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Courses Curriculum Harvard

Harvard. Rich economics course descriptions, 1884-85

 

Harvard’s expansion of its course offerings in political economy starting in 1883-84 was a major milestone in university instruction in economics in the United States. A report from the Harvard Crimson and another from New York Post have been posted earlier in Economics in the Rear-view Mirror. Following up the previous post that provided J. Laurence Laughlin’s thoughts from 1885 about how to best teach economics, thick descriptions of the Harvard courses in political economy listed for 1884-85 can be found below. The chapter from which the excerpts have been transcribed is in the same volume in which Richard Ely contributed a chapter, “On Methods of Teaching Political Economy” that was cited by Laughlin.  

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Excerpts from:

THE COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY, ROMAN LAW, AND POLITICAL ECONOMY, AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY.1
By Henry E. Scott, Harvard University.

A DESCRIPTION of the ground covered and of the methods used in the various courses in History and Political Science at Harvard must necessarily be preceded by a brief statement of the circumstances under which these studies are pursued there.

In the first place, all the courses offered in these branches — and in almost all other branches as well — are purely elective. The University requires each year a certain amount of work from every undergraduate who is a candidate for the degree of Bachelor of Arts; but, with the exception of about two-fifths of the work of the Freshman year, and certain prescribed written exercises in English in the Sophomore, Junior and Senior years, the undergraduate has full liberty to select any course in any subject which his previous training qualifies him to pursue. The courses in History and in Political Science may therefore be elected by any undergraduate, by the Freshman as well as by the Senior; and they are also, it may be added, open to the students of the various professional schools embraced in the University, to resident graduates, and to special students whether graduates or not.

1In the preparation of the following article, the writer has been greatly assisted by the instructors in the several courses described, and their statements have been incorporated in the text with but little change.

[168]
In order to provide suitable recognition for those students who have confined their college work to one or two special fields, Honors of two grades — Honorsand Highest Honors — are awarded at graduation in almost all branches in which instruction is offered. The candidate for Honors in History or in Political Science must have taken in the department selected six full courses or their equivalent, i.e., he must have devoted to it about one-half of his last three years as an undergraduate, four full courses or their equivalent being the amount of elective work required each year of Sophomores, Juniors, and Seniors; and he must have passed with great credit the regular examinations in those courses, and also, shortly before Commencement, a special examination covering all the six courses in question. Students who do not care to specialize to the extent necessary to obtain Honors can yet, by doing creditably about one-half as much work (i.e., by taking three full courses) in any one subject, receive at graduation Honorable Mention in that subject.

To pursue with advantage studies in History or in Political Science, the student must have easy access to books; and, in order to place within his reach the principal sources, authorities, and other helps necessary for the study of a given course, the system of “reserved books” was established some years ago in the Harvard College Library. The instructors in the various departments request the Library authorities to place upon the shelves of certain alcoves, assigned for this purpose in the reading-room of the Library, the books used by their classes for collateral reading and reference. The books thus reserved can be taken from the shelves by the students themselves without the formality of oral or written orders, and can be consulted in the Library during the day. At the close of library hours, they may, if properly charged, be taken out for the ensuing night only, [169] the borrowers promising to return them at 9 a.m. the next day. The right to use the reserved books is not limited to those students who take the particular course for which certain books have been reserved, but all persons entitled to the privileges of the Library are likewise entitled to use all the reserved books, the purpose of the system being not to withdraw the works from general use for the benefit of a narrow circle, but rather so to regulate their use that the greatest possible number of students may be able to consult them. Persons engaged in special investigations can, if necessary, obtain cards of admission to the shelves where the material they wish to use is stored; but, for the ordinary student, the reserved books, together with those ordered from the Library in the usual way, are sufficient.

The courses of instruction which are now to be described are classified — as are all courses offered in the College — as courses or half-courses, according to the amount of work required of the student and the number of exercises a week, a course having either three or two exercises a week, a half-course either two or one.Some of the courses are given every year, others every two years, others twice in three years. The more advanced courses can be taken only by special permission of the instructors, to obtain which students must give evidence of their ability to do the work expected of them. There are announced this year (1884-85) in the official pamphlet sixteen courses and two half-courses in History, one course and two half-courses in Roman Law, and four courses and four half-courses in Political Economy. There are actually given this year eleven courses and two half-courses in History, one course in Roman Law, and four courses and three half-courses in Political Economy,

1In the following description the half-courses are especially designated as such.

[170] the remaining courses being omitted in accordance with the arrangements mentioned above or for special reasons. The average number of hours of instruction per week devoted this year to History is thirty; to Roman Law, three; to Political Economy, fifteen.

[…]

THE COURSES IN POLITICAL ECONOMY.

Political Economy 1 (Mill’s “Principles of Political Economy “; Lectures on Banking and the Financial Legislation of the United States; three hours a week, Professor Dunbar and Assistant-Professor Laughlin) is designed (1) to provide for those students who intend to continue their economic studies for more than one year a suitable introduction to the elementary principles of the science, and their application to questions of practical interest; and (2) to furnish students whose time is chiefly devoted to other departments of study with that general knowledge of and training in Political Economy which all men of liberal education should desire. It has, therefore, its theoretical and its practical side. In the present year (1884-85) the new edition of Mill, prepared by Professor Laughlin, serves as a text-book for the main part of the course, and the remaining time is occupied by lectures on the elements of banking and the public finance of the United States (especially in the last quarter of a century). The instructor holds that for a course in the elements of Political Economy, where it is eminently desirable that the student should assimilate principles rather than memorize explanations of each subject, neither the recitation system nor the lecture system is best fitted, but that a judicious mixture of both is necessary; for the object of the instruction is in general not merely to give men facts, but to lead them to think. The text-book is supposed to furnish to the student a clear statement of the principles that are to be taken up at a given exercise. Then in the class-room the instructor, by questions, and by drawing the men into discussion and the free expression of difficulties, endeavors as much as possible to fix the knowledge of principles in the mind of the students, and to direct their attention to the workings of these principles in concrete cases. Graphic [186] representations of facts (such, for example, as are given by the charts in the text-book referred to) are often used to make the relation between theory and practice still clearer; and statements from the newspapers in regard to economic matters are sometimes read in the class-room, in order to test the student’s ability in applying abstract principles to the affairs of every-day life. To give the students practice in making accurate statements, questions are now and then written on the blackboard and answered in writing within fifteen minutes, and at the next hour these answers are criticised and discussed.

In the lectures on the elements of banking and finance in the latter part of the year, the three functions of banking — deposit, issue, and discount — are illustrated by references to the system of National Banks, of the old United States Banks, and of the Bank of England; and the sub-treasury system, the national debt, the methods of raising revenue during the war, the issue of legal tender paper, the resumption of specie payments, etc., are some of the topics discussed, Professor Dunbar’s pamphlet entitled “Extracts from the Laws of the United States relating to Currency and Finance” serving as a basis for the lectures on finance.

 

Political Economy 2 (History of Economic Theory — Examination of Selections from Leading Writers, three hours a week, Professor Dunbar) was in former years conducted by taking up, in the earlier part of the year, Cairnes’s “Leading Principles,” and, in the later part, some book of which the discussion and criticism would bring out more clearly the meaning of the generally accepted doctrines. Carey’s “Social Science,” [three volumes: Vol. 1, Vol. 2, Vol. 3] George’s “Progress and Poverty,” Shadwell’s ”Principles” — books which put the “orthodox” student in a defensive attitude — were used for this purpose. In addition, lectures were given on the history of political economy, and on examples of the working in practice of its principles, such as the working of the principles of international trade in the payment of the Franco-German indemnity in 1871-73, the commercial crisis of 1857, etc.

For the present year (1884-85) the course is remodelled. Nothing in the nature of a text-book is used. The subject is treated by topics. Such questions as the wages-fund controversy, the theory of international trade, the method of political economy, the theory of value, are to be taken up in succession. On each topic references to leading writers will be submitted to the students for examination and discussion. On the wages-fund question, for example, Mill’s retractation in the “Fortnightly Review” of his original views, Cairnes’s restatement of the theory, F. A. Walker’s position as found in his “Wages Question” and his “Political Economy,” George’s criticism of current views in “Progress and Poverty” will be read and discussed. The history of political economy is to be taken up in a similar way, by reference to characteristic extracts from the writings of the Physiocrats, Adam Smith, Malthus, Ricardo, Senior, Say, Bastiat, and their successors and critics in England and on the Continent. These extracts, read beforehand by the students and discussed in the class-room, will be supplemented by the comments and explanations of the instructor. By this method it is hoped that some familiarity with the literature of the subject will be obtained, as well as a more exact comprehension of its doctrines than can come from an elementary study like that of Course 1.

 

In Political Economy 3 (Discussion of Practical Economic Questions — Lectures and Theses, three hours a week, Assistant-Professor Laughlin) it is expected that the student, who is supposed now to have grasped firmly the general principles of political economy by at least one year’s previous study, will apply these principles to the work of examining [188] some of the prominent questions of the day, such as the navigation laws and American shipping, bimetallism, reciprocity with Canada, government and national bank issues, etc. At the beginning of each topic a general outline of the subject and its principal divisions is given by the instructor, together with more or less particular references to the most important authorities; but a complete list of books is not always furnished, the student being rather encouraged to hunt for material himself. The exercise in the class-room takes the form rather of a discussion than a formal lecture, references to authorities being given previous to each meeting, as the following examples will show: —

Standards of Value, see Jevons, “Money and the Mechanism of Exchange,” chaps, iii, xxv; S. Dana Horton, “Gold and Silver,” chap.iv, p. 36; F. A. Walker, “Political Economy,” pp. 363-368, “Money, Trade, and Industry,” pp. 56-77; Wolowski, “L’Or et l’Argent,” pp. 7, 22, 207; Mill, “Principles of Political Economy,” book iii, chap, xv; Walras, “Journal des Économistes,” October, 1882, pp. 5-13.

The third hour of the week (and also the mid-year examination) can be omitted by men who promise to prepare one considerable thesis (due in April) on a subject connected with some practical question of the day which has not been discussed in the class-room. Examples of such subjects are: the warehousing system; a commercial treaty with Mexico; the public land system; the remedy for our surplus of revenue; municipal taxation; characteristics of socialism in the United States; co-operation in the United States (productive and distributive co-operation, industrial partnerships, and cooperative banks); advantages and disadvantages of small holdings.

 

Political Economy 4 (Economic History of Europe and America since the Seven Years’ War, three hours a week, Professor Dunbar) serves to connect Political Economy with  [189] History. It requires no previous study of Political Economy, although some historical knowledge of the period is presupposed. Among the more prominent subjects taken up are: the rise of the modern manufacturing system, more particularly in cottons, woolens, iron; the steam engine; the economic effects of American Independence and of the French Revolution; the factory system; the migration of labor; improved transportation by railroads and steamships; the application of liberal ideas to international trade; the new gold of California and Australia; the economic effects of the Civil War in the United States; American grain in Europe; the Suez Canal; the crisis of 1873, and commercial crises in general; the development of banking; and the resumption of specie payments in the United States.

The course is chiefly narrative, and is carried on by lectures, supplemented by references for collateral reading. A printed list of topics is distributed to the students, containing a summary of the lectures and references to books reserved in the Library. An extract from this list will most clearly indicate its character and purpose. It gives the topics and references for the first lecture on the new gold supply: —

Lecture XLVII. — The discovery of gold in California: “Robinson’s California” (see Larkin’s and Mason‘s Reports, pp. 17, 33); also Exec. Doc. of U. S., 1848, i, 1. — The discovery in Australia: Westgarth, “Colony of Victoria,” 122,315. — Establishment of miners’ customs: Wood,”Sixteen Months in the Gold Diggings,” 125; Lalor’s “Cyclopaedia,” ii, 851. — Increased supply of precious metals in sixteenth and seventeenth centuries small in proportion to that in nineteenth century: Soetbeer, “Edelmetall-Production” (in Petermann’s “Mittheilungen”), Plate 3; “Walker on Money,” Part I, chaps, vii, viii. — The discoveries of 1848 and 1851 needed to give effect to influences already stimulating trade and commerce.

Similar topics and references are given for each of the eighty or ninety lectures.

 

[190] In Political Economy 5 (Economic Effects of Land Tenures in England, Ireland, France, and Germany—Lectures and Theses, one hour a week, counting as a half-course, Assistant-Professor Laughlin) a branch of the science that has been but slightly considered in Course 1 is taken up, and, as in the other practical courses, an attempt is made to apply principles to facts. The following extract from the official pamphlet, describing the courses of study in Political Economy, will indicate the ground covered: —

“This course covers the questions now of political importance in England, Ireland, France, and Germany in their economic aspects, and embraces the following subjects: — In England: the land laws; relative position of landlord, tenant, and laborer in the last one hundred years; tenant-right; leases; prices and importation of grain; repeal of the corn-laws; American competition; peasant proprietorship. In Ireland: the ancient tribal customs; English conquests; relations of landlord and tenant; security of tenure; Ulster tenant-right; absenteeism; parliamentary legislation; acts of 1869, 1870, 1881, 1882; population; prices of food and labor. In France: feudal burdens on land; relation of classes, and condition of peasantry and agriculture before the Revolution; small holdings and the law of equal division; present condition of peasantry and agriculture; growth of population; statistics of production, wages, prices; peasant proprietorship. In Germany: reforms of Stein and Hardenberg; condition of agriculture; peasant proprietors; statistics of wages and prices.”

A subject taken up (for example, English land tenures) is divided into topics, some of which are treated by the instructor by means of lectures, others are assigned to the individual members of the class, who are expected to present the results of their study in writing. These short theses are criticised and discussed by the instructor and the class, authorities that have been overlooked are pointed out, and suggestions are made as to the way in which the question can be better handled. Perhaps five or six of these papers [191] are required from each student during the year, the intention being that at least one shall be handed in each week. As the natural tendency of such work is to “compile,” much more consideration is given to the quality than to the quantity of the thesis.

 

In Political Economy 6 (History of Tariff Legislation in the United States, one hour a week, counting as a half- course, Dr. Taussig) the history of tariff legislation from 1789 to the present day is studied. The method of instruction is by lectures and collateral reading, specific references being given beforehand on the subjects to be taken up; for example, the references on the tariff act of 1789 are as follows: Hamilton’s “Life of Hamilton,” iv, 2-7; Adams, “Taxation in United States,” 1-30, especially 27-30; Sumner, “History of Protection,” 21-25; Young’s “Report on Tariff Legislation,” pp. iv-xvi. Similar references are given when the economic effects of the tariff, more particularly in recent years, are discussed. The class-room work is based on the assumption that the passages referred to have been read by the students, and, though mainly carried on by lectures, includes questioning and discussion on the references. The economic principles bearing on tariff legislation are taken up in connection with the more important public utterances on the subject, such as Hamilton’s “Report on Manufactures,” Gallatin’s “Memorial of 1832,” Walker’s “Treasury Report of 1845,” and the speeches of Webster, Clay, and others. These are read by the students, and discussed in the class; and at the same time with them are considered the views of writers on the theory of economic science. In the course of the year the various arguments pro and con in the protection controversy are, in one shape or another, encountered and discussed. Towards the close of the year lectures are given on the tariff history of England, France, and Germany.

 

[192] Political Economy 7 (Comparison of the Financial Systems of France, England, Germany, and the United States, one hour a week, counting as a half-course, Professor Dunbar) deals with the principles of finance, and with the financial systems of the more important civilized countries. The budgets of France, Germany, and England are examined and compared, the financial methods of the United States are noted, and the principles of finance and the advantages and disadvantages of different taxes are discussed. The instruction is mainly by lectures. The course is not given in the present year (1884-85), and may be omitted in future years, though it will be retained on the elective list.

 

In Political Economy 8 (History of Financial Legislation in the United States, one hour a week, counting as a half- course, Professor Dunbar) the funding of the Revolutionary debt, the establishment and working of the first Bank of the United States, the financial policy of Hamilton and Gallatin, the effect of the War of 1812 on the finances and the currency, the establishment of the second Bank of the United States, the fall of the bank in Jackson’s time, and the years 1836-40, the independent treasury, the State banking system, the growth of the public debt during the Civil War, and its reduction and conversion since, the establishment and working of the National Bank system, — are the topics successively considered. The method of instruction is by lectures and by reference to the public documents and other writings bearing on the subject. It is advised by the instructors that Courses 6 and 8 in Political Economy be taken together; and this advice has been followed, most students who take one of these courses being also members of the other.

 

Source:  Henry E. Scott, “The Courses of Study in History, Roman Law, and Political Economy at Harvard University”  Vol. I. Methods of Teaching History (pp. 167-170, 185-192) in the series Pedagogical Library, edited by G. Stanley Hall. Boston: D.C. Heath & Company, second edition, 1885.

Image Source:  Charles F. Dunbar (left) and Frank W. Taussig (right) from E. H. Jackson and R. W. Hunter, Portraits of the Harvard Faculty (1892); J. Laurence Laughlin (middle) from Marion Talbot. More Than Lore: Reminiscences of Marion Talbot, Dean of Women, The University of Chicago, 1892-1925. Chicago: University of Chicago (1936).

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Exams on Adam Smith, J.S. Mill and Modern Writers. Taussig, 1915, 1916.

 

Frank W. Taussig only offered this intermediate level economic theory course twice. It was sandwiched in between his principles of economics course and the graduate economic theory course.

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Course Description, 1917-18
[Note: the course was not offered, 1917-18]

71hf. Economic Theory [No instructor listed]. Half-course (first half-year). Tu., Th., at 2.30, and (at the pleasure of the instructor) Sat., at 11.

Course 7undertakes a survey of economic thought from Adam Smith to the present time. Considerable parts of the Wealth of Nations and of J. S. Mill’s Principles of Political Economy will be read, as well as selected passages from the writings of contemporary economists. No theses or other set written work will be required. The course will be conducted chiefly by discussion. It forms an advantageous introduction to Economics 7[“The Single Tax, Socialism, Anarchism” taught by Professor Thomas N. Carver].
Students who have attained in economics a grade sufficient for distinction (or B) are admitted without further inquiry. Others must secure the consent of the instructor.

 

Source:   Division of History, Government, and Economics 1917-18. Official Register of Harvard University. Vol. 14, No. 25 (May 18, 1917) p. 62.

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Course Announcement, 1915-16

[Economics] 7a 1hf. Economic Theory

Adam Smith, J. S. Mill, modern writers. Half-course (first half-year) Tu., Th., at 2.30, and (at the pleasure of the instructor) Sat., at 11. Professor Taussig.

 

Source:Announcement of the Courses of Instruction Offered by the Faculty of Arts and Sciences 1915-16 (2ndedition). Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. 12, No. 1, Part 13 (September 20, 1915), p. 101.

 

Course Enrollment, 1915-16

71hf.Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory.

Total 27: 12 Graduates, 5 Seniors, 5 Juniors, 1 Sophomore, 4 Others.

 

Source:  Harvard University. Report of the President of Harvard College 1915-1916, p. 60.

 

Final Examination 1915-16
ECONOMICS 7a1

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions.

  1. “The wages of the inferior classes of workmen, I have endeavored to show in the first book, are everywhere necessarily regulated by two different circumstances: the demand for labor, and the ordinary or average price for provisions. The demand for labor, according as it happens to be either increasing, stationary, or declining, or to require an increasing, stationary or declining population, regulates the subsistence of the laborer and determines in what degree it shall be either liberal, moderate, or scanty.”
    Explain (1) in what way Adam Smith analyzed the “demand for labor”; (2) the nature of the reasoning which led to his conclusions regarding the influence on wages of increasing or declining national wealth.
  2. Explain in what way J. S. Mill analyzed the demand for labor, and wherein his analysis resembled Adam Smith’s, wherein it differed; and consider whether Mill’s conclusions regarding the influence of increasing national wealth on wages were similar to Adam Smith’s.
  3. Explain:
    1. The Physiocratic notion concerning productive labor;
    2. Adam Smith’s distinction between productive and unproductive labor;
    3. Adam Smith’s doctrine as to the way in which equal capitals employed in agriculture, in manufactures, in wholesale or retail trade, put in motion different quantities of productive labor.
      What reasoning led Adam Smith to arrange industries in the order of productiveness indicated in (c) and what have you to say in comment on it?
  4. Why, according to Adam Smith, is there rent from land used for growing grain? from land used for pasture? from mines?
    What would a writer like Mill say of these doctrines of Adam Smith’s?
  5. How does Mill (following Chalmers) explain the rapid recovery of countries devastated by war? Do you think the explanation sound?
  6. Wherein is Mill’s analysis of the causes of differences in wages similar to Adam Smith’s, wherein different?
  7. What, according to Mill, is the foundation of private property? What corollaries does he draw as regards inheritance and bequest? What is your instructor’s view on the justification of inheritance and bequest?
  8. Explain wherein there are or are not ” human costs ” in the savings of the rich, of the middle classes, and of the poor; and wherein there are or are not” economic costs ” in these several savings.
  9. Hobson says: (a) that” the traditional habits of ostentatious waste and conspicuous leisure . . . induce futile extravagance in expenditure”; (b) that” the very type of this expenditure is a display of fireworks; futility is of its essence”; (c) that “the glory of the successful sportsman is due to the fact that his deeds are futile. And this conspicuous futility is at the root of the matter. The fact that he can give time, energy, and money to sport testifies to his possession of independent means.” Consider what is meant by” futility ” in these passages; and give your own opinion on the significance of “sport.” [J.A. Hobson, Work and Wealth: A Human Valuation, 1914.]
  10. Explain the grounds on which Hobson finds little promise for the future in (a) consumers’ cooperation; (b) producers’ cooperation; (c) syndicalism.

 

Source: Papers Set for Final Examinations on History, History of Religions,…, Economics,…, Fine Arts, Music in Harvard College. June, 1916, pp. 55-56.

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Course Enrollment, 1916-17

71hf.Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory.

Total 31: 2 Graduates, 13 Seniors, 12 Juniors, , 4 Others.

Source:  Harvard University. Report of the President of Harvard College 1916-1917, p. 56.

