the organization of modern industrial society?
  3. Discuss one of the following statements:
    1. “Employees have the right to contract for their services in a collective capacity, but any contract that contains a stipulation that employment should be denied to men not parties to the contract is an invasion of the constitutional rights of the American workmen, is against public policy, and is in violation of the conspiracy laws.”
    2. “In the old days, America outsailed the world. . . . I want to acclaim the day when America is the most eminent of shipping nations. . . . A big navy and a big mercantile marine are necessary to the future of the country.”
  4. Why should there be a labor party in England and not in the United States?
  5. What are the economic essentials of socialism?

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GENERAL EXAMINATION
DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS

I

The treatment of two of the following questions will be regarded as equivalent to one-half of the examination and should therefore occupy one hour. Write on two questions only.

  1. Give the author, approximate date, and general character of five of the following works:
    1. National System of Political Economy.
    2. Essays in Political Arithmetick.
    3. England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade.
    4. Essay on the Principle of Population
    5. Principles of Political Economy.
    6. The Wealth of Nations.
    7. Das Kapital.
    8. Lombard Street.
    9. Capital and Interest.
  2. Explain four of the following terms:
    Abstinence; Manchester School; stationary state; iron law of wages; produit net; non-competing groups; Scholasticism; Utilitarianism.
  3. Locate on an outline map:
    1. The world’s principal sources of five of the following raw materials: cotton; copper; sugar; silk; wheat; tin; rice; nitrate; petroleum; gold.
    2. The more important routes of overseas transportation.
    3. The world’s chief regions of manufacture.

II

The treatment of three of the following questions will be regarded as equivalent to one-half of the examination and should therefore occupy one hour. Write on three questions only. Be concise.

  1. Define “thrift” and discuss its social significance.
  2. Analyze the determination of normal value under competitive conditions of joint cost.
  3. What is meant by “monetary inflation”? How is it to be measured and what is its importance?
  4. What has been the course of the interest rate in modern times? What probably will be the course of the rate during the next few years? Why?
  5. What are the purposes and limits of progressive taxation?
  6. Discuss the future of public utilities in the United States.
  7. To what extent and in what respects, if at all, is labor legislation of the times a corrective of the more serious defects of the existing social order?
  8. Discuss: “Perpetual prosperity would be a national calamity.”

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SPECIAL EXAMINATION
ECONOMIC THEORY

Answer six questions

A

Take from this group at least two and not more than four

  1. What is the concept of “justice” in the theory of the distribution of wealth?
  2. Comment on the validity and significance of the following contention: “Labor is the source of all wealth.”
  3. “Whether capital is productive depends simply on the question: Are tools useful? It matters not how much or how little tools add to the product — if they add something, capital is productive.” Do you agree? Explain.
  4. “The forces which make for Increasing Return are not of the same order as those that make for Diminishing Return. . . . The two ‘laws’ are in no sense coordinate. . . . The two ‘laws’ hold united, not divided, sway over industry.” Comment critically.
  5. What relations exist between the accounting and economic concepts of “cost of production”?
  6. “The differences in the productive powers of men due to their heredity or social position give to certain individuals the same kind of an advantage over others that the owner of a corner lot in the center of a city has over one in the suburbs. If the income from a corner lot is a surplus and can therefore be described as unearned, the income of a man of better heredity, education or opportunity must also be regarded as a surplus income and therefore unearned.”
    Discuss this statement with reference to your general theory of distribution.

B

Take from this group at least one and not more than wto

  1. Give a brief historical account of the theory of population.
  2. Trace the development of the theory of international trade.
  3. In what ways have the following influenced the history of economic thought: Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas, Malthus, Ricardo, J.S. Mill, Marx?
  4. Outline the evolution of the theory of economic rent.

C

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. “The profits of speculation on the Stock Exchange are just as unearned as the increment in the value of urban building sites; unlike the profits of speculation in produce, they represent no service to society.” Do you agree? Why, or why not?
  2. “There is a point beyond which advertising outlay is extravagant.” Explain.
  3. “I do not see how we can retain our home markets, upon which American good fortune must be founded, and at the same time maintain American standards of production and American standards of living unless we make other peoples with lower standards pay for the privilege of trading in the American markets.” Discuss.
  4. What are the advantages and disadvantages of the closed shop?

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DIVISION SPECIAL EXAMINATION
ECONOMIC HISTORY

Answer six questions 

A

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. “The opening of the Erie Canal affected both intensive and extensive agriculture in the United States.” Explain. Have there been analogous changes in later periods?
  2. Discuss the following statement: “The enactment of corporation laws by the various states is the most important step made during the past century in the development of American manufactures.”
  3. Analyze the important economic after-effects of the World War.
  4. Briefly explain the most satisfactory methods for separating the different types of variation in time series.

