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Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Exams from Principles of Economics. Day, Davis, Burbank et al., 1917-18

 

 

For most students who go on to concentrate in economics, the principles of economics course is the first contact with the discipline. Like they say, you have only one try to make a first impression. We’ll see in a coming post that Taussig’s textbook Principles of Economics still served as the backbone of the Harvard principles course twenty years later.

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Course Description

INTRODUCTORY COURSES
Primarily for Undergraduates

[Economics] A. Principles of Economics. , Th., Sat., at 11. Asst. Professor Day and Dr. Davis, Dr. Burbank and Messrs. P. G. Wright, Monroe, Lincoln, and Van Sickle.

Course A gives a general introduction to economic study, and a general view of Economics for those who have not further time to give to the subject. It undertakes an analysis of the present organization of industry, the mechanism of exchange, the determination of value, and the distribution of wealth.

The course is conducted partly by lectures, more largely by oral discussion in sections. Taussig’s Principles of Economics is used as the basis of discussion.

Course A may not be taken by Freshmen without the consent of the instructor.

 

Source: Division of History, Government, and Economics. 1917-18. Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XIV, No. 25 (May 18, 1917) p. 58.

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Course Enrollment

[Economics] A. Asst. Professor Day and Asst. Professor J. S. Davis, Dr. Burbank, Mr. Monroe, and Dr. E. E. Lincoln.—Principles of Economics.

Total 258: 1 Graduate, 8 Seniors, 73 Juniors, 150 Sophomores, 3 Freshmen, 23 Other.

 

Source: Harvard University. Report of the President of Harvard College, 1917-18, p. 53.

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1917-18
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS A
Mid-year Final Examination

Plan your answers carefully before writing. Write concisely. Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions, beginning each on a new page.

  1. What is labor? To what extent is it irksome? How, if at all, is the irksomeness of labor to be minimized?
  2. Explain “producers’ surplus.” Under what conditions of cost does it arise? How is monopoly profit to be distinguished from producers’ surplus? Illustrate throughout by diagram.
  3. “Before the war started the bullion value of the U.S. silver dollar, measured in gold, was about 42c. At this rate it took 37 ounces of silver to equal one of gold. Today [October, 1917], with silver bullion at about $1.00 an ounce, the value of a silver dollar is 77c., a ratio of about 20 to 1. It would only take another advance such as occurred within the last month for silver to reach the U.S. coinage ratio of ‘16 to 1.’”
    In this case what would happen, and why? Would the consequences be objectionable? If so, on what grounds? If not, why not?
  4. Explain briefly: (a) commercial banking; (b) “deposits as currency”; (c) bank reserves; (d) Federal Reserve notes; (e) Gold Settlement Fund.
  5. Analyze the factors contributing to the present “high cost of living.”
  6. “The nations of the world should adopt a uniform system of currency with a common standard. This would do away with all this bother about ‘par of exchange,’ ‘gold points,’ ‘rate of exchange,’ etc.”
    To what extent is this conclusion warranted? Explain.
  7. To what extent does the following offer a solution of the tariff problem?
    “In all tariff legislation the true principle of protection is best maintained by the imposition of such duties as will equal the difference between the cost of production at home and abroad.”
  8. Comment briefly upon the following:
    “During the days and weeks and months ahead there must be no cessation or lessening of effort on the part on any one of us—man or woman—to keep business healthy and normal.
    “Industries of every kind must be maintained to their fullest capacity. Money must be kept in circulation. There must be no hysterical, misguided retrenchment, masquerading under the cloak of economy.
    “The nation calls for every encouragement and support that the commercial and industrial forces can supply—and that means everybody doing his bit to keep business booming.

 

Source: Harvard University Archives. Department of Economics, Course reading lists, syllabi, and exams 1913-1992 (UA V 349.295.6). Box 1, Folder “Economics I, Final Exams 1913-1939”.