 

Final Examination 1916-17
ECONOMICS 7a1

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions.

  1. Summarize the order in which Adam Smith arranges the several topics taken up by him in Book I; and explain the circumstances in his life and in the composition of the Wealth of Nations which explain this order.
  2. Wherein is Adam Smith’s discussion of differences of profit similar to Mill’s, wherein dissimilar?
  3. Precisely in what ways was Adam Smith’s doctrine on the rent of mines similar to that of Mill, in what ways dissimilar?
  4. How, according to Adam Smith, does the issue of paper money drive specie out of circulation?
  5. Can J. S. Mill’s doctrines on wages be reconciled with those of his chapter on the future of the laboring classes?
  6. Explain briefly what Wells means by “administrative” socialism; by “constructive” socialism.
  7. “The principle which prompts to save is the desire of bettering our condition, a desire which, though generally calm and dispassionate, comes with us from the womb, and never leaves us till we go into the grave….An augmentation of fortune is the means by which the greater part of men propose and wish to better their condition.” What application does Adam Smith make of this principle as regards the effects of public and of private prodigality and misconduct?
  8. What is said of Adam Smith’s principle (as stated in the preceding question) by Wells? by your instructor?
  9. “The fact must be insisted upon that most of the work of the world and all the good work is done to-day for some other motive than gain; that profit-seeking not only is not the moving power of the world, but that it cannot be, that it runs counter to the doing of effectual work in every department of life.” [H. G. Wells, New Worlds for Old (1913), p. 94]
    “The prosperous merchant of to-day would find himself somewhere high in the hierarchy of the distributing service….And you would get a pretty good salary; modern Socialism does not propose to maintain any dead level to the detriment of able men. Modern socialism has cleared itself of that jealous hatred of prosperity that was once a part of class-war socialism.” [H. G. Wells, New Worlds for Old (1913), p. 304]
    Is there any inconsistency between these two passages?
  10. “Another delusion is that public property is more serviceable than private property, to the public. It is difficult for some people to see that all productive property is serving the public, and the more efficiently it is managed, and the more it is made to produce for the manager, the better it is for the public…The only question is, is it likely to be used as productively in the hands of the individual who has shown the efficiency to accumulate it, as it would be if it were taken out of his hands by the public?”
    1. What parts of this quotation would Wells accept or reject?
    2. What is your own opinion of the quotation, and of Wells’ view on the subject?

 

Source:  Harvard University Archives. Examination Papers, 1917 (HUC 7000.28, vol. 59). Papers Set for Final Examinations on History, History of Religions,…, Economics,…, Fine Arts, Music in Harvard College. June, 1917, pp. 57-58.

Image Source: Frank W. Taussig from Harvard Class Album 1915.

 

Categories
Curriculum Germany Harvard

Harvard. The German language in higher education, 1894

 

Several earlier posts have considered foreign language requirements from the perspective of mid-20th century (e.g. Harvard, Columbia, Chicago). This post takes us back to the early years of graduate instruction at the end of the 19th century. The report by the “German Committee” submitted to the Board of Overseers of Harvard College in 1894 was forty-six pages long. I have included only the statements by three professors of economics (Taussig, Dunbar, and Ashley) between the report’s lede and its conclusions, but I can recommend a quick glance at the statements submitted by members of other departments at Harvard.

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REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON GERMAN.
[October 4, 1894]

To The Board of Overseers : —

In order either to confirm or to correct the opinions held by the undersigned as to the position which instruction in the German language should occupy in the general scheme of the University, the following questions were addressed to teachers of every grade active in the various branches of the institution:

  1. Is any of your work, or of the work of any student in the University under you, determined, or limited, or in any way affected by knowledge or ignorance of the German language on the part of such student, and, if so, how?
  2. Is knowledge of German required of any student in the University for admission to, or for continuance in, any study under you, and, if so, how much knowledge, and how much is it used, and for what study or studies?
  3. What proportion of the published work of yourself, or of any student, or students, in your department, is published in the German language, and, if any, in what books or papers?
  4. What remedy or remedies can you suggest for any evil suffered by the University or any student or students thereof through ignorance of, or imperfect knowledge of German.

We beg leave to submit the answers received in the original; but, for the sake of convenience, we present also in this report, grouped according to the different branches of study, abstracts of opinions expressed, especially in response to question 1, to which we respectfully and urgently invite the attention of the Board of Overseers. It will be found that while a few of the professors, instructors or lecturers consider the knowledge of German as of little consequence to their students, an overwhelming majority of them, representing all conceivable varieties of study, agree, with singular concert of judgment, as to the desirability of that knowledge, differing only in the degree of their appreciation of it, some declaring the ability to read German merely helpful, while others pronounce it to be absolutely indispensable.

We shall now let them speak for themselves :

[…]

Professor F. W. Taussig, Professor of Political Economy.

  1. In the work of all my advanced courses, and especially in the course on economic theory, I am hampered by the fact that the students, otherwise well equipped, cannot handle German.

Professor C. F. Dunbar, Professor of Political Economy and Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences.

  1. In public finance and banking the work is so far affected that I feel it practically useless to require the reading of anything which cannot be paralleled in French or English; and although I make references to German sources, it is with the feeling that they will be used by only a part of the class. This often makes it necessary, in order to cover a German topic with certainty (as e. g. in Taxation), to give it a disproportionate amount of time in my lectures. I must add that the state of things appears to me to be improving.

Professor W. J. Ashley, Professor of Economic History.

  1. In all the higher University work with which I am concerned, in the study of economic and social history, it would be a great advantage to the men to have a fair acquaintance with German.
  2. In “The History of Economic Theory down to Adam Smith,” to read German is declared in the department pamphlet to be “desirable.” In a class last year of some eight seniors and graduate students, two, if I remember rightly, showed that they could use German with ease, and one of these did an excellent piece of work for me and the class which would have been impossible otherwise.

[…]

            While these reports are calculated to create a favorable impression as far as they go, it is to be gathered from many of the opinions expressed that, although a certain advance is to be noticed, a greater and more general proficiency in German among the students is very desirable. As to the question how the deficiencies that may exist might be remedied, the answers received in response to our interogatories differ. They may be divided into the following classes: —

  1. Those recommending that students be admonished by way of suggestion and advice, in the official reports and pamphlets as well as in personal conversation, to devote more attention to the study of the German language.
  2. Those recommending that the requirements as to German in the examinations for admission to the University be increased.
  3. Those recommending higher requirements as to German for admission to scientific schools, and for honors and degrees; and
  4. Those recommending special courses for scientific German to be connected with the different scientific departments.

These different recommendations do not necessarily exclude one another, as, indeed, they appear grouped together in one or two of the answers we have received to our interrogatories. The admonition by suggestion or advice, as well as the establishment of higher requirements in German for certain honors or degrees, might prove desirable incentives under any circumstances. But a careful consideration of the whole subject has led us to the conclusion that the recommendation of an increase of the initial requirements deserves the most serious attention. The more Harvard rises to the station and dignity of a University in the higher,—that is, the true sense—the less the institution should have to do with that kind of work which naturally belongs to the office of the preparatory school. The student entering Harvard should be required sufficiently to possess what may be called the mechanical equipment necessary for the pursuit of his studies. This, applied to the German language, would mean that the Harvard student should be beyond the struggle with its structural difficulties, that he should be able to read it understandingly, without the painful drudgery of conscious translation word for word, and that in using it his labor should be reduced to a mere occasional enlargement of the vocabulary.

We admit that it may be very difficult, if not impossible, to reach this objective point all at once. But it may ultimately reached by gradual approaches. We venture respectfully to suggest as the first step a public announcement that the requirements as to German in the examination for admission, will henceforth be increased by degrees, and that elementary instruction in German at the University will be discontinued.

We further suggest that the time for the examination in German be extended to two hours and that it include, in addition to the translation of German prose, not of the simplest kind, but of ordinary difficulty, the translation of a few sentences of simple English prose into German, or a simple composition in German, and some ordinary tests in German grammar. The examination should certainly be severe enough not to permit the attainment of a satisfactory result by cramming.

We believe also that the recommendation made by several of the officers of instruction concerning the establishment of special courses in “scientific German” in connection with the respective scientific schools, deserves to be seriously considered. If, as sources of information, German works are to be read, it is most important that they should be read understandingly. The meaning of writers who are studied as authorities should not be merely guessed at. This is one of the cases in which “a little knowledge” is more dangerous than none at all. The particular study of scientific terminologies appears especially necessary with regard to German writers because, as is well known, not a few of them—whether writing on science, or philosophy, or even history, — take great liberties with their language in constructing composite words and in various other ways, thus creating, to some extent, technical terms, or forms of expression which, when applied to certain things, are to convey a special meaning — more or less peculiar to themselves. The courses suggested would, therefore, serve a useful purpose.

We would also respectfully recommend that in courses in which recitations form part of the system of instruction, the classes be divided into sections conveniently small, to contain not above 30 students, and that the number of instructors be correspondingly increased.

All of which is respectfully submitted.

C. SCHURZ,
J. ELLIOT CABOT,
CHARLES E. GRINNELL,

Committee on German.

4th October, 1894.

 

Source: Reports of the Visiting Committees of the Board of Overseers of Harvard College from February 6, 1890, to January 8, 1902 InclusiveCambridge, Massachusetts (1902), pp. 221, 241-242, 265-267.

Image Source:  Dunbar, Ashley and Taussig from The Harvard Portfolio (Class of 1895), Vol. VI.

 

 

 

Categories
Courses Harvard Principles

Harvard. Report on the Recitation Sections of Principles of Economics, 1913-14

 

 

A member of the Department of Economics Visiting Committee, John Wells Morss, took it upon himself to sit in and observe classroom performance in the recitation sections of the Harvard Principles of Economics course during the Fall term of 1913-14. From the first paragraph of his report it would appear that the department of economics had invited him to provide a report to serve as a complementary (friendly?) assessment to the survey being (or to be) conducted by the Harvard Division of Education on teaching in the economics department. That Division of Education report was later published: The Teaching of Economics in Harvard University—A Report Presented by the Division of Education at the Request of the Department of Economics. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1917. 

Morss’ report was passed along to President A. Lawrence Lowell of Harvard by the chairman of the department of economics, Charles Bullock, for-the-(positive)-record. While the report seems rather long-winded by today’s standards, it does provide us some good information, e.g. about the importance of the weekly questions discussed in the recitation sections. For a sample of the questions we are fortunate to have the published record.

Edmund Ezra Day and Joseph Stancliffe Davis. Questions on the Principles of Economics. New York: 1915.
“A few of the questions here presented are frankly borrowed from previously published collections…More of the questions have been drawn from a stock accumulated through several years in the hands of the instructing staff of the introductory course in Economics at Harvard University.” (p. vii)

The questions were arranged by topics to follow Taussig’s own textbook Principles of Economics (Second, revised edition of 1915: Volume OneVolume Two).

Another interesting takeaway is that Morss noted that over the four weeks that he attended sections, the average amount of assigned reading for these recitations was 33 pages per week from the Taussig textbook. This certainly seems modest from the perspective of today’s nominal reading lists but perhaps actually corresponds to the actual reading completed by the average undergraduate in an introductory or intermediate economics course.

Note: Since the following items come from the last folder from a box that contains the papers of President Lowell of 1909-14 and the month of February is significantly closer to the start than the end of the year, it seems likely that the date, “1913”, found in the typed date on Charles Bullock’s cover letter was mistaken and that both items transcribed below are from February 1914.

 __________________

Course Announcement and Description, 1913-14

[Economics] A. (formerly 1). Principles of Economics. Tu., Th., Sat., at 11.

Professor Taussig and Asst. Professor Day, assisted by Messrs. Burbank, J. S. Davis, R. E. Heilman, and others.

            Course A gives a general introduction to economic study, and a general view of Economics for those who have not further time to give to the subject. It undertakes a consideration of the principles of production, distribution, exchange, money, banking, international trade, and taxation The relations of labor and capital, the present organization of industry, and the recent currency legislation of the United States will be treated in outline.

The course will be conducted partly by lectures, partly by oral discussion in sections. A course of reading will be laid down, and weekly written exercises will test the work of students in following systematically and continuously the lectures and the prescribed reading. course A may not be taken by Freshmen without the consent of the instructor.

 

Source: Harvard University. Division of History, Government, and Economics, 1913-14, published in Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. X, No. 1, Part X (May 19, 1913) , p. 60.

__________________

Course Enrollment, 1913-14

[Economics] A (formerly 1). Professor Taussig and Asst. Professor Day, assisted by Dr. J. S. Davis, and Messrs. P. G. Wright, Burbank, Eldred, and Vanderblue.—Principles of Economics.

Total, 494: 1 Graduate, 1 Business School, 13 Seniors, 129 Juniors, 280 Sophomores, 24 Freshmen. 46 Others.

 

Source: Harvard University. Report of the President of Harvard College, 1913-1914, p. 54.

 

__________________

Examination Questions for Economics A, 1913-14

Mid-year and Year-end final exams for 1913-14 for Economics A have been transcribed and posted earlier. 

__________________

Cover letter from Professor Bullock (Economics)
to President Lowell

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS

Cambridge, Massachusetts
February 20, 1913 [sic].

Dear Mr. Lowell:

Mr. John Wells Morss of our Visiting Committee has recently completed a very thoro investigation of the work done in the sections of Economics A. I enclose herewith a copy of the Report, which I think, will be of great interest to you. Last Tuesday I had the pleasure of an hour’s conference with Mr. Morss, in which he told me somewhat more fully about this investigation; and I think it may be worth your while to confer with him upon the subject.

Sincerely yours,
[signed]
C. J. Bullock.

__________________

Harvard University

THE SECTION MEETINGS OF ECONOMICS A

Notes by John Wells Morss
February, 1914.

When an amateur attempts to pass upon the work of professionals, a knowledge of his point of view is essential to one who would consider his conclusions. It therefore seems fitting to state that I was invited by the Department of Economics to make an examination of some of its work not because I was expected to reach results comparable to those expected from the examination now being conducted by the Department of Education, but because, as my invitation expressed it, the Department of Economics believed it “important to secure the opinion of some one who represents a different point of view, and brings to the work of inspection the experience of a man of business rather than of a student of education”. I have limited my examination to the work of the section meetings of the Economics Department, and shall limit this report to the work of the section meetings of Economics A, as that course has a large majority of the section meetings of the Department, and to consider them only greatly simplifies what I have to say. I have not compared my results with those of the Department of Education, and I have sought but little to obtain the views of those who conduct the section meetings as to their problems and difficulties lest they overwhelm my own observation.

Economics A, the introductory course to the subject most popular in Harvard College, has an enrollment of students this year of about five hundred and twenty-five. On Saturdays a lecture is delivered to the students in a body in the New Lecture Hall. On two other days of the week each student attends a meeting of the section to which he is assigned. There are twenty-one sections, each with a membership of about twenty-five. They are conducted by five instructors and Assistant Professor Day, all of whom will be referred to as the instructors. Twenty minutes or more of the one hundred minutes given weekly to the section meetings are devoted to writing an answer to a question set by the instructor. As twenty-one section meetings cannot be held at once, the same question cannot be put to all the students of the course; but the six different questions, prepared at a conference of the instructors, are all designed to serve the same purpose of testing the students’ knowledge and comprehension of recent work. I have not attempted to judge either questions or answers, but their usefulness seems to me to be unquestionable. After the answer is written the rest of the two meetings is devoted to a quiz with explanations and discussions based on the required reading which is usually from twenty to fifty pages of Prof. Taussig’s “Principles of Economics”. It is to this part of the work that I have given the most of my attention.

The attendance has been excellent at all the meetings at which I have been present. The maximum number of absences in a section of twenty-five does not ordinarily exceed two. One section had but five absences in six successive meetings beginning in the second week of the fall term. This record may not be equaled at meetings close to holidays and other special occasions, but on the whole the attendance is surprisingly good.

The preparation of the students is stimulated and tested by the questions asked of them by the instructor. So generally did it appear that substantially all the students of a section were called upon in an hour that I ceased after a time to attend to the point, though it seems plain that care should be used not to miss sluggish students assigned to seats in the back of the room. How generally the required reading had been done it was difficult to judge. Perhaps on the average three or four at each meeting answered that they were not prepared. At one meeting near the end of the year in another course than Economics A the preparation had been widely neglected, but that was a single case in my experience, and on the whole it seems that success is attained in the attempt to cause the students to work throughout the year with reasonable regularity.

The attention of the students seemed also satisfactory. Nobody went to sleep and apparently very few were near it. I saw no carving of the desks, though many results of such handiwork are visible. A half dozen raised hands would often indicate a strong desire to answer a question or join in the discussion. A considerable number of questions were asked in the class, some showing thought above the realization of ignorance. At some meetings a few students asked questions after the class, though the total number of those so doing was rather disappointing, considering the theoretical and stimulating nature of the subject.

The quality of the thinking done by the students did not seem to equal their attention. That they should show a lack of practical knowledge and of well considered opinions was to be expected in an elementary course; but they showed a striking incapacity for the simplest mental arithmetic, and on one occasion but few, if any, of them had had the curiosity, when studying the different kinds of currency, to look at the bills in their own pockets. And there was frequently illustrated the difference in result between reading and hard study. Often their ideas seemed hazy and too often a whole class seemed unable to answer a question adequately explained in the text. In other words, one who seeks the thoroughness required of a man is disappointed as is also he who expects to find among these students the indifference of an idle boy. When however one remembers that the average student of an elementary course in college is neither boy nor man, but in progress of development from one to the other, one is reasonably satisfied with the attitude and work of the students, and with their response to what is done for them.

In one particular however it seems that special effort should be made to improve the work of the students. In all the section meetings I attended comparatively few notes were taken. A reason may be that it is difficult to take notes of a running discussion; but the results of the discussions are often summarized by the instructor, and nobody can really take notes who can only report a slowly delivered lecture. Moreover in one case apparently not a single member of a section copied from the blackboard figures excellently illustrating the working of a clearing house. I for one should be glad to see lectures delivered to all the students of the College explaining the importance of note taking, and suggesting various practical methods. Further I would have the instructors of this course informally supplement such lectures from time to time by encouraging good note taking.

When the work of the instructor of a section meeting is considered, it is necessary early to realize that one of the most serious limitations under which he works is that of time. The maximum time available weekly for discussion in the section meetings is a short eighty minutes. The average number of pages assigned to be read in four successive weeks was thirty-three, and an experiment showed that it takes three minutes to read aloud one of those pages very rapidly. In other words there are but eighty minutes to discuss a text which cannot be read rapidly in less than one hundred minutes, and which is usually condensed in statement, closely reasoned and in many points debatable. There has therefore arisen a demand for an additional section meeting. This does not appeal to me. Economics A is a course which should be taken by every student in the College, and it should not require an exceptional amount of time from its students lest the number of them taking it be thereby limited. Moreover an additional fifty minutes would not solve the problem; the cry for still another hour would inevitably follow.

The work of the instructor is also rendered difficult by the exceptional nature of the course itself. Economics A is not only an introductory course, but is also the only course in Economics taken by a large proportion of its members. It embraces a great number of topics, each as a rule involving difficult questions of theory and based on a great variety of facts. The amount of ground to be covered is so great that of most topics only a cursory view can be had. It is impossible to pursue to any considerable extent the method of teaching by asking questions introduced into the Law School by Prof. Langdell. With that method, at least in the first year, but little ground can be covered, the facts must be few and certain, and the students either trained to reason closely or ambitious to become so trained. In Economics A the students are two or three years younger than in the Law School, and the facts and principles involved in a simple economic problem are generally of much greater complexity than those contained in the printed report of a law case. Moreover it is a rare person who does not believe that his general knowledge of economics questions is valuable. Therefore the attempt to teach elementary economics by questioning usually leads into a maze of disputed facts. Frequently therefore the instructor can ask questions only until the points are developed and then must make a statement relative to the matter under discussion. These statements are necessary and save much time, but one wonders occasionally if they are fully understood by the students, and whether a question or two after the statement would not furnish a useful test.

The variety, and to some extent the inconsistency, of the objects sought to be accomplished in the section meetings is another difficulty of the instructor. He seems called upon to see that his students do steady work; to check that work for deficiencies; to emphasize the more important, and explain the more difficult parts of a difficult subject; to stimulate intellectual interest and develop good mental habits; and, so far as time allows, to add to the contribution of others further facts and principles. In other words he must be a drill sergeant, an efficient and inspiring teacher, and an authority overflowing with his subject. An illustration of the problems caused by this diversity of objects presents itself when we consider whether it is better to ask single questions of one student after another, or to ask a considerable number of questions of one student before calling on another. If the latter course is followed, the subject can be more thoroughly and consistently developed, and the questioned student better tested and aroused. But then the poorer members of the class may fail to follow the line of questioning or may even regard the considerable time given to one man as an opportunity mentally to go to sleep. A rattling fire of single questions keeps the whole class wide awake.

An observer who has come to realize some of the difficulties of conducting a section meeting, and has seen different methods pursued by different instructors, is tempted to theorize and to select the methods which he thinks he would adopt if he were himself conducting a meeting. He would call upon his students in an order which they could not forsee, and would call on each one of them at least weekly to test his reading of the text. He would use the single question when the simplicity of the subject matter encouraged it, or the class seemed dull, and would seek the opportunity to develop with one student a more complicated problem by a series of questions. He would realize that the limitation of time made it necessary not to attempt to cover in the class all the ground covered by the text, but to plan carefully what topics should be touched upon and the amount of time to be given to each of them, even if his intention was not to hold rigidly to his plan, but to meet the needs of his class as it developed in the meeting. He would try to present in some measure of scale the most important points, although saving time on those which could not fail to be seized by the students because of their relative simplicity or general popular interest. In such an introductory course he would tend to emphasize reasons rather than conclusions, and theory rather than facts, although he would welcome an opportunity to explain and illustrate the actual working in detail of practical affairs. He would as a rule follow the opinions of the text and not complicate a problem by introducing too often his own opinions or those of other authorities; nor would he expect himself largely to contribute additional material to the discussion; yet he would avoid frequent references to the text by name, but endeavor to have a proposition rest not on the authority of the writer but on its own reasonableness. Realizing that a problem is half solved when the definitions of its terms are accurately determined, he would emphasize the importance of the exact meaning of words, and would not infrequently write on the blackboard a list of significant words and phrases as an outline for the work of the meeting.