B

Take from this group at least two and not more than four

  1. Write a brief account of one of the early English trading companies.
  2. Sketch the rise of the modern factory system.
  3. Compare changes in farm ownership and tenancy during the nineteenth century in England and the United States.
  4. Outline the history of banking in the United States from 1830 to 1860.
  5. Write a brief narrative of the early development of the railroad.
  6. Give the history of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act.
  7. Trace the evolution of the middle class and forecast its future.

C

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. Give a critical account of the policy of the Federal Government in its regulation of industrial combinations.
  2. Discuss the history and consequences of immigration into the United States since 1840.
  3. Review the development of German foreign trade before the War with special reference to the methods of trade promotion.
  4. Analyze the causes, extent, and consequences of changes in the price level in the United States since 1914.

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DIVISION SPECIAL EXAMINATION
PUBLIC FINANCE

Answer six questions

A

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. A law of 1691 authorizes the municipal corporations of New York “to impose any reasonable tax upon all houses within said city, in proportion to the benefit they shall receive thereby.” How far is this a correct principle of taxation and how far has it continued to be applied?
  2. Present a classification of Federal expenditures for a national budget system.
  3. Give a brief account of the financial statistics issued currently by the Federal Government.
  4. Discuss the proposal for the cancellation of all inter-allied debts.

B

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. How has the Federal Constitution influenced national and state tax systems in the United States?
  2. Trace the history of an important fiscal monopoly.
  3. Give a brief account of the financial history of one of the American states.
  4. What connections have existed between currency systems and government finance? Illustrate fully.

C

Take from this group at least two and not more than four

  1. Compare the total expenditures in the United States in normal times for (a) national, (b) state, and (c) municipal purposes. What changes, if any, in the proportions are to be expected?
  2. To what extent is it desirable to separate state and local revenues in the United States?
  3. Indicate the nature and significance of the “grant in aid” in British public finance.
  4. What arguments have been used in European countries for and against a capital levy?
  5. Should the poll tax be abolished? Why, or why not?
  6. Discuss critically the present condition of the public debt of the United States.

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DIVISION SPECIAL EXAMINATION
MONEY AND BANKING

Answer six questions

A

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. What part, if any, do commercial banks play in (a) the process of investment; (b) the increase of capital; (c) the course of industrial development; (d) leadership in the business world? In what respects, if at all, may the influence of commercial banks be economically inexpedient?
  2. Discuss the desirability of uniform bank accounting in the United States.
  3. Describe critically the more important sources of statistics of currency and credit in the United States.
  4. Analyze the successive phases of the business cycle. What are the causes of financial panics; industrial crises?

B

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. Give a brief account of the life and work of John Law.
  2. Trace the history of usury laws.
  3. Outline the political background of American monetary history from 1870 to 1900.
  4. Give a brief history of the Reichsbank.

C

Take from this group at least two and not more than four

  1. “It is quite clear that the money question no longer survives as a political issue.” Do you agree? Why, or why not?
  2. To what extent has the status of the gold standard been affected by the World War?
  3. “This little neutral country [Switzerland], surrounded by four great continental belligerents, and bordering on the two principal battle-fronts of Europe, possesses at present, curiously enough, an exceptional purchasing power. This is the consequence of the high level of Swiss currency, which is 250 per cent above the usual parity with the currency of the neighbor in the east, Austria-Hungary; 100 per cent higher than that of the neighbor in the north, Germany; 90 per cent higher than that of the neighbor in the south, Italy; and 20 per cent higher than that of the western neighbor, France. Even in overseas countries, Swiss currency has a higher buying power than the English sovereign or the American dollar.” Explain fully.
  4. What changes have been made in the original Federal Reserve System? What have been the purposes and effects of the changes? What further changes, if any, seem desirable?
  5. Compare the provisions for agricultural credit in two important countries.
  6. Comment upon the following statement: “Prosperity continued through the war, and gave the nation such a tremendous start in business activity that we would still be rejoicing in a period of great prosperity had it not been for the death-dealing blow of deflation of credit given by Mr. Wilson’s Federal Reserve Board.”

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DIVISION SPECIAL EXAMINATION
CORPORATE ORGANIZATION, INCLUDING RAILROADS

Answer six questions

 A

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. State the theory of value under conditions of monopoly. In what ways, if at all, is monopoly price affected by (a) cost of production per unit; (b) potential competition; (c) an elastic demand for the product; (d) the existence of satisfactory substitutes for the product; (e) hostile public opinion?
  2. Formulate a statistical classification of business organizations in the United States.
  3. Discuss the apportionment of railway operating expenses between freight and passenger service.
  4. Analyze the valuation of corporate assets from the standpoint of the principles of accounting.

B

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. Compare the history of business corporations in England and the United States.
  2. Trace connections between railroad construction in the United States and related political and economic events.
  3. Give a brief narrative of the trust dissolutions of the Federal Government.
  4. What provisions of the Federal Constitution have been most important in determining policies of government regulation of public utilities?