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 1917-18
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS A
Year-end Final Examination

Plan your answers carefully before writing. Write concisely. Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions, beginning each on a new page.

  1. What factors tend to limit the extension of (a) large-scale production in agriculture? (b) large-scale production in manufacture? (c) large-scale management, or industrial combination?
  2. Explain briefly: (a) demand; (b) decreasing cost; (c) internal economies; (d) “dumping.”
  3. State carefully: (a) Gresham’s law; (b) the law of diminishing returns; (c) the law of monopoly price; (d) Malthus’s law of population.
  4. To what extent and for what reasons should taxes be employed in financing the present war?
  5. In what respects are business profits like, in what unlike, (a) wages? (b) rent?
  6. What practical expedients would you suggest for raising the wages of workers in the lowest social group?
  7. Discuss the following contention: “One objection to having the state pay people when they are ill or old or out of work is that it saps that personal initiative and prudence and foresight which lie at the basis of an orderly civilization.”
  8. What grounds are there for saying that under a socialistic régime the efficiency of the rank and file of workers would be (a) greater? (b) less?

 

Source: Harvard University Archives. Department of Economics, Course reading lists, syllabi, and exams 1913-1992 (UA V 349.295.6). Box 1, Folder “Economics I, Final Exams 1913-1939”.

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Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Graduate core economic theory exams and enrollments. Taussig, 1926-30

 

 

Examination questions spanning just over a half-century can be found in Frank Taussig’s personal scrapbook of cut-and-pasted semester examinations for his entire Harvard career. Up to the time when Schumpeter took over the core economic theory course from Taussig in 1935, Taussig’s course covering economic theory and its history was a part of almost every properly educated Harvard economist’s basic training. Taussig’s exam questions have been previously posted for the academic years 1886/87 through 1889/90 along with enrollment data for the course;  material for this course (including semesters when taught with/by other instructors) from 1890/91 through 1893/94; 1897-1900 ; 1904-1909 ; 1911-14 ; 1915-1917; 1918-1919 ; 1920-22 ; 1923-25 have been posted as well.  

This post begins with the printed course description from 1929-30 then adds the enrollment data and five years of semester final examinations for the years 1925-26 through 1929-30.

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 Course Description
1929-30

11. Economic Theory.

Mon. , Wed., Fri., at 2. Professor Taussig

Course 11 is intended to acquaint the student with the development of economic thought since the beginning of the nineteenth century, and at the same time to train him in the critical consideration of economic principles. The exercises are conducted mainly by the discussion of selected passages from the leading writers; and in this discussion the students are expected to take an active part. A careful examination is made of the writings of Ricardo and J. S. Mill, and of representative modern economists.

 

Source:  Division of History, Government, and Economics, 1929-30. Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XXVI, No. 36 (June 27, 1929), p. 71. Identical course description found in Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XXV, No. 29 (May 26, 1928), p. 70.

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1925-26

 

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1925-26

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 50: 36 Graduates, 5 Graduate Business, 2 Seniors, 6 Radcliffe, 1 Other.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1925-26, p. 77.