But even if a method could be determined upon which would be better than any other, its creator would still be far from his goal. The very perfection of the method of one instructor may cause his class to bow to it and hardly ask a question, while the apparent deficiencies of another’s method seems to stimulate his class to ask questions until the ground is well covered. Again a method highly successful with one teacher cannot be effectively pursued by another; and the needs of the students, even of the students of the same section, vary greatly from time to time. Moreover almost every conclusion embodied in a method is a resultant of conflicting considerations and its application is a question of degree. One therefore is here led to an opinion often reached before in similar cases that good teaching is primarily a matter not of method, but of judgment, energy and skill in the teacher.

In studying the characteristics of the instructors of Economics A, one first notes that they are men of very diverse temperaments, experience and methods. So different are they that when I learned that they had a weekly meeting I thought that they might greatly help each other by consultation about their common work, especially as most of them obtain in in this course their first experience in teaching. I was distinctly disappointed when I learned that the object of their weekly meeting was mainly to prepare the questions for the written answer, rather than to consult about the next week’s teaching. Still much consultation, if attempted, might easily become formal or cramping, and it may be better that each should be left alone to work out his results, and that we should trust that freedom will continue to justify itself by its fruits. Whichever plan is followed, the probability that there will occasionally be employed an instructor of inferior quality is sufficiently great to raise the question whether it would not be desirable to have each section taught by different instructors in the first and second half years. This would guarantee to each section at least a half year’s good instruction, and in addition would give to the students the advantage of two methods and two points of view.

In conclusion I am happy to be able to report that in my opinion the instructors of the section meetings of Economics A, with all their differences, are men of an exceptionally high average of ability and earnestness, and that their instruction is notably good,–much better than I had expected to find. The expenditure in the past few years of additional money to better the grade of these instructors has been justified by results, and those responsible for it are entitled to congratulations.

 

Source: Harvard University Archives. President Lowell’s Papers 1909-1914, Box 14, Folder 404.

Image Source:  Wikimedia Commons photograph by Bill McLaughlin : Lowell Hall, originally called “New Lecture Hall”, Harvard University.

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Graduate economic theory exams. Taussig, 1930-35

 

Today I am relieved to post the final batch (1930-1935) of enrollment data and examination questions for Frank W. Taussig’s core economic theory course. All in all nearly a half-century run for Harvard’s Grand Old Man.

Previous batches of transcribed exams are provided via the links below.

Examinations for 1887-90
Examinations for 1891-94
Examinations for 1897-1900
Examinations for 1904-09
Examinations for 1911-14
Examinations for 1915-17
Examinations for 1918-19 [Bullock and Carver]
Examinations for 1920-22
Examinations for 1923-25
Examinations for 1926-30

____________________________________

1930-31

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1930-31

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 58: 50 Graduates, 1 Senior, 7 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1930-31, p. 77.

 

1930-31
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.
One question may be omitted.

  1. In an examination paper set at Harvard College in 1876 the following question appears: “What is the error in the proposition that high wages make high prices?”
    What answer would have been expected from a student at that time? What answer would you give now?
  2. “The latent influence by which the values of things are made to conform in the long run to the cost of production is the variation that would otherwise take place in the supply of the commodity. The supply would be increased if the thing continued to sell above the ratio of its cost of production, and would be diminished if it fell below that ratio. But we must not therefore suppose it to be necessary that the supply should actually be either diminished or increased. . . . There is no need that there should be any actual alteration of supply; and when there is, the alteration, if permanent, is not the cause, but the consequence of the alteration in value. If, indeed, the supply could not be increased, no diminution in the cost of production would lower the value: but there is by no means any necessity that it should. The mere possibility often suffices.”
    Is this in accord with Mill’s analysis of demand and supply? with Marshall’s? with business experience?
  3. Can you distinguish between “supply price” and “expenses of production” in the following cases:
    1. the temporary equilibrium of supply and demand;
    2. accountants’ figures of cost for agricultural produce;
    3. accountants’ treatment of depreciation in the accounts of a manufacturing enterprise.
  4. In an examination paper set at Cambridge University, England, in 1929, the following appears: “From the point of view of economic principle, analyze the return obtained to-day from fen land drained in the seventeenth century?”
    What answer would Ricardo or Mill have given? What answer would be expected now from a student in Cambridge, England? What from a student in Cambridge, Mass.?
  5. (1) Marshall’s final conclusion as to the tenability of a distinction between interest and rent.
    (2) The following passages:

“The deepest and most important line of cleavage in economic theory” [is] “the distinction between the quasi-rents which do not, and the profits which do, directly enter into the normal supply prices of produce for periods of moderate length.”
“When the artisan or professional man has once obtained the skill required for his work, a part of his earnings are for the future really a quasi-rent of the capital and labour invested in fitting him for his work, in obtaining his start in life, his business connections, and generally his opportunity for turning his faculties to good account; and only the remainder of his income is true earnings of effort. But this remainder is generally a large part of the whole. And here lies the contrast. For when a similar analysis is made of the business man, the proportions are found to be different: in his case the greater part is quasi-rent.”

Is there inconsistency, apparent or real?

  1.    a.  Adam Smith’s remark, that the division of labor is limited by the extent of the market, has been said to state the gist of all there is to be said about external economies.
    1. It has been said, again, that the only internal economies which signify as regards economic theory are those accruing from the growth of production on a large scale.
    2. “If a commodity obeys the law of increasing return, an increase of demand causes much more of it to be produced, — more than if the commodity obeyed the law of constant return, — and at the same time lowers its price. . . . This line of reasoning has been thought by some writers to lend support to the claim that a Protective duty on manufactured imports in general increases the home market for those manufactured goods; and, by calling into play the Law of Increasing Return, ultimately lowers their price to the home consumer.”
    3. Consider these, separately or as a whole.
  1.     a. “Let us suppose that every one owns whatever capital he uses . . . and is not only of equal capacity, but of equal willingness to work, and does in fact work equally hard; also that all work is unskilled, — or rather, unspecialized in this sense, that if any two people were to change occupations, each would do as much and as good work as the other one had done.”
    1. “Let us suppose that labor is not of one industrial grade, but of several; that parents always bring up their children to an occupation of their own grade; that they have a free choice within that grade, but not outside it. Let us suppose, further, that the increase of population in each grade is governed by other than economic causes; it may be fixed, or may be influenced by changes in custom, in moral opinion, etc.”
    2. What would govern relative wages under each of these suppositions? What would govern the value of goods? Which supposition underlies Marshall’s conclusions on the relation between wages and value?

 

 

1930-31
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Final Examination

Answers questions 1, 2, 3 briefly; 4 and 5 more at length.

  1. Jevons remarked: “Capital, as I regard it, consists merely in the aggregate of those commodities which are required for sustaining laborers of any kind or class engaged in work. . . . The single and all-important function of capital is to enable the laborer to await the result of any long-lasting work, — to put an interval between the beginning and the end of an enterprise.”
    Wherein does this resemble, wherein differ from, the view of Ricardo? Böhm-Bawerk? Marshall? Clark?
  2. Public encouragement or discouragement for industries of increasing, constant, or decreasing returns, — wherein the analysis of Pigou resembles that of Marshall, wherein differs.
  3. The bearing on the national dividend and its maximization, of the price structure obtaining under —

Simple competition,
Simple monopoly,
Joint supply,
Discriminating monopoly.

  1. Are there grounds for considering “profits” as an element in distribution different from wages, interest, rent?
  2. The doctrine that wages are determined by the marginal productivity of labor; the grounds on which it rests; and the aid it may give on such questions as the (1) basis of fair wages in the arbitration of industrial disputes, and the (2) effect on contractual wages of a compulsory system of social insurance (accident, sickness, old age, unemployment).

____________________________________

1931-32

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1931-32

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 48: 38 Graduates, 4 Seniors, 1 Business School, 5 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1931-32, p. 72.

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
1931-32
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.
One of the first six questions may be omitted.

  1. “The Classical Economists appreciated the necessity of a fund to support labour during the period of production; but they overlooked the continuous character of production and output, and confused the working capital, which is provided by continuously feeding the flow of available income back into the machine of process, with the liquid capital (goods in stock) at the commencement of any period of process. [Liquid capital is elsewhere defined as “goods yielding nothing, but capable of being used or consumed at any time”; it does not include goods in the hands of merchants.] They did not clearly perceive that the capital to keep labour in employment is found, not in the stocks of goods already available, nor by the abstention from the consumption of available income, but by decisions which have the effect (a) of determining what proportions of the goods emerging from the machine of process are in fixed and in liquid form respectively, and (b) of applying the flow of available income in one way instead of in another, namely, by supporting productive consumers instead of unproductive consumers.” M. Keynes.
    Does the error here described appear in the Classical Economists? and is the criticism of their treatment of abstention valid?
  2. “Marshall’s treatment [of supply] is highly elliptical. A striking illustration of his tendency to telescope his argument is his common practice in his graphs of labelling cost curves and supply curves alike with the symbols s-s’, conventionally used for supply curves, and thus diverting the attention of his readers , and perhaps also occasionally his own attention, from the necessity of selecting from the many possible types of cost curve that one which in the given circumstances alone has claims to being considered as also a supply curve.” Is Marshall open to this criticism? Illustrate and comment.
  3. The bearing (if any) of the concept of a representative firm on the theory of value, of rent, of business profits.
  4. Explain the method by which one can derive the supply price of a commodity produced under conditions of joint supply; that by which one can derive the demand price of a commodity demanded under the conditions of joint demand.
    What bearing, if any, have these methods of analysis on the phenomena of value and distribution in a society which is economically stratified?
  5. “When the artisan or professional man has once obtained the skill required for his work, a part of his earnings are for the future really a quasi-rent of the capital and labour invested in fitting him for his work, in obtaining his start in life, his business connections, and generally his opportunity for turning his faculties to good account; and only the remainder of his income is true earnings of effort. But this remainder is generally a large part of the whole. And here lies the contrast. For when a similar analysis is made of the profits of the business man, the proportions are found to be different: in his case the greater part is quasi-rent.”
    Is the greater part of the earnings of business men to be regarded as quasi-rent? Is the remainder only to be regarded as true earnings of effort?
  6. “The extra income derived from rare natural abilities bears a closer analogy to the surplus produce from the holding of a settler who has made an exceptionally lucky selection, than to the rent of land in an old country.” Is this extra income in the nature of a quasi-rent, in either case?

Not to be omitted.

  1. The following have been suggested, by one writer or another, as the grounds on which the distinction between interest and rent turns:
    1. Land is fixed in amount, instruments made by man are not.
    2. Land is an instrument made by man in essentially the same sense as is any other kind of capital-good; its industrial serviceability and its availability are the result of man’s action.
    3. Competition equalizes the returns on instruments but not those on land.
    4. The returns on land and instruments alike depend on marginal productivity.

Give your own views (briefly) on each point; and sum up with a statement of your conclusion on the tenability of the distinction.

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
1931-32
ECONOMICS 11
Final Examination

Arrange your answers in order of the questions.

  1. “With regard to utility, two views are commonly held. The older and more naïve is that an increment of supply (which should always be a continuous stream and not a stock) makes its specific addition to the utility of the total, without affecting the utility of the earlier increments. This is the basis for the familiar utility curve with the implication of consumer’s surplus. On the other hand, it may be held that the utility of all increments is always alike, the addition of each increment to the total bringing down the utility of the earlier ones to the level of its own. Both these views lead to nonsensical results: the first to fantastic magnitudes for total utilities, and the second to the conclusions that the utility of a larger supply may be less than that of a smaller and consequently that people often choose and pay for a reduction in utility.”
    Do these nonsensical results necessarily follow?
  2. “Pure profits are at once necessary and probably non-existent.” What is meant by “pure profits” in this statement? Given the meaning, what do you say to it?
  3. What is the influence of technological improvements on the rate of interest? what the influence of the rate of interest on technological improvements?
  4. “It is obvious that an increase in the supply of capital instruments will make for an increase in the national dividend as a whole. Can it at the same time make for a decrease in the real income of labour? The analysis relevant to this question has been developed by Marshall…. This analysis shows, first, that every factor of production, including entrepreneurs’ work, tends to be remunerated at a rate equivalent to its marginal net product of commodities in general. It shows, secondly, that, other things being equal, the marginal net product, in this sense, of every factor diminishes as the supply of the factor increases beyond a fairly low minimum. This proposition expresses what may be called the law of diminishing returns to individual factors of production. This law must not be confused with the law of diminishing returns to resources in general invested in a given occupation….”
    How far was this analysis developed by Marshall? Are the two laws not to be confused?
  5. Does an elastic demand for one commodity necessarily imply that the demand for some other commodity is inelastic?
  6. What grounds are there for the statement that in Great Britain the elasticity of the aggregate demand for labor is immensely greater than unity?

____________________________________

 1932-33

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1932-33

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 42: 33 Graduates, 1 Junior, 6 Radcliffe, 2 Others.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1932-33, p. 66.

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
1932-33
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination

  1. The original and indestructible powers of the soil; what part they play in Ricardo’s treatment of rent, what in Marshall’s.
  2. “If, for simplicity of exposition, we leave out of account raw materials, the stream of floating capital is constituted almost entirely of wage-goods — goods that are paid over (through money) as wages. Thus, the larger the addition to the normal stream of floating capital that business men can secure in response to a given rise in their interest offer, due to a given improvement in their expectations, the larger proportionately will be the addition made to the real demand for labour. . . .
    “When a boom comes, a large part of the impact is always likely to be upon industries engaged in instrumental trades: and, plainly, extra work there will not lead to an addition to the flow of wage goods — floating capital — for a considerable time. Some part of the primary effect will, however, touch the industries that make these goods and, so far as it does this, we shall have an extra flow of them available to pay for extra labour. This was the important point that the doctrine of the Wages Fund ignored. It must be noticed, however, that this source of additions to floating capital (i.e. extra work) is only available, roughly speaking, so long as unemployed workers are available to be called into industry. If expectations and the desire to employ workpeople go on expanding after this point has been passed, the source is no longer available, and, consequently, the element of elasticity which it accords to the supply of floating capital no longer exists.”
    Was “the important point” here noted in conflict with the Wages Fund doctrine? and is the statement otherwise in conflict with that doctrine?
  3. The tendency of profits to a minimum; how treated by Ricardo, by Mill, by Cairnes?
  4. Explain, with the utmost brevity and precision,

“real cost” of production,
expenses of production,
supply price,
marginal cost,
bulk line cost.

  1. “It may be conceded that if a certain class of people were marked out from their birth as having special gifts for some particular occupation, and for no other, so that they would be sure to seek out that occupation in any case, then the earnings which such men would get might be left out of account as exceptional, when we are considering the chances of success or failure for ordinary persons.”
    Consider whether, given the premise, the conclusion here stated would follow; what is the bearing of the reasoning on Walker’s theory of business profits; what Marshall would say of premise and conclusion.
  2. What bearing, if any, on the concept of non-competing groups do you find on a consideration of, —
    1. universal education, general and technical;
    2. the influence of conventional necessaries;
    3. the representative firm;
    4. the law of derived demand for a commodity demanded jointly with other commodities.

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
1932-33
ECONOMICS 11
Final Examination

  1. “Ricardo appears to have seen distinctly almost everything of primary importance in the scientific doctrine of capital, very much as it is known now.” Marshall.
    If so, wherein? If not, wherein not?
  2. — The price of wheat raised on good land is the same as that of wheat raised on the marginal zone, and it affords a surplus above wages and interest paid by farmers for labor and capital used in the tilling of the good land.
    — The existence of this surplus in its original form, that of wheat, affects the supply and the price of that product.
    — The price of cloth woven on good looms is the same as that of equally good cloth woven on marginal ones, and it affords a net surplus above the cost of maintaining the stock of looms and the wages and interest paid by manufacturers for further capital used in connection with the good looms.
    — The existence of this surplus in its original form, that of cloth, affects the supply and the price of this product.
    Discuss (1) the bearing of these statements on the older distinction between capital and land, and (2) the connection between these surpluses and price.
  3. “The diminishing return which arises from an ill proportioned application of the various agents of production into a particular task has little in common with the broad tendency to the pressure of a crowded and growing population on the means of subsistence. . . . It has no very close connection with the tendency of agriculture in an old country to yield a diminishing return to a general increase of resources well applied in cultivation: and indeed exactly parallel cases can be found of a diminishing return to particular resources when applied in undue proportion, even in industries which yield an increasing return to increased applications of capital and labour when appropriately distributed.”
    Is this statement in accord with the general current of economic theory at the present time? Do you agree with it?
  4. “An increase in the supply of capital . . . will make for an increase in the national dividend as a whole. Can it at the same time make for a decrease in the real income of labour? The analysis relevant to this question has been developed by Marshall. Subject to certain important qualifications, which do not affect the present argument, this analysis shows, first, that every factor of production, including entrepreneurs’ work, tends to be remunerated at a rate equivalent to its marginal net product of commodities in general. It shows, secondly, that, other things being equal, the marginal net product, in this sense, of every factor diminishes as the supply of the factor increases beyond a fairly low minimum. . . . This proposition expresses what may be called the law of diminishing returns to individual factors of production. This law must not be confused with the law of diminishing returns to resources in general invested in a given occupation.”
    Wherein does this distinction differ from that contained in the preceding extract? Do you agree with it?
  5. Consider whether it is (1) justifiable, (2) practicable to “charge what the traffic will bear”
    1. when there is a large element of overhead costs;
    2. when there is a large element of joint cost;
    3. when there is simply monopoly;
    4. when there is discriminating monopoly.

____________________________________

1933-34

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1933-34

 

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 20: 11 Graduates, 2 Seniors, 5 Radcliffe, 2 Business School.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1933-34, p. 85.

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
1933-34
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination

One question may be omitted.

  1. “The foundations of the theory [of cost of production and value] as they were left by Ricardo remain intact.” Does Marshall’s treatment of the relation of “general wages” to value bear out this statement? of differences of wages?
  2. Explain
    1. Internal economies of large-scale production.
    2. External economies of large output.
    3. External dis-economies of large output.
  3. “Ricardo, and the economists of his time generally were too hasty in deducing this inference [tendency to increased pressure] from the law of diminishing return; and they did not allow enough for the increase of strength that comes from organization. But in fact every farmer is aided by the presence of neighbours, whether agriculturists or townspeople. . . If the neighbouring market town expands into a large industrial centre, all his produce is worth more; some things which he used to throw away fetch a good price. He finds new openings in dairy farming and market gardening, and with a larger range of produce he makes use of rotations that keep his land always active without denuding it of any of the elements that are necessary for its fertility.” Do you agree?
  4. “The flow of investment of resources for future needs consists of two streams. The smaller consists of new additions to the accumulated stock: the larger merely replaces that which is destroyed; . . . The annual flow of this second stream is probably not less than a quarter of the total stock of capital, even in a country in which the prevailing forms of capital are as durable as in England. It is therefore not unreasonable to assume for the present that the owners of capital in general have been able in the main to adapt its forms to the normal conditions of the time, so as to derive as good a net income from their investments in one way or another.” Has this any bearing on the doctrine of quasi-rent?
  5. If the values of goods were proportional to their real costs, would the utility curve and the demand curve be the same, for persons receiving labor incomes?
  6. What is to be said
    1. of the necessaries of life, as regards elasticity of demand, consumer’s surplus, value and differences of wages;
    2. of conventional necessaries, in the same particulars?
  7. — “The price of wheat raised on good land is the same as that of wheat raised on the marginal zone, and it affords a surplus above wages and interest paid by farmers for labor and capital used in the tilling of the good land.
    — “The fact that farmers pay landlords for this surplus has no effect on the price of wheat.”
    — “The price of cloth woven on good looms is the same as that of equally good cloth woven on marginal ones, and it affords a net surplus above the cost of maintaining the stock of looms and the wages and interest paid by manufacturers for further capital used in connection with the good looms.
    — “The fact that entrepreneurs pay capitalists for this surplus has no effect on the price of cloth.”

What bearing have these passages on the theory of rent? of business profits?

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
1933-34
ECONOMICS 11
Final Examination

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.

  1. Is interest treated as a derivative from “profits”

by Ricardo,
by Marshall,
by Böhm-Bawerk,
by those writers who regard profits as appearing only in a “dynamic” state?

Your own view?

  1. “There is always an interval between the setting to work of a man and the emergence, in consequence of his work, of any finished product, whether for consumption or as a productive instrument for the machine of industry. . . . What is essential is the time interval between the centre of gravity of the labour employed and the output (or, more strictly, the sale) of the finished product. I shall call this interval the period of production.”
    Wherein is the period of production here considered like, and wherein unlike, that discussed by F. A. Walker? by Böhm-Bawerk? For what purposes of economic analysis is the period described in the extract appropriate?
  2. “Autonomous” and “induced” inventions: their bearing on “increasing returns” and on the marginal productivity theorem.
  3. Reflections suggested by a Rembrandt, as regards
    1. market price;
    2. total utility and consumers’ surplus;
    3. the distinction between “wealth” and “capital.”
  4. The problems and distinctions implied in the terms

Economic Welfare,
National Dividend,
Marginal Social Net Product.

____________________________________

 1934-35

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1934-35

 

[Economics] 11. Professors Taussig and Schumpeter.—Economic Theory

Total 27: 21 Graduates, 1 Senior, 5 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1934-35, p. 81.

 

 

Reading List for Economics 11, Fall Semester 1934

Posted from Wolfgang Stolper’s course notes.

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
1934-35
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination

One question may be omitted. Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.