C

Take from this group at least two and not more than four

  1. Discuss the following statement: “The enactment of corporation laws by the various states is the most important step made during the past century in the development of American manufactures.”
  2. What are the advantages and disadvantages of non-par stock?
  3. Discuss the probable consequences of the Supreme Court decision that stock dividends are not income under the income tax law.
  4. What is the nature and importance of good-will in corporation finance?
  5. To what extent may there be differences in the fair valuation of public utilities for the purposes of rate-making, condemnation, taxation, and capitalization?
  6. Did the Government act wisely in returning the railroads March 1, 1920 to their corporate owners for operation? Why, or why not?

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DIVISION SPECIAL EXAMINATION
ECONOMICS OF AGRICULTURE

Answer six questions 

A

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. Analyze the doctrine of economic rent from agricultural land.
  2. What are the functions of organized speculation in staple agricultural products?
  3. Describe the methods to be employed in making an annual farm inventory.
  4. What subjects are covered by the decennial Federal census of agriculture? What is the statistical value of the results of the several inquiries?

B

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. Trace the history of the relations between landlords and tenants in England.
  2. What have been the most important changes in American agriculture since 1890?
  3. Give a critical account of the land policies of the Federal Government.
  4. Outline the development of the beet sugar industry in Europe.

C

Take from this group at least two and not more than four

  1. What factors determine the most efficient size of farms?
  2. What are the advantages of diversification of crops?
  3. Discuss the future of the meat supply of the United States.
  4. Describe and estimate the advantages and disadvantages of the different methods of marketing farm produce.
  5. State and defend a forest conservation policy for the United States.
  6. Compare the provisions for agricultural credit in two important countries.
  7. What are the principal problems of rural community life in the United States?

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DIVISION SPECIAL EXAMINATION
LABOR PROBLEMS

Answer six questions

 A

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. Discuss the proposal to restrict immigration into the United States by limiting the number of each nationality admitted each year to 3 per cent of the foreign-born of that nationality resident in this country in 1910.
  2. Describe the technique of statistical measurement of the high cost of living.
  3. What are the principal difficulties encountered in the collection of wage statistics?
  4. Analyze the relations between high money wages and high commodity prices.

B

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. Describe the early development of the factory system.
  2. Trace the origins of trade-unionism in the United States.
  3. Write a brief narrative of the movement for a shorter working day.
  4. Review the relations between organized labor and the steel industry in the United States.

C

Take from this group at least two and not more than four

  1. What is “the labor problem”?
  2. Compare American and British labor leadership. How do you account for the differences?
  3. “Employers must be free to employ their work people at wages mutually satisfactory, without interference or dictation on the part of individuals or organizations not directly parties to such contracts.” Comment.
  4. Discuss a proposed law providing that “in the establishment of salaries for school teachers in the city of—, there shall be no discrimination based on sex or otherwise, but teachers and principals rendering the same service shall receive equal pay.”
  5. “The principle that each industry shall support its own unemployed is one that must be established if a real solution of unemployment is to be made.” Do you agree? Why, or why not?
  6. Discuss the relation of shop committees to trade-unionism.

_______________________________

DIVISION SPECIAL EXAMINATION
ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY

Answer six questions

A

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. Discuss the following contention: “The landlord is a parasite since he consumes without producing.”
  2. What is the meaning of “over-population”?
  3. “Hitherto it is questionable if all the mechanical inventions yet made have lightened the day’s toil of any human being.” Comment critically.
  4. What are the interactions of human instincts and modern factory labor?
  5. Discuss the nature and bases of economic prosperity.

B

Take from this group at least one and not more than two

  1. Describe the evolution of language.
  2. Trace the history of the middle class and forecast its future.
  3. Give a brief historical account of the status of women.
  4. What have been the chief cultural consequences of the machine process?

C

Take from this group at least two and not more than four

  1. What is the province of sociology?
  2. Discuss the family as a necessary social unit.
  3. Describe the leading forms of conflict and their effect upon group life. Why are some forms to be preferred to others? What are the factors which determine the forms actually prevailing at any time?
  4. Analyze the sources of prestige and influence in modern society.
  5. “From the standpoint of progress, the value of the individual depends on the excess of his production over his consumption.” Discuss.
  6. What are the criteria and causes of racial superiority?

_______________________________

Examinations not transcribed for this post

History:

General Examination
Special Examinations: Mediaeval History; English History; Modern European History to 1789; Modern History since 1789; American History

Government:

General Examination
Special Examinations: American Government; Municipal Government; Political Theory; International Law

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Source: Harvard University Archives. Divisional and general examinations, 1915-1975 (HUC 7000.18). Box 6, Bound Volume (stamped “Private Library Arthur H. Cole”) “Divisional Examinations 1916-1927”.