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Final Exam
1925-26

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. “The ordinary bargain between labor and capital is that the wage-receiver gets command over commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, and in exchange carries his employer’s goods a stage further towards being ready for immediate consumption. But while this is true of most employees, it is not true for those who finish the processes of production. For instance, those who put together and finish watches, give to their employers far more commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, than they obtain as wages. And if we take one season of the year with another, so as to allow for seed and harvest time, we find that workmen as a whole hand over to their employers more finished commodities than they receive as wages.”
    Do you see anything to criticize in this?
  2. (a) “In estimating the exchangeable value of stockings, for example, we shall find that their value, comparatively with other things, depends on the total quantity of labour necessary to manufacture them and bring them to market. First, there is the labour necessary to cultivate the land on which the raw cotton is grown; secondly, the labour of conveying the cotton to the country where the stockings are to be manufactured, which includes a portion of the labour bestowed in building the ship in which it is conveyed, and which is charged in the freight of the goods; thirdly, the labour of the spinner and the weaver; fourthly, a portion of the labour of the engineer, smith, and carpenter, who erected the buildings and the machinery. . . . The aggregate sum of these various kinds of labour determines the quantity of other things for which these stockings will exchange.”
    (b) “Suppose one man employs one hundred men for a year in the construction of a machine, and another man employs the same number of men in cultivating corn. . . .
    Suppose that for the labour of each workman £50 per annum were paid, or that £5000 capital were employed and profits were 10 per cent, the value of the machine as well as of the corn, at the end of the first year, would be £5500. The second year the manufacturer and farmer will again employ £5000 each in the support of labour, and will therefore again sell their goods for £5500; but the man using the machine, to be on a par with the farmer, must not only obtain £5500 for the equal capital of £5000 employed on labour, but must obtain a further sum of £550 for the profit on £5500, which he has invested in machinery, and consequently his goods must sell for £6050. Here, then, are capitalists employing precisely the same quantity of labour annually on the production of their commodities, and yet the goods they produce differ in value on account of the different quantities of fixed capital, or accumulated labour, employed by each respectively.”Is Ricardo’s reasoning tenable, on his own premises, in both cases? Are the premises the same in both?
  3. “To popular apprehension it seems as if the profits of business depend on prices. A producer or dealer seems to obtain his profits by selling his commodity for more than it costs him. . . . Demand — customers — a market for the commodity, are the cause of the gain of the capitalist.” What would Mill say to this? Ricardo?
  4. The effective desire of accumulation; the rate of profits as dependent on the cost of labor; the tendency of profits to a minimum, — are the doctrines of Mill on these topics consistent with each other? With what Ricardo laid down?
  5. “The cost of production [of agricultural produce] on the margin of the profitable application of capital and labour is that to which the price of the whole produce tends, under the control of the general conditions of demand and supply; it does not govern price, but it focusses the causes which do govern price.” Explain what Marshall means. Does the doctrine differ from Mill’s on the same subject?
    Would Marshall’s conclusion be applicable to a manufactured commodity which is produced under the conditions usually indicated by cost-accountants’ data (a supply curve positively inclined)?
  6. Suppose a decrease in the demand for a commodity produced with much fixed capital: what consequences would you expect on the equilibrium of supply and demand, price, quasi-rent, cost. Consider both the short period and the long period effects.
  7. Wherein, if at all, is the conception of quasi-rent applicable to

“Capital sunk in the soil”;
Pullman, Saltaire, and the like cases;
The gains of pioneers settling in a new country.

  1. What is meant by a law of increasing return? Do you believe there is one as regards “external economies”? internal economies?