  1. “Suppose that society is divided into a number of horizontal grades, each of which is recruited from the children of its own members; and each of which has its own standard of comfort, and increases in numbers rapidly when the earnings to be got in it rise above, and shrinks rapidly when they fall below that standard. Suppose, then, that parents can bring up their children to any trade in their own grade, but cannot easily raise them above it and will not consent to sink them below it. . . .”
    Suppose also that there is free competition as regards the earnings of capital.
    On these suppositions what would be the relation between

    1. the values of commodities and their “real cost”;
    2. the values of commodities and their money costs;
    3. the values of commodities and their supply prices?
  2. “Internal economies of large-scale production are primarily a long-run phenomenon, dependent upon appropriate adjustment of scale of plant to each successive output. They should not be confused with the economies resulting from ‘spreading of overhead.’” Why or why not to be thus confused?
    “Internal economies of large-scale production are independent of the size of output of the industry as a whole, and may be accruing to a particular concern whose output is increasing at the same time that the output of the industry as a whole is undergoing a decline.” Why or why not?
  3. Does quasi-rent have the same meaning in the following passages?
    1. “The quasi-rent of farm buildings.”
    2. “When the artisan or professional man has once obtained the skill required for his work, a part of his earnings are for the future really a quasi-rent of the capital and labour invested in fitting him for his work, in obtaining his start in life, his business connections, and generally his opportunity for turning his faculties to good account; and only the remainder of his income is true earnings of effort. But this remainder is generally a large part of the whole. And here lies the contrast. For when a similar analysis is made of the profits of the business man, the proportions are found to be different: in his case the greater part is quasi-rent.”
    3. “In relation to normal value the earnings of high ability are to be regarded as a quasi-rent rather than as a rent proper.”
  4. It is fatal to the conception of consumers’ surplus to admit:
    1. that differences in income make it impossible to measure satisfactions;
    2. that each unit of a homogeneous supply yields ipso facto the same satisfaction as every other unit;
    3. that the satisfaction indicated by the high price paid for an article having “prestige value” will disappear when the article becomes cheap.
  5. Does “capital,” as distinguished from “capital goods,” serve to synchronize the effort of labor with the reward for labor? If so, how? If not, why not?
  6. Explain the distinctions
    1. between the intensive and the extensive margins of cultivation for land;
    2. the intensive and the extensive zones of indifference in the application of labor;
    3. the marginal product of labor and the product of marginal labor.

State summarily your opinion of the usefulness of the distinctions as tools of analysis.

 

Course outline and final exam for Economics 11, Spring Semester 1935

Transcribed from Joseph Schumpeter’s papers and posted earlier.

Source for examination questions: Harvard University Archives. Prof. F. W. Taussig, Examination Papers in Economics 1882-1935 (Scrapbook).

Image Source: Frank W. Taussig in Harvard Class Album, 1934.

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Exams from Principles of Economics. Day, Davis, Burbank et al., 1917-18

 

 

For most students who go on to concentrate in economics, the principles of economics course is the first contact with the discipline. Like they say, you have only one try to make a first impression. We’ll see in a coming post that Taussig’s textbook Principles of Economics still served as the backbone of the Harvard principles course twenty years later.

________________________

Course Description

INTRODUCTORY COURSES
Primarily for Undergraduates

[Economics] A. Principles of Economics. , Th., Sat., at 11. Asst. Professor Day and Dr. Davis, Dr. Burbank and Messrs. P. G. Wright, Monroe, Lincoln, and Van Sickle.

Course A gives a general introduction to economic study, and a general view of Economics for those who have not further time to give to the subject. It undertakes an analysis of the present organization of industry, the mechanism of exchange, the determination of value, and the distribution of wealth.

The course is conducted partly by lectures, more largely by oral discussion in sections. Taussig’s Principles of Economics is used as the basis of discussion.

Course A may not be taken by Freshmen without the consent of the instructor.

 

Source: Division of History, Government, and Economics. 1917-18. Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XIV, No. 25 (May 18, 1917) p. 58.

________________________

Course Enrollment

[Economics] A. Asst. Professor Day and Asst. Professor J. S. Davis, Dr. Burbank, Mr. Monroe, and Dr. E. E. Lincoln.—Principles of Economics.

Total 258: 1 Graduate, 8 Seniors, 73 Juniors, 150 Sophomores, 3 Freshmen, 23 Other.

 

Source: Harvard University. Report of the President of Harvard College, 1917-18, p. 53.

________________________

1917-18
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS A
Mid-year Final Examination

Plan your answers carefully before writing. Write concisely. Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions, beginning each on a new page.

  1. What is labor? To what extent is it irksome? How, if at all, is the irksomeness of labor to be minimized?
  2. Explain “producers’ surplus.” Under what conditions of cost does it arise? How is monopoly profit to be distinguished from producers’ surplus? Illustrate throughout by diagram.
  3. “Before the war started the bullion value of the U.S. silver dollar, measured in gold, was about 42c. At this rate it took 37 ounces of silver to equal one of gold. Today [October, 1917], with silver bullion at about $1.00 an ounce, the value of a silver dollar is 77c., a ratio of about 20 to 1. It would only take another advance such as occurred within the last month for silver to reach the U.S. coinage ratio of ‘16 to 1.’”
    In this case what would happen, and why? Would the consequences be objectionable? If so, on what grounds? If not, why not?
  4. Explain briefly: (a) commercial banking; (b) “deposits as currency”; (c) bank reserves; (d) Federal Reserve notes; (e) Gold Settlement Fund.
  5. Analyze the factors contributing to the present “high cost of living.”
  6. “The nations of the world should adopt a uniform system of currency with a common standard. This would do away with all this bother about ‘par of exchange,’ ‘gold points,’ ‘rate of exchange,’ etc.”
    To what extent is this conclusion warranted? Explain.
  7. To what extent does the following offer a solution of the tariff problem?
    “In all tariff legislation the true principle of protection is best maintained by the imposition of such duties as will equal the difference between the cost of production at home and abroad.”
  8. Comment briefly upon the following:
    “During the days and weeks and months ahead there must be no cessation or lessening of effort on the part on any one of us—man or woman—to keep business healthy and normal.
    “Industries of every kind must be maintained to their fullest capacity. Money must be kept in circulation. There must be no hysterical, misguided retrenchment, masquerading under the cloak of economy.
    “The nation calls for every encouragement and support that the commercial and industrial forces can supply—and that means everybody doing his bit to keep business booming.

 

Source: Harvard University Archives. Department of Economics, Course reading lists, syllabi, and exams 1913-1992 (UA V 349.295.6). Box 1, Folder “Economics I, Final Exams 1913-1939”.

________________________

 1917-18
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS A
Year-end Final Examination

Plan your answers carefully before writing. Write concisely. Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions, beginning each on a new page.

  1. What factors tend to limit the extension of (a) large-scale production in agriculture? (b) large-scale production in manufacture? (c) large-scale management, or industrial combination?
  2. Explain briefly: (a) demand; (b) decreasing cost; (c) internal economies; (d) “dumping.”
  3. State carefully: (a) Gresham’s law; (b) the law of diminishing returns; (c) the law of monopoly price; (d) Malthus’s law of population.
  4. To what extent and for what reasons should taxes be employed in financing the present war?
  5. In what respects are business profits like, in what unlike, (a) wages? (b) rent?
  6. What practical expedients would you suggest for raising the wages of workers in the lowest social group?
  7. Discuss the following contention: “One objection to having the state pay people when they are ill or old or out of work is that it saps that personal initiative and prudence and foresight which lie at the basis of an orderly civilization.”
  8. What grounds are there for saying that under a socialistic régime the efficiency of the rank and file of workers would be (a) greater? (b) less?

 

Source: Harvard University Archives. Department of Economics, Course reading lists, syllabi, and exams 1913-1992 (UA V 349.295.6). Box 1, Folder “Economics I, Final Exams 1913-1939”.

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Graduate core economic theory exams and enrollments. Taussig, 1926-30

 

 

Examination questions spanning just over a half-century can be found in Frank Taussig’s personal scrapbook of cut-and-pasted semester examinations for his entire Harvard career. Up to the time when Schumpeter took over the core economic theory course from Taussig in 1935, Taussig’s course covering economic theory and its history was a part of almost every properly educated Harvard economist’s basic training. Taussig’s exam questions have been previously posted for the academic years 1886/87 through 1889/90 along with enrollment data for the course;  material for this course (including semesters when taught with/by other instructors) from 1890/91 through 1893/94; 1897-1900 ; 1904-1909 ; 1911-14 ; 1915-1917; 1918-1919 ; 1920-22 ; 1923-25 have been posted as well.  

This post begins with the printed course description from 1929-30 then adds the enrollment data and five years of semester final examinations for the years 1925-26 through 1929-30.

____________________________________

 Course Description
1929-30

11. Economic Theory.

Mon. , Wed., Fri., at 2. Professor Taussig

Course 11 is intended to acquaint the student with the development of economic thought since the beginning of the nineteenth century, and at the same time to train him in the critical consideration of economic principles. The exercises are conducted mainly by the discussion of selected passages from the leading writers; and in this discussion the students are expected to take an active part. A careful examination is made of the writings of Ricardo and J. S. Mill, and of representative modern economists.

 

Source:  Division of History, Government, and Economics, 1929-30. Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XXVI, No. 36 (June 27, 1929), p. 71. Identical course description found in Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XXV, No. 29 (May 26, 1928), p. 70.

____________________________________

1925-26

 

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1925-26

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 50: 36 Graduates, 5 Graduate Business, 2 Seniors, 6 Radcliffe, 1 Other.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1925-26, p. 77.

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Final Exam
1925-26

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. “The ordinary bargain between labor and capital is that the wage-receiver gets command over commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, and in exchange carries his employer’s goods a stage further towards being ready for immediate consumption. But while this is true of most employees, it is not true for those who finish the processes of production. For instance, those who put together and finish watches, give to their employers far more commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, than they obtain as wages. And if we take one season of the year with another, so as to allow for seed and harvest time, we find that workmen as a whole hand over to their employers more finished commodities than they receive as wages.”
    Do you see anything to criticize in this?
  2. (a) “In estimating the exchangeable value of stockings, for example, we shall find that their value, comparatively with other things, depends on the total quantity of labour necessary to manufacture them and bring them to market. First, there is the labour necessary to cultivate the land on which the raw cotton is grown; secondly, the labour of conveying the cotton to the country where the stockings are to be manufactured, which includes a portion of the labour bestowed in building the ship in which it is conveyed, and which is charged in the freight of the goods; thirdly, the labour of the spinner and the weaver; fourthly, a portion of the labour of the engineer, smith, and carpenter, who erected the buildings and the machinery. . . . The aggregate sum of these various kinds of labour determines the quantity of other things for which these stockings will exchange.”
    (b) “Suppose one man employs one hundred men for a year in the construction of a machine, and another man employs the same number of men in cultivating corn. . . .
    Suppose that for the labour of each workman £50 per annum were paid, or that £5000 capital were employed and profits were 10 per cent, the value of the machine as well as of the corn, at the end of the first year, would be £5500. The second year the manufacturer and farmer will again employ £5000 each in the support of labour, and will therefore again sell their goods for £5500; but the man using the machine, to be on a par with the farmer, must not only obtain £5500 for the equal capital of £5000 employed on labour, but must obtain a further sum of £550 for the profit on £5500, which he has invested in machinery, and consequently his goods must sell for £6050. Here, then, are capitalists employing precisely the same quantity of labour annually on the production of their commodities, and yet the goods they produce differ in value on account of the different quantities of fixed capital, or accumulated labour, employed by each respectively.”Is Ricardo’s reasoning tenable, on his own premises, in both cases? Are the premises the same in both?
  3. “To popular apprehension it seems as if the profits of business depend on prices. A producer or dealer seems to obtain his profits by selling his commodity for more than it costs him. . . . Demand — customers — a market for the commodity, are the cause of the gain of the capitalist.” What would Mill say to this? Ricardo?
  4. The effective desire of accumulation; the rate of profits as dependent on the cost of labor; the tendency of profits to a minimum, — are the doctrines of Mill on these topics consistent with each other? With what Ricardo laid down?
  5. “The cost of production [of agricultural produce] on the margin of the profitable application of capital and labour is that to which the price of the whole produce tends, under the control of the general conditions of demand and supply; it does not govern price, but it focusses the causes which do govern price.” Explain what Marshall means. Does the doctrine differ from Mill’s on the same subject?
    Would Marshall’s conclusion be applicable to a manufactured commodity which is produced under the conditions usually indicated by cost-accountants’ data (a supply curve positively inclined)?
  6. Suppose a decrease in the demand for a commodity produced with much fixed capital: what consequences would you expect on the equilibrium of supply and demand, price, quasi-rent, cost. Consider both the short period and the long period effects.
  7. Wherein, if at all, is the conception of quasi-rent applicable to

“Capital sunk in the soil”;
Pullman, Saltaire, and the like cases;
The gains of pioneers settling in a new country.

  1. What is meant by a law of increasing return? Do you believe there is one as regards “external economies”? internal economies?

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Exam
1925-26

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. Define, with the utmost brevity consistent with accuracy, producers’ surplus; consumers’ surplus; savers’ surplus. What writers do you associate with the concepts to which these terms refer?
  2. “When the artisan or professional man has once obtained the skill required for his work, a part of his earnings are for the future really a quasi-rent of the capital and labour invested in fitting him for his work, in obtaining his start in life, his business connections, and generally his opportunity for turning his faculties to good account; and only the remainder of his income is true earnings of effort. But this remainder is generally a large part of the whole. And here lies the contrast. For when a similar analysis is made of the profits of the business man, the proportions are found to be different: in his case the greater part is quasi-rent.”Is the greater part of the earnings of business men to be regarded as quasi-rent? Is only the remainder to be regarded as true earnings of effort? Are these propositions in accord with Walker’s doctrine concerning business profits?
  3. What sort of surplus, if any, arises from the operation of diminishing returns as regards (a) increasing output secured from land; (b) increasing output secured with the aid of additional instruments made by man?
  4. The resemblance or difference between Clark’s doctrine that “abstinence is confined to the genesis of new capital,” and the reasoning of later writers concerning the significance of the surplus accounts of corporations.
  5. “‘On the whole,’ says Marshall, ‘it happens that by far the greater number of the events with which economics deals affect in about equal proportions all the different classes of society; so that if the money measures of the happiness caused by two events are equal, there is not in general any very great difference between the amounts of the happiness in the two cases.’ This has been justly characterized as a cavalier dismissal of the effect of differences of wealth and differences in sensibility.”Why a cavalier dismissal? or why not? Consider whether the criticism holds good as regards Marshall’s reasoning on the effects of taxes and bounties.
  6. (a) “As the inquiry to which I wish to draw the reader’s attention relates to the effect of the variations in the relative value of commodities, and not in their absolute value, it will be of little importance to examine into the comparative degree of estimation in which the different kinds of human labour are held. We may fairly conclude that whatever inequality there might originally have been in them, whatever the ingenuity, skill, or time necessary for the acquirement of one species of manual dexterity more than another, it continues nearly the same from one generation to another; or at least that the variation is very inconsiderable from year to year, and therefore can have little effect, for short periods, on the relative value of commodities.”
    Is this a cavalier dismissal of the relation between differing rates of wages and the value of goods?(b) “Although general wages, whether high or low, do not affect values, yet if wages are higher in one employment than another, or if they rise and fall permanently in one employment without doing so in others, these inequalities do really operate upon values. . . . When the wages of an employment permanently exceed the average rate, the value of the thing produced will, in the same degree, exceed the standard determined by mere quantity of labour. Things, for example, which are made by skilled labour, exchange for the produce of a much greater quantity of unskilled labour; for no reason but because the labour is more highly paid.” Mill.What would Marshall say to this? Böhm-Bawerk? What is your own view?
  7. Is there essential difference between the doctrine that the general level of wages is determined by the discounted marginal product of labor, and Clark’s doctrine concerning the relation between wages and the product of labor?
  8. “It is not true that the spinning of yarn in a factory, after allowance has been made for the wear-and-tear of the machinery, is the product of the labour of the operatives. It is the product of their labour, together with that of the employer and subordinate managers, and of the capital employed; and that capital itself is the product of labour and waiting: and therefore the spinning is the product of labour of many kinds, and of waiting. If we admit that it is the product of labour alone, and not of labour and waiting, we can no doubt be compelled by inexorable logic to admit that there is no justification for Interest, the reward of waiting; for the conclusion is implied in the premiss.”(a) What would Böhm-Bawerk say to this? What is your own view?
    (b) What is the premiss which is implied in the conclusion?

____________________________________

1926-27

 

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1926-27

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 44: 38 Graduates, 3 Graduate Business, 2 Seniors, 1 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1926-27, p. 75.

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination
1926-27

[Arrange your questions in the order of the answers]

  1. The merits and defects of Walker’s treatment of distribution.
  2. The merits and defects of Ricardo’s treatment of value.
  3. The merits and defects of Mill’s treatment of profits.
  4. What is meant by “increase of demand” in the following passages: —
    (a) “The democratization of society and the aping of the ways of the well-to-do by the lower classes have greatly increased the demand for silk fabrics.”
    (b) “ The lower price of sugar after 1890, when sugar was admitted free of duty, at once caused an increase of demand.”
    (c) “The cheapening of a commodity may mean an increase of demand such that the total sum spent on it will be as great as before, even greater than before.”
  5. Describe the supply curves indicated by accountants’ figures for the costs of agricultural and of manufactured products; and explain wherein they confirm or fail to confirm traditional “laws of value” applicable to the two classes of goods.
  6. (a) “Were it not for this tendency [to diminishing returns] every farmer could save nearly the whole of his rent by giving up all but a small piece of his land, and bestowing all his labor and capital on that. If all the labor and capital which he would in that case apply to it gave as good a return in proportion as that he now applies to it, he would get from that plot as large a produce as he now gets from his whole farm; and he would make a net gain of all his rent save that of the little plot that he retained.”
    (b) “The return to additional labour and capital [applied to land] diminishes sooner or later; the return is here measured by the quantity of the produce, not by its value.”
    (c) “Ricardo, and the economists of his time generally were too hasty in deducing this inference [tendency to increased pressure] from the law of diminishing return; and they did not allow enough for the increase of strength that comes from organization. But in fact every farmer is aided by the presence of neighbours, whether agriculturists or townspeople. . . . If the neighbouring market town expands into a large industrial centre, all his produce is worth more; some things which he used to throw away fetch a good price. He finds new openings in dairy farming and market gardening, and with a larger range of produce he makes use of rotations that keep his land always active without denuding it of any one of the elements that are necessary for its fertility.”
    Have you any criticisms or qualifications to suggest on these passages from Marshall?
  7. “For periods which are long in comparison with the time needed to make improvements of any kind, and bring them into full operation, the net incomes derived from them are but the price required to be paid for the efforts and sacrifices of those who make them; the expenses of making them thus directly enter into marginal expenses of production, and take a direct part in governing long-period supply price. But in short periods, that is, in periods short relatively to the time required to make and bring into full bearing improvements of the class in question, no such direct influence on supply price is exercised by the necessity that such improvements should in the long run yield net incomes sufficient to give normal profits on their cost. And therefore when we are dealing with such periods, these incomes may be regarded as quasi-rents which depend on the price of the produce.”
    Precisely what is meant by “these incomes”?

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Examination
1926-27

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. What is the difference, if any, between

supply prices and expenses of production;
successive costs and contemporaneous costs;
demand curves and utility curves?

  1. Would you reckon economic rent among the expenses of production of a commodity? business profits?
    Would you reckon them among the costs of production?
  2. “‘Rent is not an element in price’ — such is the classical statement on the subject. . . . But if one defines rent as product imputable to a concrete agent, the impossibility of maintaining such a claim becomes apparent. Even if one were to restrict the term rent to the product created by land, the claim that it is not an element in adjusting market values would be absurd; for it would amount to saying that a certain part of the output of every kind of goods has no effect on their market value. The ‘price’ referred to in the formula is, of course, the market value expressed in units of currency.” What do you say?
  3. “That capital is productive has often been questioned, but no one would deny that tools and other materials of production are useful; yet these two propositions mean exactly the same when correctly understood. Capital consists primarily of tools and other materials of production, and such things are useful only in so far as they add something to the product of the community. Find out how much can be produced without any particular tool or machine, and then how much can be produced with it, and in the difference you have the measure of its productiveness.”
    What would Böhm-Bawerk say to this? J. B. Clark? What is your own view?
  4. Böhm-Bawerk remarks that the theory which he has put forward bears “a certain resemblance” to the wages fund theory of the older English School, but differs from it in various ways, one of which is “the most important.” What are the points of resemblance? and what is this “most important” difference?

Questions 6 and 7 may be treated as one, if you prefer; and questions 8 and 9 may also be so treated.

  1. “It may well be asked whether a method [of measuring utility] that needs so much guarding and explaining is worth adopting at all. The answer is that the principle of the declining marginal significance is fundamental. The doctrine of surplus value in the thing bought, over and above the value of the price paid, is an inevitable deduction from it.” Do you agree?
  2. Adventitious utility, conspicuous waste, consumer’s surplus, organic welfare. How are these related? or not related?
  3. Ricardo’s theory of cost of production is so expressed as almost to invite misunderstanding. In consequence there is a widely spread belief that it has needed to be reconstructed by the present generation of economists. . . . On the contrary the foundations of the theory as they were left by Ricardo remain intact; much has been added to them and very much has been built upon them, but little has been taken from them. He knew that demand played an essential part in governing value, but he regarded its action as less obscure than that of cost of production, and therefore passed it lightly over in the notes which he made for the use of his friends, and himself; for he never essayed to write a formal treatise: he regarded cost of production as dependent — not, as Marx asserted him to have done, on the mere quantity of labor used up in production, but — on the quality as well as quantity of that labor; together with the amount of stored up capital needed to aid labor, and the length of time during which such aid was invoked.” Do you agree?
  4. “The incomes which are being earned by all agents of production, human as well as material, and those which appear likely to be earned by them in the future, exercise a ceaseless influence on those persons by whose action the future supplies of these agents are determined. There is a constant tendency towards a position of normal equilibrium, in which the supply of each of these agents shall stand in such a relation to the demand for its services, as to give to those who have provided the supply a sufficient reward for their efforts and sacrifices. If the economic conditions of the country remained stationary sufficiently long, this tendency would realize itself in such an adjustment of supply to demand, that both machines and human beings would earn generally an amount that corresponded fairly with their cost of rearing and training, conventional necessaries as well as those things which are strictly necessary being reckoned for.”
    Is this in accord with Ricardo’s view? with Mill’s view? with Cairnes’s? What is your own opinion?

____________________________________

1927-28

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1927-28

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 56: 43 Graduates, 2 Graduate Business, 6 Seniors, 1 Junior, 4 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1927-28, p. 75.

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Final Examination
1927-28

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions

  1. Wherein is there resemblance, wherein difference, between Walker’s long-run theory of wages and Cairnes’s?
  2. “Ricardo’s theory of cost of production is so expressed as almost to invite misunderstanding. In consequence there is a widely spread belief that it has needed to be reconstructed by the present generation of economists….On the contrary the foundations of the theory as they were left by Ricardo remain intact; much has been added to them and very much has been built upon them, but little has been taken from them. He knew that demand played an essential part in governing value, but he regarded its action as less obscure than that of cost of production, and therefore passed it lightly over in the notes which he made for the use of his friends, and himself; for he never essayed to write a formal treatise: he regarded cost of production as dependent—not, as Marx asserted him to have done, on the mere quantity of labor used up in production, but—on the quality as well as quantity of that labor; together with the amount of stored up capital needed to aid labor, and the length of time during which such aid was invoked.”
    Do you agree?
  3. What is the short period view, what the long period view (1) of Mill as regards the level of wages; (2) of Marshall as regards differences of wages in different occupations?
  4. Does Marshall conclude that money costs of production measure real costs of production? that value is ultimately determined by a constant supply price?
  5. “An increase in the aggregate volume of production will generally increase the size, and therefore the internal economies possessed by a representative firm; it will always increase the external economies to which the firm has access; and then will enable it to manufacture at a less proportionate cost of labour and sacrifice than before.”
    Why? or why not?
  6. Explain the criticisms or objections to the notion of consumer’s surplus which have been urged on the ground of (a) inequalities of income, (b) “esteem value” or “adventitious value,” (c) identity in the yield of satisfaction from each constituent of a given stock. Which among these objections if any, tell strongly against Marshall’s suggestion regarding the use of taxes and bounties?
  7. “The extra income derived from rare natural abilities bears a closer analogy to the surplus produce from the holding of a settler who has made an exceptionally lucky selection, than to the rent of land in an old country.”
    Why? or why not?
  8. (a) “The deepest and most important line of cleavage in economic theory” is “the distinction between the quasi-rents which do not, and the profits which do, directly enter into the normal supply prices of produce for periods of moderate length.” Marshall.
    (b) A critic has remarked: “In that which is most characteristic, original and positive in his work, Professor Marshall has left the old concept of rent far behind. The logical consequence of his treatment is that all the division fences between the different sorts of material wealth have been leveled; and that rent is the income of an material agent….”
    What have you to say?

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Examination
1927-28

 

  1. Explain in the briefest terms

Expenses of Production.
Opportunity Cost.
“Cost” as used by Cairnes.
“Cost” as used by Marshall.
“Cost” as used by Böhm-Bawerk.

  1. What do you conceive to be meant by “pure profits”? and what is the place of pure profits in the theory of cost and value?
  2. “‘Rent is not an element in price’ — such is the classical statement on the subject. It even expresses a view that is now prevalent. The expression itself however, is vague. It seems to mean that the fact of rent plays no part in the adjustment of values, and that things would exchange for one another in exactly the ratios in which they now do, if there were no such thing as rent. But if one defines rent as product imputable to a concrete agent, the impossibility of maintaining such a claim becomes apparent. Even if one were to restrict the term rent to the product created by land, the claim that it is not an element in adjusting market values would be absurd; for it would amount to saying that a certain part of the output of every kind of goods has no effect on their market value. The ‘price’ referred to in the formula is, of course, the market value expressed in units of currency.”
    What do you say?
  3. Resemblances and differences between the “discounted marginal product” theory of wages and the specific product theory.
  4. “Interest under Socialism” as discussed by Böhm-Bawerk.
  5. What are “fair wages,” in Marshall’s view? Clark’s? Böhm-Bawerk’s? Your own?

____________________________________

1928-29

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1928-29

 

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 39: 28 Graduates, 1 Graduate Business, 1 Senior, 1 Junior, 8 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1928-29, p. 72.

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Final Examination
1928-29

Answer the questions in the order in which they are put; and answer them all, distributing your time accordingly.

  1. It had been maintained by Adam Smith and others that:
    (1) profits are lowered by the mutual competition of merchants;
    (2) taxes on necessaries cause money wages to rise;
    (3) a rise in money wages means a rise in all prices;
    (4) taxes on wages lessen farmer’s profits, and thus lower rent.
    What would Ricardo say under each head?
  2. It has been said by German writers that there is a certain degree of truth in the wages fund doctrine, in that the capital of employers is the immediate source from which wages come; but the ultimate source is in the incomes of consumers. What would Ricardo say to this? Walker? your own view?
  3. In the familiar diagram representing conditions of increasing costs for an agricultural commodity, does the supply curve indicate expenses of production or “real costs” of production?
    In a similar diagram for a manufactured commodity, based on accountants’ figures of costs, does the supply curve indicate expenses or “real costs”?
    Are the two curves different in meaning, or do they indicate essentially the same situation?
  4. “We have next to study the conditions of business management; and in so doing we must have in view a problem that will occupy our attention as we go on. It arises from the fact that, though in manufacturing at least every individual business, so long as it is well managed, tends to become stronger the larger it has grown; and though prima facie we might therefore expect to see large firms driving their smaller rivals completely out of many branches of industry, yet they do not in fact do so.”
    What is Marshall’s solution of the problem thus stated by him?
  5. “That part of a man’s income which he owes to the possession of extraordinary natural abilities is a free boon to him; and from an abstract point of view bears some resemblance to the rent of other free gifts of nature, such as the inherent properties in land. But in reference to normal prices, it is to be classed rather with the profits derived by free settlers from the cultivation of new land, or again with the find of the pearl-fisher.”
    On what grounds does Marshall rest this conclusion? What would Walker say to it?
  6. How, if at all, did Mill modify Adam Smith’s conclusions on the causes of the differences of wages in different employments? Cairnes modify Mill’s? Marshall modify Cairnes’s?
  7. “It might be supposed at first thought that . . . the area above the horizontal line (in the usual diagram) represents consumers’ surplus. This is not exactly true, however, and that for two reasons. In the first place, the satisfaction of additional wants which a lower price makes possible may make the more important wants less intense. A man might be willing to give ten dollars for a cord of wood in order that at least one room in his house could be heated during the winter. He might also be willing to give seven dollars a cord for two cords, so as to heat two rooms, but the heating of the second room might render the heating of the first room less important to him. He might not be willing, for example, to give ten dollars plus seven dollars in order to have the two rooms heated. In the second place, utility itself is to a large extent affected by price. So far as our purchases satisfy what has been called the desire for distinction, or represent what Thorstein Veblen has termed ‘conspicuous consumption,’ a lowering of the price of a commodity would lessen its utility to us.”
    Give your opinion on these objections; and consider which of them, if either, would necessarily tell against Marshall’s suggestion concerning bounties and taxes.

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Examination
1928-29

 

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.
Two questions may be omitted.

  1. Resemblances and differences between Ricardo and Boehm-Bawerk.
  2. The following have been suggested, by one writer or another, as the grounds on which the distinction between interest and rent turns:
    (1) Land is fixed in amount, instruments made by man are not.
    (2) Competition equalizes the return on instruments made by man but not that on land.
    (3) The returns on land and instruments alike depend on marginal productivity.
    Examine critically but briefly each statement; and give your own view.
  3. Would interest necessarily persist in a socialist state? The rent of land?
  4. “Quasi-rents are the net profits made in years of exceptionally good trade, or by business men of exceptional natural ability.”
    “Business profits are the net return secured in years of exceptionally good trade, or by business men of exceptional natural ability.”
    Do you agree in either case?
  5. (a) “The output of the least efficient producers forms part of the total output whose magnitude helps to determine price. But to argue from this that there is some special relation between price and the costs of the least efficient producers is a complete non sequitur.”
    (b) “‘ Rent is not an element in price’ — such is the classical statement on the subject. It even expresses a view that is now prevalent. The expression itself, however, is vague. It seems to mean that the fact of rent plays no part in the adjustment of values, and that things would exchange for one another in exactly the ratios in which they now do, if there were no such thing as rent. But if one defines rent as product imputable to a concrete agent, the impossibility of maintaining such a claim becomes apparent. Even if one were to restrict the term rent to the product created by land, the claim that it is not an element in adjusting market values would be absurd; for it would amount to saying that a certain part of the output of every kind of goods has no effect on their market value. The ‘price’ referred to in the formula is, of course, the market value expressed in units of currency.”
    What is your opinion?
  6. Are there important distinctions between these propositions:
    (a) Wages are determined by the specific product of labor;
    (b) Wages are determined by the imputed product of labor;
    (c) Wages are determined by the discounted marginal product of labor.
  7. “It is evident that, if the supply [of labor] is increased, whether the increase comes about through an addition to the number of workpeople or through an addition to their average capacity, the national dividend must be increased. Our problem is to ascertain the effect that will be produced upon the aggregate real income of labour. The analysis set out in the preceding section shows that the marginal net product of labour, in terms of things in general, and, therefore, its real earnings per unit, must be diminished. Whether its aggregate earnings will be increased depends, therefore, on whether the elasticity of the demand for labour in general is greater or less than unity. If this elasticity is greater than unity, labour in the aggregate will receive a larger absolute quantity of dividend than before; whereas, if the elasticity is less than unity, it will receive a smaller absolute quantity. It is, therefore, necessary to determine whether in fact the elasticity of demand is greater or less than unity.” Do you agree? and what is your conclusion on the elasticity of demand for labor?
  8. Compare Hobson’s analysis of “costless” savings with that of other recent writers.

____________________________________

1929-30

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1929-30

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 53: 44 Graduates, 3 Seniors, 5 Radcliffe, 1 Other.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1929-30, p. 78.

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Final Examination
1929-30

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions. Answer ALL the questions.

  1. “The ordinary bargain between labour and capital is that the wage-receiver gets command over commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, and in exchange carries his employer’s goods a stage further towards being ready for immediate consumption. But while this is true of most employees, it is not true for those who finish the process of production. For instance, those who put together and finish watches, give to their employers far more commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, than they obtain as wages. And if we take one season of the year with another, so as to allow for seed and harvest time, we find that workmen as a whole hand over to their employers more finished commodities than they receive as wages.”
    What do you say to this? and what is its bearing on the questions raised by George and Walker?
  2. “This principle of the division of the produce of labour and capital between wages and profits, which I have attempted to establish, appears to me so certain, that excepting in the immediate effects, I should think it of little importance whether the profits of stock or the wages of labour, were taxed. . . . A tax on wages does not fall on the landlord, but it falls on the profits of stock: it does not ‘entitle and oblige the master manufacturer to charge it with a profit on the prices of his goods,’ for he will be unable to increase their price, and therefore he must himself wholly and without compensation pay such a tax.”
    What led Ricardo to the conclusions stated in this passage?
  3. (a) “As the inquiry to which I wish to draw the reader’s attention relates to the effect of the variations in the relative value of commodities, and not in their absolute value, it will be of little importance to examine into the comparative degree of estimation in which the different kinds of human labour are held. We may fairly conclude that whatever inequality there might originally have been in them, whatever the ingenuity, skill, or time necessary for the acquirement of one species of manual dexterity more than another, it continues nearly the same from one generation to another; or at least that the variation is very inconsiderable from year to year, and therefore can have little effect, for short periods, on the relative value of commodities.”
    (b) “Although general wages, whether high or low, do not affect values, yet if wages are higher in one employment than another, or if they rise and fall permanently in one employment without doing so in others, these inequalities do really operate upon values. . . . When the wages of an employment permanently exceed the average rate, the value of the thing produced will, in the same degree, exceed the standard determined by mere quantity of labour. Things, for example, which are made by skilled labour, exchange for the produce of a much greater quantity of unskilled labour; for no reason but because the labour is more highly paid.” Mill.
    What would Cairnes say about the proposition here laid down? What would Marshall say? What are your own opinions?
  4. Consider whether marginal cost determines price, or price determines marginal cost, in the following cases:
    (a) the short-period price of a manufactured commodity;
    (b) the short-period (seasonal) price of an agricultural commodity;
    (c) the long-period price of a manufactured commodity;
    (d) the long-period price of an agricultural commodity;
    (e) the long-period value of gold.
  5. Describe the supply curves (particular costs curves) which we have for agricultural products; indicate what they signify; and indicate also in what principles and in what manner such curves should be constructed in order to make them fit into the “orthodox” reasoning about the rent of land, or to serve as test or verification for that reasoning.
  6. (a) “The deepest and most important line of cleavage in economic theory” is “the distinction between the quasi-rents which do not, and the profits which do, directly enter into the normal supply prices of produce for periods of moderate length.”
    (b) A critic has remarked: “In that which is most characteristic, original and positive in his work, Professor Marshall has left the old concept of rent far behind. The logical consequence of his treatment is that all the division fences between the different sorts of material wealth have been levelled; and that rent is the income of any material agent. . . .”
    Why should Marshall consider the line of cleavage explained in (a) to be the most important? If he does, must he admit the “logical consequence” stated in (b)?
  7. “Curves of total satisfaction are purely abstract; that is to say, they represent the subjective value attached by a consumer to each increment of the commodity, or the amount he would purchase at any given price, apart from any consideration of the causes that might be supposed in actual experience to limit his supply or raise the price of the commodity, and apart from all reactions upon the price or other commodities. They are also isolated; that is to say, we cannot conceive of a system of such curves being so constructed as to be valid simultaneously. Nor can we sum their areas, taken successively, without omitting some values and counting others more than once. Nor can we read on them the effect of a rise or fall in the consumer’s income. Nevertheless their general form has a high theoretical significance. . . .
    It may well be asked whether a method that needs so much guarding and explaining is worth adopting at all. The answer is that the principle of declining marginal significances is absolutely fundamental. The doctrine of surplus value in the thing bought over and above the value of the price paid, is an inevitable deduction from it.”Explain, and give your own views.

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
[Year-end Final Examination]
1929-30

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.

  1. Explain briefly,

Simple Competition
Monopolistic Competition
Bilateral Monopoly
Simple Monopoly
Discriminating Monopoly

  1. What is the elasticity of demand for labor, on the reasoning of the Wages Fund doctrine? on that of Böhm-Bawerk? on that of Pigou? What is your own view?
  2. What are “pure profits”? and what would be “impure” profits? Can you distinguish? If so, how and why?
  3. “That able but wrongheaded man, David Ricardo, shunted the car of Economic Science on to a wrong line, on which it was further urged toward confusion by his equally able and wrongheaded admirer John Stuart Mill.”
    “Ricardo’s theory of cost of production is so expressed as almost to invite misunderstanding. In consequence, there is a widely spread belief that it has needed to be reconstructed by the present generation of economists. . . . On the contrary the foundations of the theory as they were left by Ricardo remain intact; much has been added to them and very much has been built upon them, but little has been taken from them.” Marshall.
    What ground for either view?
  4. Give the rest of your time — at least one hour — to a discussion of The Universal Law of Diminishing Returns.

 

 

Source for examination questions: Harvard University Archives. Prof. F. W. Taussig, Examination Papers in Economics 1882-1935 (Scrapbook).

Image Source:  Harvard Class Album, 1934.

Categories
Courses Gender Radcliffe

Radcliffe. Economics Course Offerings, 1894-1900

 

Besides documenting the course offerings available to Radcliffe students at the end of the 19th century, the post today offers us relatively thick course descriptions of what were essentially identical to Harvard economics courses that I have not found for that period. Pre-Radliffe economics course offerings and the first actual Radcliffe courses for  1893-94 have been posted earlier.

____________________________________

1894-95
ECONOMICS.

(Primarily for Undergraduates.)

PROFESSOR CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. — Mill’s Principles of Political Economy. — Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. This course gave a general introduction to Economic study, and a general view of Economics for those who had not further time to give to the subject. It was designed also to give argumentative training by the careful discussion of principles and reasoning. The instruction was given by question and discussion. J. S. Mill’s Principles of Political Economy formed the basis of the work. At intervals lectures were given which served to illustrate and supplement the class-room instruction. In connexion with the lectures, a course of reading was prescribed. The work of students was tested from time to time by examinations and other written work. — 13 students.

PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — The Elements of Economic History from the Middle Ages to Modern Times. The object of this course was to give a general view of the economic development of society from the Middle Ages to the present time. It dealt, among others, with the following topics: the manorial system and serfdom; the merchant gilds and mediaeval trade; the craft gilds and mediaeval industry; the commercial supremacy of the Italian and Hanseatic merchants; trade centres, and trade routes; the merchant adventurers and the great trading companies; the agrarian changes of the sixteenth century; domestic industry; the struggle of England with Holland and France for commercial supremacy; the beginning of modern finance; the progress of farming; the great inventions and the factory system. Attention was devoted chiefly to England, but that country was treated as illustrating the broader features of the economic evolution of the whole of western Europe. Arrived at the 17th century, it was shown how English conditions were modified by transference to America. The opportunity was taken, throughout the course, to introduce the students to the use of the original sources. — 6 students.

 

(For Graduates and Undergraduates.)

PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — Aristotle to Ricardo. — Economic Theory. This course traced the development of economic theory from its beginnings to Ricardo. It was treated partly by lectures and partly by the discussion of selections from leading writers. The more important chapters of Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations, of Malthus’s Essays on Population, and Ricardo’s Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, were read by students, and discussed in the class-room; and an attempt was made to show the relation of the “classical economists ” to more recent economic speculation. — 8 students.

PROFESSOR CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. — Development of Modern State, and of its Social Functions. An introductory course in sociology, intended to give a comprehensive view of the structure and development of society in relation to some of the more characteristic ethical and industrial tendencies of the present day. The course began with a theoretical consideration of the relation of the individual to society and to the state, – with a view to pointing out some theoretical misconceptions and practical errors traceable to an illegitimate use of the fundamental analogies and metaphysical formulas found in Comte, Spencer, P. Leroy Beaulieu, Schaeffle, and other writers. The second part followed more in detail the ethical and economic growth of society. Beginning with the development of social instincts manifested in voluntary organization, it considered the genesis and theory of natural rights, the function of legislation, the sociological significance of the status of women and of the family and other institutions, – with a view to tracing the evolution of certain types of society based upon a more or less complete recognition of the social ideas already considered. The last part dealt with certain tendencies of the modern state, discussing especially the province and limits of state activity, with some comparison of the Anglo-Saxon and the continental theory and practice in regard to private initiative and state intervention in relation to public works, industrial development, philanthrophy, education, labor organization, and the like. Each student selected for special investigation some question closely related to the theoretical or practical aspects of the course; and a certain amount of systematic reading was expected. —  7 students.

PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — Economic Seminary. Here four graduate students investigated the present industrial organization of the U. S.; one giving particular attention to the Woollen and Cotton Industries of New England; a second to the Coal and Iron Industries of Pennsylvania; a third to the Petroleum business; and the fourth to the Labor movement, especially around Chicago.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1894-95, pp. 48-49.

____________________________________

1895-96
ECONOMICS.

(Primarily for Undergraduates.)

1. PROFESSOR CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. — Mill’s Principles of Political Economy. — Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. This course gave a general introduction to economic study, and a general view of Economics. It was conducted mainly by questions and discussions, supplemented by lectures. Large parts of Mill’s Principles of Political Economy were read, as well as parts of other general books; while detailed reference was given for the reading on the application and illustration of economic principles. — 20 students.

 

(For Graduates and Undergraduates.)

10. PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — The Mediaeval Economic History of Europe. The object of this course was to give a general view of the economic development of society during the Middle Ages. It dealt, among others, with the following topics: the manorial system in its relation to mediaeval agriculture and to serfdom; the merchant gilds and the beginnings of town life and of trade; the craft gild and the gild-system of industry, compared with earlier and later forms: the commercial supremacy of the Hanseatic and Italian merchants; the trade routes of the Middle Ages and of the sixteenth century; the merchant adventurers and the great trading companies; the agrarian changes of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and the break-up of the mediaeval organization of social classes; the appearance of new manufactures and of domestic industry. Special attention was devoted to England, but that country was treated as illustrating the broader features of the economic evolution of the whole of western Europe. — 6 students.

21. PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — Economic Theory, from Adam Smith to the present time.- Selections from Adam Smith and Ricardo. — 8 students.

22. PROFESSOR MACVANE. — Economic Theory. Modern Writers. — 4 students.

3. PROFESSOR CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. This course began with a general survey of the structure and development of society; showing the changing elements of which a progressive society is composed, the forces which manifest themselves at different stages in the transition from primitive conditions to complex phases of civilized life, and the structural outlines upon which successive phases of social, political, and industrial organization proceed. Following this, was an examination of the historical aspects which this evolution has actually assumed: Primitive man, elementary forms of association, the various forms of family organization, and the contributions which family, clan and tribe have made to the constitution of more comprehensive, ethnical, and political groups; the functions of the State, the circumstances which determine types of political organization, the corresponding expansion of social consciousness, and the relative importance of military, economic, and ethical ideas at successive stages of civilization. There was careful consideration of the attempts to formulate physical and psychological laws of social growth; the relative importance of natural and of artificial selection in social development; the law of social survival; the dangers which threaten civilization; and the bearing of such general considerations upon the practical problems of vice, crime, poverty, pauperism, and upon mooted methods of social reform. The student was made acquainted with the main schools of sociological thought, and opportunity was given for a critical comparison of earlier phases of sociological theory with more recent contributions in Europe and the United States. Regular and systematic reading was required. Topics were assigned for special investigation in connection with practical or theoretical aspects of the course. — 4 students.