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Exam
1925-26

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. Define, with the utmost brevity consistent with accuracy, producers’ surplus; consumers’ surplus; savers’ surplus. What writers do you associate with the concepts to which these terms refer?
  2. “When the artisan or professional man has once obtained the skill required for his work, a part of his earnings are for the future really a quasi-rent of the capital and labour invested in fitting him for his work, in obtaining his start in life, his business connections, and generally his opportunity for turning his faculties to good account; and only the remainder of his income is true earnings of effort. But this remainder is generally a large part of the whole. And here lies the contrast. For when a similar analysis is made of the profits of the business man, the proportions are found to be different: in his case the greater part is quasi-rent.”Is the greater part of the earnings of business men to be regarded as quasi-rent? Is only the remainder to be regarded as true earnings of effort? Are these propositions in accord with Walker’s doctrine concerning business profits?
  3. What sort of surplus, if any, arises from the operation of diminishing returns as regards (a) increasing output secured from land; (b) increasing output secured with the aid of additional instruments made by man?
  4. The resemblance or difference between Clark’s doctrine that “abstinence is confined to the genesis of new capital,” and the reasoning of later writers concerning the significance of the surplus accounts of corporations.
  5. “‘On the whole,’ says Marshall, ‘it happens that by far the greater number of the events with which economics deals affect in about equal proportions all the different classes of society; so that if the money measures of the happiness caused by two events are equal, there is not in general any very great difference between the amounts of the happiness in the two cases.’ This has been justly characterized as a cavalier dismissal of the effect of differences of wealth and differences in sensibility.”Why a cavalier dismissal? or why not? Consider whether the criticism holds good as regards Marshall’s reasoning on the effects of taxes and bounties.
  6. (a) “As the inquiry to which I wish to draw the reader’s attention relates to the effect of the variations in the relative value of commodities, and not in their absolute value, it will be of little importance to examine into the comparative degree of estimation in which the different kinds of human labour are held. We may fairly conclude that whatever inequality there might originally have been in them, whatever the ingenuity, skill, or time necessary for the acquirement of one species of manual dexterity more than another, it continues nearly the same from one generation to another; or at least that the variation is very inconsiderable from year to year, and therefore can have little effect, for short periods, on the relative value of commodities.”
    Is this a cavalier dismissal of the relation between differing rates of wages and the value of goods?(b) “Although general wages, whether high or low, do not affect values, yet if wages are higher in one employment than another, or if they rise and fall permanently in one employment without doing so in others, these inequalities do really operate upon values. . . . When the wages of an employment permanently exceed the average rate, the value of the thing produced will, in the same degree, exceed the standard determined by mere quantity of labour. Things, for example, which are made by skilled labour, exchange for the produce of a much greater quantity of unskilled labour; for no reason but because the labour is more highly paid.” Mill.What would Marshall say to this? Böhm-Bawerk? What is your own view?
  7. Is there essential difference between the doctrine that the general level of wages is determined by the discounted marginal product of labor, and Clark’s doctrine concerning the relation between wages and the product of labor?
  8. “It is not true that the spinning of yarn in a factory, after allowance has been made for the wear-and-tear of the machinery, is the product of the labour of the operatives. It is the product of their labour, together with that of the employer and subordinate managers, and of the capital employed; and that capital itself is the product of labour and waiting: and therefore the spinning is the product of labour of many kinds, and of waiting. If we admit that it is the product of labour alone, and not of labour and waiting, we can no doubt be compelled by inexorable logic to admit that there is no justification for Interest, the reward of waiting; for the conclusion is implied in the premiss.”(a) What would Böhm-Bawerk say to this? What is your own view?
    (b) What is the premiss which is implied in the conclusion?

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1926-27

 

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1926-27

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 44: 38 Graduates, 3 Graduate Business, 2 Seniors, 1 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1926-27, p. 75.

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination
1926-27

[Arrange your questions in the order of the answers]