 

(Primarily for Graduates.)

20. PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — Seminary in Economics. One student continued her investigation into mediaeval land tenure, and another began an inquiry into the relations between Adam Smith and Turgot. — 2 students.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1895-96, pp. 46-47.

____________________________________

1896-97
ECONOMICS.

Primarily for Undergraduates:

1. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. Principles of Political Economy. Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. 3 hours a week.

15 Undergraduates, 3 Special students. Total 18.

 

For Graduates and Undergraduates:

11. Professor ASHLEY. — The Modern Economic History of Europe (from1400). 2 hours a week.

2 Graduates, 1 Undergraduate, 1 Special student. Total 4.

9. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — The Labor Question in Europe and the United States. — The Social and Economic Condition of Workingmen. 3 hours a week.

1 Undergraduate, 4 Special students. Total 5.

3. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. Development of the Modern State and of its Social Functions. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 1 Undergraduate, 4 Special students. Total 6.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1896-97, p. 38.

____________________________________

1897-98
ECONOMICS.

Primarily for Undergraduates:

1. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. Principles of Political Economy. Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 20 Undergraduates, 4 Special students. Total 26.

 

For Undergraduates and Graduates:

11. Professor ASHLEY. — The Modern Economic History of Europe (from1400). 2 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 3 Special students. Total 4.

9. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — The Labor Question in Europe and the United States. — The Social and Economic Condition of Workingmen. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 3 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 5.

3. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. Development of the Modern State and of its Social Functions. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 2 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 4.

6. Dr. CALLENDER. — The Economic History of the United States. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 1 Undergraduate. Total 2.

22. Professor TAUSSIG. — Economic Theory. Half-course. 3 hours a week. 2d half-year.

3 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 4.

 

Primarily for Graduates:

20. Professor ASHLEY. — Seminary in Economics. The Mediaeval History of certain English manors.

1 Graduate. Total 1.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1897-98, pp. 38-39.

____________________________________

1898-99
ECONOMICS.

Primarily for Undergraduates:

1. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — Outlines ofEconomics. Principles of olitical Economy. Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. 3 hours a week.

16 Undergraduates, 4 Special students. Total 20.

 

For Undergraduates and Graduates:

112. Dr. CUNNINGHAM. — The Industrial Revolution in England in the 18th and 19th centuries. Half-course. 3 hours a week, 2d half-year.

1 Graduate, 11 Undergraduates, 7 Special students. Total 19.

6. Dr. CALLENDER. — The Economic History of the United States. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 3 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 6.

3. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. Development of the Modern State and of its Social Functions. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 2 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 4.

9. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — The Labor Question in Europe and the United States. — The Social and Economic Condition of Workingmen. 3 hours a week.

2 Graduates, 4 Undergraduates, 2 Special students. Total 8.

 

Primarily for Graduates:

20. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — Seminary in Economics.

1 Special student. Total 1

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1898-99, pp. 35-36.

 

____________________________________

1899-1900
ECONOMICS.

Primarily for Undergraduates:

1. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. — Principles of Political Economy. — Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions and Financial Legislation. 3 hours a week.

27 Undergraduates, 4 Special Students. Total 31.

 

For Undergraduates and Graduates:

11. Professor ASHLEY. — The Modern Economic History of Europe and America (from 1600). 2 hours a week (and occasionally a third hour).

8 Graduates, 7 Undergraduates, 2 Special students. Total 17.

6. Dr. CALLENDER. — The Economic History of the United States.2 hours a week.

2 Graduates, 5 Undergraduates. Total 7.

3. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. — Development of the Modern State and of its Social Functions. 3 hours a week.

2 Graduates, 6 Special students. Total 8.

 

Primarily for Graduates:

**15. Professor ASHLEY. — The History and Literature of Economics to the close of the Eighteenth Century. 2 hours a week.

1 Graduate. Total 1.

**20c1. Professor Taussig. The Tariff History of the United States.Thesis. Half-course. 1 hour a week, 1st half-year.

1 Graduate. Total 1.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1899-1900, pp. 42-43.

Image Source:  Library in Fay House, 1890s. Schlesinger Library. Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study Harvard University Webpage.

Categories
Bibliography Harvard Suggested Reading

Harvard. Debate Briefs on International Trade Policy, ca. 1886-96

 

Print from 1897 by J. S. Pughe in Punch. shows Uncle Sam sitting in a wooden tub labeled “Dingley Bill”, rowing with oars labeled “Monopoly” in a small pool labeled “Home Market” near a sign that states “Republican Goose Pond”. The title of the prints is “A self-evident fact” with the caption “Uncle Sam Say! I want you fellows to distinctly understand that I’m not racing with you!” Beyond the pond are several large steam ships, labeled “France, Germany, Italy, England, [and] Austria” steaming ahead of Uncle Sam. While Uncle Sam protects the home market through tariffs, European nations are expanding their global markets. (Library of Congress)

The inspiration for today’s posting comes from the announcement in late January, 2018 by U.S. President Donald J. Trump that steep tariffs would be imposed on washing machines and solar panels imported into the United States.

Below you will find transcriptions for Harvard University debating briefs on tariffs, subsidies and international trade from the last decade of the 19th century. While economics as a science has shown some considerable progress since that time, zombie ideas are resilient and continue to stalk the face of the earth in original and mutated strains. The literature cited in the briefs is taken largely from the popular periodical literature of the time or government and Congressional publications that conscientious scholars of the history of economics really need to be familiar with. Such stuff is not yet quite so neatly sorted and indexed for our purposes as to facilitate entry into flow of actual policy debates outside the academic realm. The collection of Harvard student debating briefs used here is really a treasure chest (Pandora’s box?) waiting to be opened, filled with good, bad, and ugly arguments regarding international commercial policy.

Also thanks to another of Trump’s policy initiatives, Economics in the Rear-view Mirror has provided transcriptions of analogous old debating briefs on the subject of immigration into the U.S.

The eight debate topics concerning international trade policy were:

Resolved, That the time has now come when the policy of protection should be abandoned by the United States.

Resolved, That a high protective tariff raises wages.

Resolved, That it would be to the advantage of the United States to establish complete commercial reciprocity between the United States and Canada.

Resolved, That foreign-built ships should be admitted to American registry free of duty.

Resolved, That the United States should establish a system of shipping subsidies.

Resolved, That sugar should be admitted free of duty.

Resolved, That a system of sugar bounties is contrary to good public policy.

Resolved, That a system of duties on wool and woollens is undesirable.

 

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Briefs for Debate on Current Political, Economic, and Social Topics.

Edited by
W. Du Bois Brookings, A.B. of the Harvard Law School
And
Ralph Curtis Ringwalt, A.B.
Assistant in Rhetoric in Columbia University

With an introduction by Albert Bushnell Hart, Ph.D.
Professor of Harvard University.
(1908)

[From the Preface:]

“The basis of the work has been a collection of some two hundred briefs prepared during the past ten years [ca. 1886-96] by students in Harvard University, under the direction of instructors. Of these briefs the most useful and interesting have been selected; the material has been carefully worked over, and the bibliographies enlarged and verified….

…” the brief is a steady training in the most difficult part of reasoning; in putting together things that belong together; in discovering connections and relations; in subordinating the less important matters. The making of a brief is an intellectual exercise like the study of a disease by a physician, of a case by a lawyer, of a sermon by a minister, of a financial report by a president of a corporation. It is a bit of the practical work of life.

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PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE.

Question: ‘Resolved, That the time has now come when the policy of protection should be abandoned by the United States.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

Frédéric Bastiat, Sophisms of the Protectionists; W. M. Grosvenor, Does Protection Protect?; Henry George, Protection or Free Trade; J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., Bk. V., Chap. x., § 1; article on Protection in Tariff Reform Series, IV., No. 12, p. 2 (September 30, 1891); Lalor’s Cyclopædia, II., 289; Nation, XXVIII., 161 (March 6, 1879); XXIX., 338 (November 20, 1879); XXXIV., 288 (April 6, 1882) ; LXXVI., 118 (February 8, 1883); J. G. Carlisle in Congressional Record, 1891-1892, p. 6910 (July 29, 1892); D. A. Wells in Forum, XIV., 697 (February, 1893); F. A. Walker in Quarterly Journal of Economics, IV., 245 (April, 1890); Edward Atkinson in Popular Science Monthly, XXXVII., 433 (August, 1890); Senator Vest in North American Review, Vol. 155, p. 401 (October, 1892); Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 819 (September 1, 1894).

  1. Protection is unsound in theory:

J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., 532. — (a) It shuts out what is ours by nature: Sophisms of the Protectionists, pp. 73-80. — (b) It raises unnatural obstacles to intercourse: Sophisms of the Protectionists, pp. 84-85. — (c) It can only raise prices by diminishing the quantity of goods for sale: Sophisms of the Protectionists, pp. 7, 17. — (d) It endangers the interests it aims to promote: Nation, XXXVI., 118. — (e) It may transfer but not increase capital: Sophisms of the Protectionists, p. 93. — (f) The doctrine of protection for revenue is inconsistent: J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., 538. — (g) It is anti-social: Sophisms of the Protectionists, pp. 15, 127; Nation, XXXVI., 118; XXXVIII., 161.

  1. Protection is unsound in general practice.

(a) It makes capital and labor less efficient: J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., 532, 539. — (b) It hurts our carrying trade: Nation, XXXVI., 118. — (c) It closes against us many of the world’s best markets: J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., 537; Nation, XXVIII., 161; XXXVI., 118.

  1. Protection is not beneficial to any class.

(a) It raises prices to consumers: Popular Science Monthly, XXXVII., 433. — (b) It does not raise the wages of laborers: Congressional Record, 1891-1892, pp. 6910-6917; Popular Science Monthly, XXXVII., 433. — (c) It hurts farmers: Nineteenth Century, XXXII., 733 (November, 1892). — (d) It hurts the community by shutting off foreign markets: North American Review, Vol. 155, p. 401. — (e) It increases the cost of materials. — (f) It does not help us against pauper labor: Popular Science Monthly, XXXVII., 433. — (g) It does not benefit the majority: Nation, LV., 299 (October 20, 1892). — (h) Infant industries are not permanently aided: Quarterly Journal of Economics, IV., 245.

  1. Protection tends to run to extremes.

(a) It perverts taxation from its proper uses: Forum, XIV., 51 (September, 1892). — (b) It creates dangerous precedents: Ibid. — (c) Industries seek permanent protection: Nation. LV., 252 (October 6, 1892). — (d) It creates monopolies.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

S.N. Patten, The Economic Basis of Protection; H. M. Hoyt, Protection versus Free Trade; Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4248 (May 7, 1890); 1891-1892, p. 6746 (July 26, 1892); J. G. Blaine in North American Review, Vol. 150, p. 27 (January, 1890); William McKinley in North American Review, Vol. 150, p. 740 (June, 1890); R. E. Thompson, Social Science and National Economy, pp. 243-278; Lalor’s Cyclopædia, III., 413; Van Buren Denslow, Principles of Economic Philosophy, Chaps. xiii., xiv., xv., xvi.

  1. The policy of protection is sound in principle.

(a) It enables a country to fix the terms of exchange in foreign trade. — (1) Foreign demand for our commodities is necessarily great. — (2) Protection lessens our demand for foreign commodities. — (b) Protection is the best means of increasing the consumer’s rent.

  1. The policy of protection has proved beneficial in practice.

(a) Without it no country has secured a symmetrical development of its industries: Social Science and National Economy, p. 267. — (b) Every period of protection in the United States has been followed by great material prosperity.

  1. Protection secures a home market for commodities incapable of transportation abroad:

E.E. Hale, Tom Torrey’s Tariff Talks. — (a) It enhances values, especially the value of land: J. R. Dodge, How Protection Protects the Farmer.

  1. A protective tariff does not raise prices.

(a) The establishment of a new industry has invariably been followed by lower prices: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4248.—. (1) Steel rails.—(2) Glass and earthen ware.—(3) Wool.— (4) Tin-plate.

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THE TARIFF AND WAGES.

Question:Resolved, That a high protective tariff raises wages.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

S. N. Patten, The Economic Basis of Protection, pp. 54-80; Lee Meriwether, ‘How Workingmen Live in Europe and America,’ in Harper’s Magazine, LXXIV., 780 (April, 1887); R. P. Porter, Bread Winners Abroad (People’s Library), Chaps. xvi., xxviii., xlix., li., liii., lvi., lxvi., lxvii., lxxxiv., civ.; Van Buren Denslow, Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 623-627.

  1. A high protective tariff raises wages theoretically.

(a) It causes more employers to compete for the hire of labor.—(1) By increasing the number of occupations and enterprises that can be carried on: R. E. Thompson, Social Science and National Economy, p. 248; Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 623-624. (b) It increases the amount of money available for the compensation of labor.—(1) By increasing the profits of manufacturers: Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 626-627. (c) It enables laborers to share in the natural resources of the country.—(1) By preventing competition with cheap foreign labor: The Economic Basis of Protection, pp. 64-70.

  1. A high protective tariff raises wages practically.

(a) In the United States, which furnishes the best example of a protective tariff, money wages are higher than in Europe.— (1) This is shown by the opinions of writers: Principles of Economic Philosophy, p. 527; Bread Winners Abroad; Consular Reports of the United States, No. 40, p. 304 (April, 1884). —(2) It is shown by the opinions of manufacturers: John Roach in International Review, XIII., 455 (November, 1882); J. M. Swank, Our Bessemer Steel Industry, p. 23; letters from the National Association of Wool Manufacturers and the Titus Sheard Co. in Congressional Record, 1891-1892, p. 6751 (July 26, 1892). (b) Wages have risen in other countries under a protective system. — (1) In Germany: Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 523-524; Consular Reports of the United States, No. 42, pp. 12, 13, 15 (June, 1884).—(2) In Canada: Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 666-668. (c) Real wages are higher in the United States than in Europe.—(1) An American workman can save more than a European: Consular Reports of the United States, No. 40, p. 304.—(2) His standard of living is higher: Harper’s Magazine, LXXIV., 780.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

F. W. Taussig in Forum, VI., 167 (October, 1888); W. G. Sumner in North American Review, Vol. 136, p. 270 (March, 1883); J. Schoenhof, The Economy of High Wages, pp. 175-193; J. Schoenhof, Wages and Trade; ‘Labor, Wages, and Tariff,’ Tariff Reform Series, II., No. 21 (January 15, 1890); ‘Labor and the Tariff,’ Tariff Reform Series, I., No. 12, p. 2 (October 10, 1888).

  1. Arguments based on comparisons of wages in different countries are untrustworthy.

(a) Such comparisons prove too much: D. A. Wells, Practical Economics, p. 137. — (b) There is no uniform rate in any country. — (c) There are many local causes which must necessarily make wages higher in one country than in another. — (1) Natural advantages: D. A. Wells, The Relation of the Tariff to Wages, p. 2. — (2) Standing army service: Ibid. — (3) The question of unoccupied land: North American Review, Vol. 136, p. 270.

  1. Careful use of statistics shows that wages are relatively higher under a low tariff.

(a) The high rate of wages in the United States is determined by unprotected industries.— (1) There are more laborers connected with unprotected than with protected industries: J. L. Laughlin’s edition of J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, p. 619. — (b) Wages in certain protected industries in the United States are lower than wages in the same industries in England. — (c) In protected industries in which wages are higher than abroad, they were higher before the existence of a protective tariff: Nation, XLVII., 327 (October 25, 1888). — (d) New South Wales is more prosperous than Victoria: Fortnightly Review, XXXVII., 369 (March, 1882).

  1. A protective tariff lowers wages by diminishing the amount of capital to be distributed for wages.

(a) The general productiveness of industry is less: Practical Economics, p. 135.— — (1) The effect of limiting the sale of commodities to a domestic market is evil: Practical Economics, p. 139. — (b) The proportion in which that produced is divided is less favorable to labor.—(1) The producer requires the same ratio of profit, while the number of laborers among whom the smaller wage-fund is divided is as large as before: North American Review, Vol. 136, p. 270.

  1. Real wages are less.

(a) The tariff increases the price of commodities and puts them out of the reach of the poorer classes: North American Review, Vol. 136, p. 270.

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RECIPROCITY WITH CANADA.

Question: ‘Resolved, That it would be to the advantage of the United States to establish complete commercial reciprocity between the United States and Canada.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

Goldwin Smith, Canada and the Canadian Question, pp. 281-301; Handbook of Commercial Union (Toronto, 1888); Century, XVI., 236 (June, 1889); Forum, VI., 241 (November, 1888) ; VII., 361 (June, 1889); New Englander, LIII., 1 (July, 1890); North American Review, Vol. 148, p. 54 (January, 1889); Vol. 151, p. 212 (August, 1890); Vol. 139, p. 42 (July, 1884); Harper’s Magazine, LXXVIII., 520 (March, 1889).

  1. Greater freedom of trade between the United States and Canada is desirable.

(a) It would furnish the United States with much needed raw materials: Century, XVI., 236. — (1) Coal, iron, and other mineral products are extensive and easily accessible to the northern and middle states: Handbook of Commercial Union, pp. 72-85; North American Review, Vol. 139, p. 42. — (2) Agricultural products. — (b) It would open to us a large and convenient market for our manufactures: Handbook of Commercial Union, p. 249. — (c) Closer commercial relations would remove much of the present ill feeling, and international disputes would be avoided.

  1. Reciprocity would be advantageous economically.

(a) It would open up a great field for the investment of American capital: Handbook of Commercial Union, p. 247. — (b) It would do away with the enormous expense of maintaining an unnatural customs line four thousand miles long. — (c) By the settlement of the fishery question it would give our fishermen valuable privileges.

  1. Reciprocity is practical:

Handbook of Commercial Union, p. 111. — (a) Great Britain would not raise serious objections: Handbook of Commercial Union, p. 101 .— (1) English investments in Canada would be benefited by commercial prosperity. — (2) Greater commercial activity would establish confederation on a firm basis and give assurance that Canada would remain a part of the British domain. — (b) The loyalty of Canadians would not be affected. — (1) The common tariff would not discriminate against England. — (c) A common tariff could be agreed upon. — (1) The present policy of the United States is toward a reduction of tariffs, while that of Canada is toward an increase. — (2) Canada would be willing to make concessions, such as the adjustment of internal revenue. — (d) The reciprocity treaty of 1854 was a commercial success. — (1) Trade rose from seven millions to twenty: Encyclopedia Britannica, IV., 766. — (2) The abrogation of the treaty was due to national animosity caused by acts of the English during the civil war.

 

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

James Douglas, Canadian Independence, Annexation, and British Imperial Federation; Forum, VI., 451 (January, 1889); J. N. Larned, Report to the Secretary of the Treasury on the State of Trade Between the United States and British Possessions in North America, January 28, 1871; Penn Monthly, V., 529 (July, 1874); Congressional Globe, 1864-1865, pp. 229-233 (January 12, 1865).

  1. Complete commercial reciprocity is impracticable.

(a) The commercial policies of Great Britain and the United States are conflicting. — (b) A common tariff could not be decided upon without detriment to one country. — (c) Internal revenue stands in the way.—(1) Excise taxes and internal revenue would have to be made equal; but excise is necessary to Canada, while it is not unlikely that we shall do away with our internal revenue: Forum, VI., 451.

  1. Complete reciprocity would be contrary to good public policy.

(a) It would result in loss of revenue. — (b) In case of war with Great Britain the frontier would be in a bad condition, and our whole tariff system would be torn asunder.

  1. Complete reciprocity would be economically disastrous.

(a) American and Canadian products are not supplementary, but competitory. — (b) Cheaper wages and cheaper raw material would be an inducement for our capital to move to Canada, and would also lower wages in the United States. — (c) We should lose much through emigration to Canada. — (d) It would give Canada the benefit of the market which we hav

e built up for ourselves by protection: Penn Monthly, V., 531.

  1. Historically, reciprocity with Canada has proved injurious.

(a) The United States tried commercial reciprocity with Canada in 1854, but abrogated the treaty in 1866.

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FREE SHIPS.

Question: ‘Resolved, That foreign-built ships should be admitted to American registry free of duty.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

D. A. Wells, The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine; John Codman, Free Ships; J.D.J. Kelly, The Question of Ships; North American Review, Vol. 142, p. 478 (May, 1886); House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, Minority Report; 1882-1883, No. 1827, Views of the Minority; 1891-1892, No. 966; 1887-1888, No. 1874; Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 1044 (January 8, 1891); Congressional Globe, 1871-1872, Part 3, p. 2241 (April 6, 1872).

  1. A change in our navigation laws is necessary.

(a) Under their restrictions American shipping has suffered. — (1) Through heavy duties on ships. — (b) Though heavily protected, the ship-building industry has not thrived. — (1) The cost of labor is too great. — (c) American capital has been forced abroad. — (d) The present provision for the limited admission of foreign ships is inadequate. — (e) The development of inventive genius is prevented.

  1. Free ships furnish the only practicable remedy:

The Question of Ships, Chap. v. — (a) They enable Americans to compete on equal terms for world’s commerce. — (1) Ships can be bought at the lowest price. — (b) Carrying trade should not be sacrificed to ship-building.—(1) It employs fifty times as many men: The Question of Ships, p. 31. — (c) American ship-building would not be seriously affected.— (1) Only iron ships are concerned. — (d) The success of the plan is well illustrated by Germany’s policy.

  1. Subsidizing schemes are impracticable and inefficient:

The Question of Ships, Chap. iv. — (a) Subsidies large enough to be efficient would be too great a tax on the people. — (1) The cost of building ships is one-third greater than in England: John Codman, Free Ships. — (b) They must be permanent. — (c) They have already been unsuccessfully tried in the United States. — (d) They have failed in France. — (1) Ship-building has not been built up in ten years’ trial. — (e) England’s supremacy is not due to subsidizing: The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine, pp. 29-45. — (1) No payments are made to sailing vessels. — (2) Compensation is given only for carrying mails, and for building according to admiralty requirements.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

W. W. Bates, American Marine; C. S. Hill, History of American Shipping; H. Hall, American Navigation; North American Review, Vol. 148, p. 687 (June, 1889); Vol. 154, p. 76 (January, 1892); Vol. 158, p. 433 (April, 1894); House Reports, 1891-1892, No. 966, Views of the Minority; 1887-1888, No. 1874, Views of the Minority, p. 10; 1882-1883, No. 1827; 1869-1870, No. 28; Nelson Dingley, Jr., in Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 997 (January 7, 1891).

  1. The lack of free registry was not responsible for the decline in American shipping.

(a) Under the present laws our merchant marine reached its height. — (b) The decline was due to other causes. — (1) To the destruction of commerce by English-built cruisers: American Marine, Chap. ix. — (2) To the commercial depression following war. — (3) To mechanical changes. — (x) From wood to iron. — (y) From sail to steam.

  1. Free registry offers no material advantages.

(a) American capital now invests in foreign-built ships. — (1) ‘Whitewashed’ sales: American Navigation, p. 75. — (b) The advantage of flying American flag would be subject to abuse.

  1. Free registry involves grave evils.

(a) Economic. — (1) It would annihilate ship-building in the United States. — (2) It would withdraw millions of capital from the country. — (b) National. — (1) It would cripple us in time of war. — (x) We should have no trained workmen. — (y) We should have no shipyards to build in an emergency.

  1. There are better alternatives than free registry.

(a) The removal of duties on materials. — (b) Sufficient mail subsidies to American-built ships: American Navigation, p. 77. — (c) A change in taxation from the principal invested in ships to net profits.

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SHIPPING SUBSIDIES.

Question: ‘Resolved, That the United States should establish a system of shipping subsidies.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

W. W. Bates, American Marine; House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210; C. S. Hill, History of American Shipping; House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162, Views of the Minority, p. 5; Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 997 (January 7, 1891), p. 3355 (February 26, 1891); Statement of Captain W. W. Bates in House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, p. 220; Overland Monthly, I., 462 (May, 1883); H. Hall, American Navigation.

  1. The merchant marine of the United States is at present in a deplorable condition and ought to be built up:

House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. i-vi. — (a) A national marine is of the greatest importance to the wealth and the commercial prosperity of a nation: Lalor’s Cyclopædia, II., 987; J.D.J. Kelly, The Question of Ships, p. 108. — (1) It is essential to naval power. — (2) To the development of resources. — (3) To national unity and individualism. — (b) The United States has the necessary qualifications for the marine industry: The Question of Ships, Chap. i.; American Navigation, Chap. ii. — (1) In 1856 the United States merchant marine was the most extensive in the world. — (2) Our extensive sea-coast naturally fosters a maritime spirit. — (3) We have abundant natural resources. — (4) Extensive commerce. — (5) Great ship-building interests.

  1. The subsidy system is a desirable means of building up the marine.

(a) It is preferable to the policy of free ships. — (1) Such a policy would destroy our ship-building industry: American Navigation, Chap. vii. — (b) Subsidies given to vessels for mail service would greatly encourage commerce. — (1) By insuring regular service: American Navigation, p. 77; Congressional Record, 1885-1886, p. 4009 (April 30, 1886). — (c) Vessels subsidized could be put under contract to serve the United States in case of war: American Navigation, pp. 83-86. — (d) It is an economical system. — (1) The total payments would not exceed $5,000,000 per annum. — (2) The earnings of the foreign mail service, which amount to $10,000,000 per annum, could fittingly be used for subsidies: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 6996 (July 7, 1890).

  1. Subsidies are necessary.

(a) The cost of American ships and their running expenses are greater than those of foreign vessels. — (b) The high subsidies given to foreign lines make it impossible for American lines to compete without like subsidies.

  1. Subsidies have proved successful in practice:

American Marine, pp. 325-327. — (a) We have tried such a system and found it effective: W. S. Lindsay, Merchant Shipping, IV., 194-228. — (b) Nearly all foreign nations maintain shipping subsidies: Congressional Record, 1890-1891, pp. 3359-3362 (February 26, 1891). — (c) They have been successful in France: House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. ix-xv. — (d) Great Britain, the foremost maritime country, has steadily adhered to a system of bounties: Congressional Record, 1890-1891, pp. 1001-1003 (January 7, 1891).

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, Minority Report, p. xxxix.; D.A. Wells, Our Merchant Marine; D.A. Wells, The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine; John Codman, Free Ships; John Codman, Shipping Subsidies and Bounties; Congressional Record, 1890-1891, pp. 3348, 3368, 3383 (February 26, 1891); 1889-1890, p. 6959 (July 3, 1890); House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162; J. D. J. Kelly, The Question of Ships.

  1. Subsidies are politically objectionable.

(a) They have proved and always will prove inducements to corrupt legislation. — (b) They create and foster a privileged class at the expense of the whole people: Our Merchant Marine, p. 141; Free Ships, p. 15. — (c) The practice would establish a bad precedent: House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. xl., xlii.

  1. Subsidies are economically objectionable:

Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 3352. — (a) They are merely temporizing measures: The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine, p. 25. — (b) They would be a tremendous cost: House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162, p. 4. — (c) They would not contribute to the general prosperity of the country: House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162, pp. 2-3. — (1) They would not benefit commerce. — (x) Foreign vessels now carry as cheaply as it can be done. — (2) They would benefit one industry at the expense of others. — (3) As profit would come wholly from subsidies, shippers would become uneconomical and the advantages of competition would be lost.

  1. There is no truth in the statement that shipping subsidies have built up merchant marines.

(a) Great Britain does not subsidize her vessels: The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine, p. 29; House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. xlii., 1. — (1) British mail subsidies are for actual service rendered as shown by the exacting rules and penalties for non-performance of contracts. — (b) The French system has not been successful: House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162, p. 3; 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. 1-lx. — (c) Our own experience has been unfavorable. — (1) The Collins line in 1847: Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 3386.

  1. The best remedy for American shipping is free ships:

Our Merchant Marine, pp. 95-128; North American Review, Vol. 142, pp. 481-484 (May, 1886). — (a) Free ships would at least allow Americans to compete on equal terms for the commerce of the world.

 

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FREE SUGAR.

Question: ‘Resolved, That sugar should be admitted free of duty.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

‘Sugar and the Tariff,’ Tariff Reform Series, III., No. 12, p. 174 (July 30, 1890); Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 602 (June 30, 1894), 771 (August 18, 1894), 819 (September 1, 1894); Nation, LIX., 74 (August 2, 1894), 112 (August 16, 1894); Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 10,631 (September 27, 1890).

  1. The question of protection does not enter.

(a) We produce only ten per cent, of the sugar we use: Princeton Review, VI., 322 (November, 1880). (b) The established industry can be more economically protected by bounties.

  1. The tariff is a burden on the poor.

(a) The poor man must pay more in proportion to his ability than the rich: C. D. Wright in Seventeenth Annual Report of Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, p. 266; W. O. Atwater in American Public Health Association, XV., 208. — (1) Carbohydrates are necessary to life. — (2) Sugar is the most economical carbohydrate. — (3) The laboring man consumes the greatest proportion of this constituent: American Public Health Association, XV., 216.

  1. The sugar tariff is a check to the country’s development.

(a) It discourages industries in which sugar is a raw material. — (1) The preserving industry. — (2) The condensed milk industry. — (3) The refining industry. — (b) It injures foreign commerce. — (1) With Brazil and Cuba. — (2) Germany has retaliated for our tariff by putting a tax on American beef: Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 1058 (November 10, 1894).

  1. Sugar taxes are a great source of corruption.

(a) They enable importers to defraud the government by manipulating the grades of sugar. — (b) They give rise to political corruption such as has disgraced the Senate. — (1) By fostering the sugar trust: Nation, LVIII., 440 (June 14, 1894); LIX., 71, 93, 112; Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 602, 771, 819; Tariff Reform Series, VII., No. 2, p. 28 (July 1, 1894).

  1. The sugar tax is not necessary for revenue.

(a) If the revenues fall short, the deficiency can be made up better by replacing the higher taxes on malt liquors and tobacco.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, p. 1178 (August 13, 1894), p. 634 (January 23, 1894); 1889-1890, Appendix, p. 437 (May 20, 1890); Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 218 (March 10, 1894); Tariff Hearings Before the Committee on Ways and Means, 1893, pp. 505, 520, 542.

  1. A tax on sugar is a just way of raising revenue:

Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, p. 1182. — (a) It is evenly distributed: Ibid. — (1) It reaches consumers in proportion to their incomes. — (2) Sugar is to a great extent an article of voluntary consumption.

  1. It is a desirable way of raising revenue.

(a) It is the only tax which furnishes a steady, reliable revenue, capable of computation beforehand. — (b) It is an easy tax to collect. — (c) Precedent has established sugar as a fitting article for taxation: D. A. Wells in Princeton Review, VI., 323 (November, 1880); Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, pp. 1180-1186. — (1) It has heretofore furnished one-fourth of the total revenue: D. A. Wells, The Sugar Industry of the United States and the Tariff, p. 9.

  1. The tax is necessary to encourage the American sugar industry:

Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, p. 632. — (a) The beet and sugar industries are difficult to establish. — (1) They require a large outlay of capital at the beginning. — (2) The return on the investment is small. — (3) The industries are still experimental. — (b) American producers require a special protective tax to offset the large bounties which foreign countries pay to their producers.

  1. The objections to the tax are unsound.

(a) The sugar-refining trust would remain even if sugar were admitted free. — (1) As nearly all of the sugar admitted to the United States is raw, it would still have to pass through the refineries. — (b) The frauds against the government, due to the manipulation of grades, are not an inherent result of the tax.

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SUGAR BOUNTIES.

Question: ‘Resolved, That a system of sugar bounties is contrary to good public policy.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

D. A. Wells, Recent Economic Changes, pp. 295-309; Lalor’s Cyclopædia, II., 99; Fortnightly Review, XLII, 638 (November, 1884) ; Nation, XLV., 164 (September 1, 1887); XLII, 420 (May 20, 1886); Congressional Record, 1889-1890, pp. 10,712-10,716 (September 30, 1890), Appendix, p. 391.

  1. The bounty system is unconstitutional.

(a) It is legislation in favor of a class: Nation, XLVII., 24 (July 12, 1888); Congressional Record, 1889-1890, pp. 10,712-10,716, Appendix, p. 391; Loan Association v. Topeka, 120 Wallace, 663-664.

  1. The bounty system is burdensome on the people:

Nation, XLIV., 484 (June 9, 1887). — (a) The people are compelled to pay the bounty: Fortnightly Review, XLII., 638. — (b) They are compelled to pay the highest cost of production for sugar: Fortnightly Review, XLII., 638. — (c) They are compelled to pay for the expensive system of administration.

  1. The bounty system gives rise to fraud.

(a) It places a great amount of money and patronage in the hands of political parties: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, Appendix, p. 391. — (b) The intricate system of bounty payments enables producers to defraud the government: Recent Economic Changes, pp. 295-298.

  1. The bounty system is injurious to commerce.

(a) It deranges prices. — (1) The producer is led to disregard the law of supply and demand: Fortnightly Review, XLII., 638. — (b) It makes foreign exchange uncertain: Nation, XLV., 164. — (1) By causing alternate over-production and under-production: Recent Economic Changes, pp. 295-309. — (c) It enables producers to control the markets.

  1. The bounty system is unnecessary for the development of the industry.

(a) The United States has as good facilities for raising beets as any other country. — (b) The sugar industry is not an infant industry.

  1. The bounty system has proved a failure in Europe:

Nation, XLVI., 45 (January 19, 1888); Recent Economic Changes, pp. 295-309; Lalor’s Cyclopædia, II., 99. — (a) The beet-sugar industry was fostered at the expense of cane sugar: Nation, XLV., 164. — (b) International complications arose: Saturday Review, LXIV., 142 (July 30, 1887), 847 (December 24, 1887).

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

Essay on ‘Industry and Commerce’ in Works of Alexander Hamilton, III., 366; Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4266 (May 7, 1890); Senators Allison and Sherman in Congressional Record, 1888-1889, pp. 888-895 (January 17, 1889).

  1. The sugar industry is highly desirable.

(a) The importance of sugar as a food is constantly increasing: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4266. — (b) The industry will be national, not sectional: Congressional Record, 1888-1889, p. 892; 1889-1890, p. 4515 (May 10, 1890). — (c) Beets do not exhaust the soil: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4266.

  1. The sugar industry would bring general economic advantages.

(a) It would keep at home money now sent abroad in payment for sugar. — (b) Capital greatly exceeding the amount of the bounty would be invested in the industry. — (c) The industry would create a new and a large demand for labor, both agricultural and mechanical.

  1. The bounty system is the best means of establishing the sugar industry.

(a) Protective duties are inadequate. — (1) Bounties paid by foreign countries tend to counteract our tariff. — (2) In the past import duties have failed. — (b) Bounties are necessary to tide the industry over the critical time of beginning: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4515. — (1) Establishment is difficult and expensive. — (2) There is small inducement for capital. — (3) Beet and sorghum sugar industries are more or less experimental. — (c) Bounties have been successful in establishing industries abroad. — (1) Beet-sugar industry in Germany: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, pp. 4266, 4431 (May 9, 1890).

  1. The bounty system is constitutional.

(a) The bounty is extended to anyone who is willing to undertake the production of sugar: American Law Register and Review, XXXI., 289 (May, 1892).

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DUTIES ON WOOL AND WOOLLENS.

Question: ‘Resolved, That a system of duties on wool and woollens is undesirable.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

F. W. Taussig in Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 1 (October, 1893); North American Review, Vol. 154, p. 133 (February, 1892); ‘Wool and Tariff,’ Tariff Reform Series, III., No. 19, p. 342 (November 15, 1890); ‘The Wool Question,’ Tariff Reform Series (Report of Ways and Means Committee on the Springer Bill), V., No. 1, p. 1 (March 15, 1892).

  1. Duties on wool and woollens have failed to bring beneficient results.

(a) Wool-growing has not prospered. — (1) The United States cannot raise grades of wool that will compare in quality with the better grades of foreign countries. — (x) Owing to climate: Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 18. — (b) Woollen manufacturers produce only the cheapest grades of woollens. — (c) Under the tariff American producers have succeeded in producing but a small quantity of woollens in comparison with foreign importations: Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 28-29; Tariff Reform Series, III., No. 19, p. 359.

  1. The removal of duties on wool does not hurt woolgrowers.

(a) The grades of wool raised by American growers are not subject to foreign competition. — (1) In these grades the American producer has an equal advantage with foreign producers: Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 5-20.

  1. Free woollens are not injurious to manufacturers.

(a) They do not injure the production of cheap grades of woollens for the American market. — (1) The American manufacturer, owing to the greater efficiency of his machinery and the small necessity for hand labor, can compete on equal terms in these grades.

  1. The removal of duties on wool is a benefit to manufacturers.

(a) It enables them to engage in the manufacture of finer grades of woollens: Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 32-33. — (1) By giving them free raw material of finer grades. — (b) It gives them a larger assortment of wools from which to select their grades: Congressional Record, 1887-1888, pp. 6519-6530 (July 19, 1888). (c) It enlarges their trade with South America: Nation, XLVI., 500 (June 21, 1888).

  1. Duties are unjust to consumers.

(a) They require them to pay a high price for woolens which are not made in America. — (1) This is shown by the constant increase in the importations of the finer grades of woollens in spite of the high tariff.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XVIII., 1888, Nos. 2, 3; XXII., 268 (September, 1892); XXIII., 275 (December, 1893); XXII., 1 (March, 1892); XXL, 333 (December, 1891); XXII., 115 (June, 1892); W. D. Lewis, Our Sheep and the Tariff (Publications of the University of Pennsylvania), Chaps. i., vii.; Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, pp. 1064, 1172.

  1. Duties on wool are necessary to protect the sheep-raising industry:

Our Sheep and the Tariff, Chap. vii. — (a) Foreign competition is especially active in this industry. — (1) Australia and the Argentine Republic have superior natural advantages.

  1. Duties on woollens are necessary to protect manufacturers:

Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 133. — (a) Foreign manufacturers have an advantage in cheap labor. (b) Foreign manufacturers have as good machinery as manufacturers in the United States. — (1) American machinery is used extensively abroad. — (c) The return on investments in the United States is less than it is abroad. — (1) A larger capital is required to produce an equivalent amount of woollens: Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 136.

  1. The history of the United States shows that duties have been successful in building up the wool and woollen industries:

Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XVIII., 234. — (a) The production of wool has greatly increased since the system was begun. — (b) The woollen industry is four times as large as in 1860: Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 3. — (c) Under periods of high protection the industries have been most prosperous.

  1. The duties have benefited the consumers:

Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 119. (a) They have reduced the price of woollens to less than half what it was thirty years ago. — (1) By causing active competition and rapid improvements in machinery: Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 119.

 

Source: W. Du Bois Brookings and Ralph Curtis Ringwalt, eds., Briefs for Debate on Current Political, Economic, and Social Topics. New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1908, pp. 96-117.

Image Source:  Cartoon by John S. Pughe published in Puck , September 15, 1897. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540.

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Graduate Core Economic Theory Exams and Enrollments. Taussig, 1923-1925

 

Examination questions spanning just over a half-century can be found in Frank Taussig’s personal scrapbook of cut-and-pasted semester examinations for his entire Harvard career. Up to the time when Schumpeter took over the core economic theory course from Taussig in 1935, Taussig’s course covering economic theory and its history was a part of almost every properly educated Harvard economist’s basic training. Taussig’s exam questions have been previously posted for the academic years 1886/87 through 1889/90 along with enrollment data for the course;  material for this course (including semesters when taught with/by other instructors) from 1890/91 through 1893/94; 1897-1900 ; 1904-1909 ; 1911-14 ; 1915-1917; 1918-1919 ; 1920-22 have been posted as well.  

This post begins with the printed course description from 1924 and a link to a list of reading assignments from 1923-24 taken from a student’s notes of the lectures and then addes the enrollment data and three years of semester final examinations for the years 1922-23 through 1924-25.

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Course Description: Economics 11
1924-25

ECONOMIC THEORY AND METHOD

Economic Theory. Mon., Wed., Fri., at 2. Professor Taussig.

Course 11 is intended to acquaint the student with the development of economic thought since the beginning of the nineteenth century, and at the same time to train him in the critical consideration of economic principles. The exercises are conducted mainly by the discussion of selected passages from the leading writers; and in this discussion the students are expected to take an active part. A careful examination is made of the writings of Ricardo and J. S. Mill, and of representative modern economists, such as Marshall, Böhm-Bawerk, Clark.

Source: Division of History, Government, and Government. Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XXI, No. 22 (April 30, 1924), p. 71.

The course reading assignments for Economics 11 according to Frank W. Fetter’s student notes from 1923-24 was posted earlier.

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1922-23

Course Enrollment: Economics 11, 1922-23

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 42: 36 Graduates, 3 Graduate Business, 2 Seniors, 1 Junior

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1922-23, p. 92.

  

1922-23
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Midyear-Exam

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. (a) “Given machinery, raw materials, and a year’s subsistence for 1000 laborers, does it make no difference with the annual product whether those laborers are Englishmen or East-Indians?”
    (b) “In some exceptional industries it happens that the employer realizes on his product in a shorter time than this (a week), so that the laborer is not only paid out of the product of his industry, but actually advances to the employer a portion of the capital on which he operates.”
    (c) “On American whaling ships the custom is not to pay fixed wages, but a “lay,” or a portion of the catch, which varies from a sixteenth to a twelfth to the captain down to a three-hundredth to the cabin-boy. Thus, when a whaleship comes into New Bedford or San Francisco after a successful cruise, she carries in her hold the wages of her crew, as well as the profits of her owners, and an equivalent which will reimburse them for all the stores used up during the voyage. Can anything be clearer than that these wages — this oil and bone which the crew of the whaler have taken — have not been drawn from capital, but are really a part of the produce of their labor”?
    Are these three situations essentially similar? And what is the bearing of each of them on the question under debate?
  2. “The extra gains which any producer or dealer obtains through superior talents for business, or superior business arrangements, are very much of a similar kind (analogous to rent). If all his competitors had the same advantages, and used them, the benefit would be transferred to their customers, through the diminished value of the article; he only retains it for himself because he is able to bring his commodity to market at a lower cost, while its value is determined by a higher. All advantages, in fact, which one competitor has over another, whether natural or acquired, whether personal or the result of social arrangements, bring the commodity, so far, into the Third Class, and assimilate the possessor of the advantage to a receiver or of rent.” Did Walker add anything of essential significance to this statement of Mill’s?
    Mill, Principles of Pol. Econ., pp. 476-77.
  3. (a) “It is not to be understood that the natural price of labour, estimated even in food and necessaries, is absolutely fixed and constant. It varies at different times in the same country, and very materially differs in different countries. It essentially depends on the habits and customs of the people.”
    (b) “A tax on raw produce, and on the necessaries of the labourer, would have another effect — it would raise wages. From the effect of the principle of population on the increase of mankind, wages of the lowest kind never continue much above that rate which nature and habit demand for the support of the labourers. This class is never able to bear any considerable proportion of taxation; and, consequently, if they had to pay 8s. per quarter in addition for wheat, and in some smaller proportion for other necessaries, they would not be able to subsist on the same wages as before, and to keep up the race of labourers. Wages would inevitably and necessarily rise.”
    (c) “If I have to hire a labourer for a week, and instead of ten shillings I pay him eight, no variation having taken place in the value of money, the labourer can probably obtain more food and necessaries with his eight shillings than he before obtained for ten.”
    Are these several statements of Ricardo’s consistent?
  4. In which of the following passages is the tendency to diminishing returns treated as referring to the amount of the produce, in which as referring to the value of the produce? Which method of treatment seems to you the proper one?

(a) “Whatever rise may take place in the price of corn, in consequence of the necessity of employing more labor and capital to obtain a given additional quantity of produce, such rise will always be equalled by the additional rent or additional labor employed. . . . Whether the produce belonging to the farmer be 180, 170, 160, or 150 quarters, he always obtains the same sum of £720 for it; the price increasing in an inverse proportion to the quantity.” — Ricardo.
(b) The Channel Islands obtain agricultural produce to the value of £50 to each acre of the aggregate surface of the island. Fifty pounds’ worth of agricultural produce from each acre of the land is sufficiently good. But the more we study the modern achievements of agriculture the more we see that the limits of productivity of the soil are not attained. . . . I can confirm Mr. Bear’s estimate to the effect that under proper management even a cool greenhouse, which covers 4050 square feet, can give a gross return of £180.” — Kropotkin.
(c) “Ricardo, and the economists of his time generally were too hasty in deducing this inference [tendency to increased pressure] from the law of diminishing return; and they did not allow enough for the increase of strength that comes from organization. But in fact every farmer is aided by the presence of neighbours, whether agriculturists or townspeople. . . . If the neighbouring market town expands into a large industrial centre, all his produce is worth more; some things which he used to throw away fetch a good price. He finds new openings in dairy farming and market gardening, and with a larger range of produce he makes use of rotations that keep his land always active without denuding it of any one of the elements that are necessary for its fertility.” — Marshall.

  1. “Ricardo expresses himself as if the quantity of labour which it costs to produce a commodity and bring it to the market, were the only thing on which its value depended. But since the cost of production to the capitalist is not labour but wages, and since wages may be either greater or less, the quantity of labour being the same; it would seem that the value of the product cannot be determined solely by the quantity of labour, but by the quantity together with the remuneration; and that values must partly depend on wages.” — J. S. Mill.
    What would Ricardo say to this? and in what way, according to Mill, do wages affect value?
  2. Explain briefly external economies; internal economies.
    It has been said that internal economies cause an increase of demand, external economies result from an increase of demand. Do you agree?
    Suppose internal economies to become greater indefinitely, as output enlarges; what consequences would ensue? Suppose the same for external economies, what consequences?
  3. “There is one general law of demand: the greater the amount to be sold, the smaller must be the price at which it is offered in order that it may find purchasers. . . . The one universal rule to which the demand curve conforms is that it is inclined negatively throughout the whole of its length.”
    “The demand curve over short periods — which may be a matter of weeks or months — is not necessarily inclined throughout in the same direction. It may be inclined positively. And similarly the supply curve does not necessarily have that constant positive inclination which is usually assumed. In the course of the higgling of the market this in its turn may have a negative inclination.”
    Whom do you believe to be the writers of these passages? Can they be harmonized? If so, how? If not, why not?
  4. The series of hypotheses made by Marshall concerning “meteoric showers of stones harder than diamonds”; the nature of the incomes derived by those finding them in the several cases; and the general principle which is thus illustrated.

 

 

1922-23
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Exam

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.

  1. “Labour of different kinds differently rewarded. This no cause of variation in the relative value of commodities.” On what grounds did Ricardo reach the conclusion summarized by him in these sentences? Is it consistent with the general trend of his theory of value?
  2. “This doctrine [about non-competing groups] was given its name by J. E. Cairnes. . . . He supposed it to be a rare and remarkable exception to what he believed was the general rule, that the cost-of-production regulated the price of goods — essentially a “labor-theory of value.” We regard it merely as a helpful way of presenting a particular case of the general rule that the value of agents is derived from their products when the market is viewed as a whole.”
    What would Cairnes say to this? What is your own view on the “general rule” stated in the concluding sentence?
  3. “Suppose that society is divided into a number of horizontal grades, each of which is recruited from the children of its own members; and each of which has its own standard of comfort, and increases in numbers rapidly when the earnings to be got in it rise above, and shrinks rapidly when they fall below that standard. Suppose, then, that parents can bring up their children to any trade in their own grade, but cannot easily raise them above it and will not consent to sink them below it. . . .
    On these suppositions, would Cairnes say that value was determined by cost? What would Marshall say?
  4. (a) “We have next to study the conditions of Business Management; and in so doing we must have in view a problem that will occupy our attention as we go on. It arises from the fact that, though in manufacturing at least nearly every individual business, so long as it is well managed, tends to become stronger the larger it has grown; and though prima facie we might therefore expect to see large firms driving their smaller rivals completely out of many branches of industry, yet they do not in fact do so.”
    (b) “Since then business ability in command of capital moves with great ease horizontally from a trade which is overcrowded to one which offers good openings for it; and since it moves with great ease vertically, the abler men rising to the higher posts in their own trade, we see, even at this early state of our inquiry, some good reasons for believing that in modern England the supply of business ability in command of capital accommodates itself, as a general rule, to the demand for it; and thus has a fairly defined supply price.”
    What is Marshall’s solution of the problem stated in the first of these passages? What sort of supply schedule do you suppose him to have in mind in the second? What would Walker say on both passages?
  5. “If the production of any, even the smallest, portion of the supply, requires as a necessary condition a certain price, that price will be obtained for all the rest. . . . The value, therefore, of an article (meaning its natural, which is the same with its average value) is determined by the cost of that portion of the supply which is produced and brought to market at the greatest expense. This is the Law of Value of the third of the three classes into which all commodities are divided. . . . Rent, therefore, forms no part of the cost of production which determines the value of agricultural produce.”
    By whom do you suppose this passage to have been written? What would Marshall say to it?
  6. “‘Rent is not an element in price’ — such is the classical statement on the subject. . . . But, if one defines rent as product imputable to a concrete agent, the impossibility of maintaining such a claim becomes apparent. Even if one were to restrict the term rent to the product created by land, the claim that it is not an element in adjusting market values would be absurd; for it would amount to saying that a certain part of the output of every kind of goods has no effect on their market value. The ‘price’ referred to in the formula is, of course, the market value expressed in units of currency.” What do you say?
  7. “When the artisan or professional man has once obtained the skill required for his work, a part of his earnings are for the future really a quasi-rent of the capital and labour invested in fitting him for his work, in obtaining his start in life, his business connections, and generally his opportunity for turning his faculties to good account; and only the remainder of his income is true earnings of effort. But this remainder is generally a large part of the whole. And here lies the contrast. For when a similar analysis is made of the profits of the business man, the proportions are found to be different: in his case the greater part is quasi-rent.” Why? or why not?
  8. (a) “Capital-goods imply waiting for the fruits of labor. Capital, on the contrary, implies the direct opposite of this: it is the means of avoiding all waiting. It is the remover of time intervals, — the absolute synchronizer of labor and its fruits. It is the means of putting civilized man in a position which, so far as time is concerned, is akin to that in which the rude forester stood, when he broke off limbs of dead trees and laid them on his fire. The very appliances which, in their extent and complexity, seem in one view to mean endless waiting, in another view mean no waiting at all but the instantaneous appearance of the final fruits of every bit of labor that is put forth.”
    (b) “Tools are productive, but time is the condition of getting tools — this is the simple and literal fact. The roundabout or time-consuming mode of using labor insures efficient capital-goods. . . . When the hatchet has worn itself completely out, and the fruits of using it are before the man in the large dwelling, he may look backward to the beginning of the process, when he faced nature empty-handed, and say: ‘Labor has done it all. Work and waiting have given me my goods.’ The working and the waiting have, indeed, insured the hatchet, as an incidental result of this way of working. Production that plans to put its fruits into the future will create capital-goods as an immediate effect, but labor and time are enough to make the ultimate effect certain. Let the man work intelligently through an interval of time, and the production of consumers’ wealth is sure.”
    (c) “The effort of postponement, or the preference of uncertain future for certain present consumables, necessary for supplying capital, if it is an effort, is a continuous one lasting all the time the capital is in use. The critic who asks, why a single ‘act of abstinence’ which is past and done with should be rewarded by a perpetual payment of annual interest, fails to realise that, so far as saving involves a serviceable action of the saver, it goes on all the time that the saver lies out of the full present enjoyment of his property, i.e. as long as his savings continue to function as productive instruments.”
    What would Clark say to the three propositions here stated? What are your own views?
    By whom do you suppose the passages to have been written?

____________________________________

 1923-24

Course Enrollment: Economics 11, 1923-24

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 51: 37 Graduates, 5 Graduate Business, 3 Seniors, 6 Radcliffe

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1923-24, p. 107.

 

 

1923-24
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Exam

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. What bearing has the turn-over of retail shops on the question whether the reward of labor is derived from the contemporaneous product of labor?
  2. “Suppose I employ twenty men at an expense of £1000 for a year in the production of a commodity, and at the end of the year I employ twenty men again for another year, at a further expense of £1000 in finishing or perfecting the same commodity, and that I bring it to market at the end of two years, if profits be 10 per cent, my commodity must sell for [?]. Another man employs precisely the same quantity of labour, but he employs it all in the first year; he employs forty men at an expense of £2000, and at the end of the first year he sells it with 10 per cent profit, or for [?].
    Give the figures which Ricardo put into the bracketed spaces, and explain in what way he reached his figures.
    What principle does he mean to illustrate by examples of this kind?
  3. “Thus, in a charitable institution, where the poor are set to work with the funds of benefactors, the general prices of the commodities, which are the produce of such work, will not be governed by the peculiar facilities afforded to these workmen, but by the common, usual, and natural difficulties which every other manufacturer will have to encounter. The manufacturer enjoying none of these facilities might indeed be driven altogether from the market if the supply afforded by these favoured workmen were equal to all the wants of the community; but if he continued the trade, it would be only on condition that he should derive from it the usual and general rate of profits on stock; and that could only happen when his commodity sold for a price proportioned to the quantity of labour bestowed on its production.”
    What principle was Ricardo trying to elucidate in this passage? Is his reasoning sound?
  4. “The amount of produce raised, and therefore the position of the margin of cultivation (i. e., the margin of the profitable application of capital and labour to good and bad land alike) are both governed by the general conditions of demand and supply. They are governed on the one hand by demand; that is, by the numbers of the population who consume the produce, the intensity of their need for it, and their means of paying for it: and on the other hand by supply; that is, by the extent and fertility of the available land, and the numbers and resources of those ready to cultivate it. Thus cost of production, eagerness of demand, margin of production, and price of the produce mutually govern one another: and no circular reasoning is involved in speaking of any one as in part governed by the others.”
    Is this different from Ricardo’s doctrine on the relation between cost of production, value, rent? Is it inconsistent with Ricardo’s doctrine?
  5. “In short periods, that is, in periods short relatively to the time required to make and bring into full bearing improvements . . . no such direct influence on supply price is exercised by the necessity that such improvements should in the long run yield net incomes sufficient to give normal profits on their cost. And therefore when we are dealing with such periods, these incomes may be regarded as quasi-rents which depend on the price of the produce.”
    Would you regard “these incomes” as quasi-rents, in Marshall’s sense? Would you consider this a good definition of quasi-rents?
  6. Indicate summarily Mill’s doctrines regarding

the law of the accumulation of capital;
the factors on which the rate of profits depends;
the tendency of profits to a minimum.

Are they consistent with each other? Which of them, if any, is in accord with Ricardo’s doctrine on profits?

  1. “An increase in the aggregate volume of production of anything will generally increase the size, and therefore the internal economics possessed by a representative firm; it will always increase the external economies to which the firm has access; and thus it will enable it to manufacture at a less proportionate cost of labour and sacrifice than before.”
    Why “generally” in the first case? Why “always” in the second? or why not in either case?
  2. Explain

cost of production,
expenses of production,
supply price,
contemporaneous costs curve,
successive costs curve.

  1. “Among 1317 farms in one county in New York, 13 farms yielded labor incomes of over $2000. . . . Part of this difference was due to the soils being better than the average, and part was due to better management.” In the book from which this passage is taken, “labor income” is ascertained by deducting from the farm receipts (a) expenses incurred in operating the farm, (b) the interest which the farmer would have got if, instead of investing in the farm, he had lent his money at the current rate. Would you accept this definition of labor income?
    Does “economic rent” appear in the analysis? If so, where and how?

 

 

1923-24
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Exam

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions

  1. What is left, in the present stage of economic theory, of Ricardo’s doctrine of value? of wages? of profits?
  2. “When considering costs from the social point of view, when inquiring whether the cost of attaining a given result is increasing or diminishing with changing economic conditions, then we are concerned with the real costs of efforts of various qualities, and with the real cost of waiting. If the purchasing power of money in terms of effort has remained about constant, and if the rate of remuneration for waiting has remained about constant, then the money measure of costs corresponds to the real costs; but such a correspondence is never to be assumed lightly.” — Marshall.
    Consider separately the two propositions stated in these sentences, and give your opinion on them.
  3. “Let us now drop the supposition that labour is so mobile as to ensure equal remuneration for equal efforts, throughout the whole of society, and let us approach much nearer to the actual conditions of life by supposing that labour is not all of one industrial grade, but of several. Let us suppose that parents always bring up their children to an occupation in their own grade; that they have a free choice within that grade, but not outside it. Lastly, let us suppose that the increase of numbers in each grade is governed by other than economic causes: as before it may be fixed, or it may be influenced by changes in custom, in moral opinion, etc.” — Marshall.
    On these suppositions, is value determined by “real costs.”? Wherein, if at all, do the suppositions differ from those made by Marshall in earlier editions?
  4. “While we [the Austrians] say that the value of means of production, that is of cost-goods, is determined by the value of their products, the usual way of interpreting the law is to say that the value of their products, the usual way of interpreting the law is to say that the value of the products is determined by the amount of their costs, — by the value of the means of production out of which they are made.” — Böhm-Bawerk.
    What are grounds of this conclusion? What is your own view?
  5. “The difference between land and other durable agents is mainly one of degree; and a great part of the interest of the study of the rent of land arises from the illustration it affords of a great principle that permeates every part of economics.” — Marshall.
    Why is the difference mainly one of degree? and what is the great permeating principle?
  6. State the precise point on which Böhm-Bawerk rests his contention that there is no specific productivity of capital.
  7. Böhm-Bawerk remarks that the theory put forth by him bears a certain resemblance to the wage fund doctrine of the older English school, but differs from it in essentials. Explain the resemblance; point out the difference which Böhm-Bawerk believes to be essential; and give you instructor’s comment on that point of difference.
  8. Under the regulation for administering the Excess Profits Tax, while it was levied in the United States, an individual business man liable for this tax was allowed, when declaring his profits, to deduct from his receipts not only all outlays incurred but also (a) eight per cent on his invested capital, (b) a reasonable salary for his own labor of management.
    Were these two allowances in accord with the theoretic treatment of business profits by Clark? by Marshall? by your instructor?

____________________________________

 

Course Enrollment: Economics 11, 1924-25

 

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 59: 43 Graduates, 2 Seniors, 8 Graduate Business, 6 Radcliffe

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1924-25, p. 75.

 

 

1924-25
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-Year Exam

 

  1. “When the labourer maintains himself by funds of his own, as when a peasant-farmer or proprietor lives on the produce of his land, or an artisan works on his own account, they are still supported by capital, that is, by funds provided in advance. The peasant does not subsist this year on the produce of this year’s harvest, but on that of the last. The artisan is not living on the proceeds of the work he has in hand, but on those of work previously executed and disposed of. Each is supported by a small capital of his own, which he periodically replaces from the produce of his labour.” J. S. Mill.
    Are the two situations here described essentially similar? and what general proposition or propositions do they illustrate?
  2. “In a charitable institution, where the poor are set to work with the funds of benefactors, the general prices of the commodities, which are the produce of such work, will not be governed by the peculiar facilities afforded to these workmen, but by the common, usual, and natural difficulties which every other manufacturer will have to encounter. The manufacturer enjoying none of these facilities might indeed be driven altogether from the market if the supply afforded by these favoured workmen were equal to all the wants of the community; but if he continued the trade, it would be only on condition that he should derive from it the usual and general rate of profits on stock; and that could only happen when his commodity sold for a price proportioned to the quantity of labour bestowed on its production.”

(a) What principle was Ricardo trying to elucidate in this passage?
(b) It has been argued that labor in a “charitable institution” is usually inefficient, and that nothing of the sort described by Ricardo happens. What would you say? What would Ricardo say?
(c) Trade-unions are opposed to the employment of convict labor, on the ground that it takes work from their members and tends to lower wages. Is their attitude inconsistent with the sort of reasoning Ricardo applies?

  1. It has been said:

(a) that the law of diminishing returns refers to the physical quantity of the produce obtained from land, not to the value of the produce;
(b) that the law of diminishing returns refers to the yield from each several piece of land, not to the yield from land at large;
(c) that if all land were equally endowed by nature, and if all were used, the income of the land-owners would be in the nature of a monopoly gain.

Which of these statements would you accept, which reject?

  1. “In estimating the exchangeable value of stockings, for example, we shall find that their value, comparatively with other things, depends on the total quantity of labour necessary to manufacture them and bring them to market. First, there is the labour necessary to cultivate the land on which the raw cotton is grown; secondly, the labour of conveying the cotton to the country where the stockings are to be manufactured, which includes a portion of the labour bestowed in building the ship in which it is conveyed, and which is charged in the freight on the goods; thirdly, the labour of the spinner and weaver; fourthly, a portion of the labour of the engineer, smith, and carpenter, who erected the buildings and machinery, by the help of which they are made; fifthly, the labour of the retail dealer, and of many others, whom it is unnecessary further to particularise.”
    What is the bearing of this enumeration on Ricardo’s theory of value? on his theory of profits?
  2. “The cause of profit is that labour produces more than is required for its support.”
    “The capitalist may be assumed to make all the advances and receive all the profit. His profit consists of the excess of the produce above the advances.”
    Are these two statements inconsistent with each other?
    Which, if either, was Ricardo’s doctrine? Which Mill’s? Which, if either, comes near the truth?
  3. What is the short-period point of view, what the long-period point of view, in the discussion of value at the hands of Mill? of Marshall?
  4. Under what circumstances, if under any, would you expect to find

(a) a demand curve positively inclined;
(b) a successive costs curve negatively inclined;
(c) a contemporaneous costs curve negatively inclined?

  1. Wherein is the incidence of a tax on dwellings significant as regards the doctrine of quasi-rent? That of a tax on printing-presses?
  2. Would you expect an increase of demand for an article to lead to external economies in its production? to internal economies?

 

 

1924-25
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Exam

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions
Questions 1, 2, 3 may be answered as one, if you prefer

  1. Explain summarily

“real” costs of production,
money costs of production,
expenses of production,
supply price,
derived supply price.

  1. Would you reckon “economic rent” among the expenses of production of a commodity? Quasi-rent?
  2. (a) When a supply curve is laid out for the purpose of representing conditions of diminishing returns, is it supposed to indicate gradations in real costs or in money costs?
    (b) When a supply curve is constructed for a manufactured commodity, on the basis of data furnished by cost accountants, does it indicate gradations in real costs or in money costs?
  3. (a) “The ordinary bargain between labour and capital is that the wage-receiver gets command over commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, and in exchange carries his employer’s goods a stage further towards being ready for immediate consumption. But while this is true of most employees, it is not true of those who finish the process of production. For instance, those who put together and finish watches, give to their employers far more commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, than they obtain as wages. And if we take one season of the year with another, so as to allow for seed and harvest time, we find that workmen as a whole hand over to their employers more finished commodities than they receive as wages.”
    (b) There is, however, a rather forced sense in which we may perhaps be justified in saying that the earnings of labour depend upon advances made to labour by capital. For — not to take account of machinery and factories, of ships and railroads — the houses loaned to workmen, and even the raw materials in various stages which will be worked up into commodities consumed by them, represent a far greater provision of capital for their use than the equivalent of the advances which they make to the capitalist, even when they work for a month for him.”
    (c) “The whole question, whether goods are advanced by one class of persons to another, in order to tide that other class over an interval of waiting, clearly has reference, not to the relation of capitalists in general to laborers in general, but to the relation of certain sub-groups to other sub-groups in the producing series. It is the sub-group A´´´ [those making finished goods] that must advance the stock of the article A´´´ to all the sub-groups that are below it in the series, if any advances at all are needed; but does it actually make any advances? . . . Nothing of this kind, however, takes place. The stocks of A´´´, B´´´ and C´´´ are drawn upon and replenished simultaneously, like water in a full pipe, with an inflow at one end and an outflow at the other.”

Explain whom you believe to be the writers of these passages; what Böhm-Bawerk would say on the general propositions here laid down; what your own views on them are.

  1. “When an artisan or a professional man has exceptional natural abilities, which are not made by human effort, and are not the result of sacrifices undergone for a future gain, they enable him to obtain a surplus income over what ordinary persons could expect from similar exertions following on similar investments of capital and labour in their education and start in life; a surplus which is of the nature of rent.” Would Marshall agree to this as regards (a) the incomes of professional men; (b) business profits? Would you?
  2. Explain briefly whether anything in the nature either of a producer’s surplus or of a consumer’s surplus appears as regards (a) instruments made by man and the return secured by their owners; (b) unskilled labor and the wages paid for it.
  3. Is interest “earned”? Are business profits “earned”?
  4. Are there grounds for maintaining that Clark’s doctrine of the “zone of indifference” is inconsistent with his doctrine of the specific productivity of labor and capital?
  5. “Suppose a poor man receives every day two pieces of bread, while one is enough to allay the pangs of positive hunger, what value will one of the two pieces of bread have for him? The answer is easy enough. If he gives away the piece of bread, he will lose, and if he keeps it he will secure, provision for that degree of want which makes itself felt whenever positive hunger has been allayed. We may call this the second degree of utility. One of two entirely similar goods is, therefore, equal in value to the second degree in the scale of utility of that particular class of goods. . . . Not only has one of two goods the value of the second degree of utility, but either of them has it, whichever one may choose. And three pieces have together three times the value of the third degree of utility, and four pieces have four times the value of the fourth degree. In a word, the value of a supply of similar goods is equal to the sum of the items multiplied by the marginal utility.” — Wieser.
    What is meant by “value” in this passage? Do you think the analysis tenable? and do you think it inconsistent with the doctrine of total utility and consumer’s surplus?

 

Source for examination questions: Harvard University Archives. Prof. F. W. Taussig, Examination Papers in Economics 1882-1935 (Scrapbook).

Image Source: Frank W. Taussig, Harvard Class Album, 1925.