  1. The merits and defects of Walker’s treatment of distribution.
  2. The merits and defects of Ricardo’s treatment of value.
  3. The merits and defects of Mill’s treatment of profits.
  4. What is meant by “increase of demand” in the following passages: —
    (a) “The democratization of society and the aping of the ways of the well-to-do by the lower classes have greatly increased the demand for silk fabrics.”
    (b) “ The lower price of sugar after 1890, when sugar was admitted free of duty, at once caused an increase of demand.”
    (c) “The cheapening of a commodity may mean an increase of demand such that the total sum spent on it will be as great as before, even greater than before.”
  5. Describe the supply curves indicated by accountants’ figures for the costs of agricultural and of manufactured products; and explain wherein they confirm or fail to confirm traditional “laws of value” applicable to the two classes of goods.
  6. (a) “Were it not for this tendency [to diminishing returns] every farmer could save nearly the whole of his rent by giving up all but a small piece of his land, and bestowing all his labor and capital on that. If all the labor and capital which he would in that case apply to it gave as good a return in proportion as that he now applies to it, he would get from that plot as large a produce as he now gets from his whole farm; and he would make a net gain of all his rent save that of the little plot that he retained.”
    (b) “The return to additional labour and capital [applied to land] diminishes sooner or later; the return is here measured by the quantity of the produce, not by its value.”
    (c) “Ricardo, and the economists of his time generally were too hasty in deducing this inference [tendency to increased pressure] from the law of diminishing return; and they did not allow enough for the increase of strength that comes from organization. But in fact every farmer is aided by the presence of neighbours, whether agriculturists or townspeople. . . . If the neighbouring market town expands into a large industrial centre, all his produce is worth more; some things which he used to throw away fetch a good price. He finds new openings in dairy farming and market gardening, and with a larger range of produce he makes use of rotations that keep his land always active without denuding it of any one of the elements that are necessary for its fertility.”
    Have you any criticisms or qualifications to suggest on these passages from Marshall?
  7. “For periods which are long in comparison with the time needed to make improvements of any kind, and bring them into full operation, the net incomes derived from them are but the price required to be paid for the efforts and sacrifices of those who make them; the expenses of making them thus directly enter into marginal expenses of production, and take a direct part in governing long-period supply price. But in short periods, that is, in periods short relatively to the time required to make and bring into full bearing improvements of the class in question, no such direct influence on supply price is exercised by the necessity that such improvements should in the long run yield net incomes sufficient to give normal profits on their cost. And therefore when we are dealing with such periods, these incomes may be regarded as quasi-rents which depend on the price of the produce.”
    Precisely what is meant by “these incomes”?

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Examination
1926-27

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. What is the difference, if any, between

supply prices and expenses of production;
successive costs and contemporaneous costs;
demand curves and utility curves?

  1. Would you reckon economic rent among the expenses of production of a commodity? business profits?
    Would you reckon them among the costs of production?
  2. “‘Rent is not an element in price’ — such is the classical statement on the subject. . . . But if one defines rent as product imputable to a concrete agent, the impossibility of maintaining such a claim becomes apparent. Even if one were to restrict the term rent to the product created by land, the claim that it is not an element in adjusting market values would be absurd; for it would amount to saying that a certain part of the output of every kind of goods has no effect on their market value. The ‘price’ referred to in the formula is, of course, the market value expressed in units of currency.” What do you say?
  3. “That capital is productive has often been questioned, but no one would deny that tools and other materials of production are useful; yet these two propositions mean exactly the same when correctly understood. Capital consists primarily of tools and other materials of production, and such things are useful only in so far as they add something to the product of the community. Find out how much can be produced without any particular tool or machine, and then how much can be produced with it, and in the difference you have the measure of its productiveness.”
    What would Böhm-Bawerk say to this? J. B. Clark? What is your own view?
  4. Böhm-Bawerk remarks that the theory which he has put forward bears “a certain resemblance” to the wages fund theory of the older English School, but differs from it in various ways, one of which is “the most important.” What are the points of resemblance? and what is this “most important” difference?

Questions 6 and 7 may be treated as one, if you prefer; and questions 8 and 9 may also be so treated.

  1. “It may well be asked whether a method [of measuring utility] that needs so much guarding and explaining is worth adopting at all. The answer is that the principle of the declining marginal significance is fundamental. The doctrine of surplus value in the thing bought, over and above the value of the price paid, is an inevitable deduction from it.” Do you agree?
  2. Adventitious utility, conspicuous waste, consumer’s surplus, organic welfare. How are these related? or not related?
  3. Ricardo’s theory of cost of production is so expressed as almost to invite misunderstanding. In consequence there is a widely spread belief that it has needed to be reconstructed by the present generation of economists. . . . On the contrary the foundations of the theory as they were left by Ricardo remain intact; much has been added to them and very much has been built upon them, but little has been taken from them. He knew that demand played an essential part in governing value, but he regarded its action as less obscure than that of cost of production, and therefore passed it lightly over in the notes which he made for the use of his friends, and himself; for he never essayed to write a formal treatise: he regarded cost of production as dependent — not, as Marx asserted him to have done, on the mere quantity of labor used up in production, but — on the quality as well as quantity of that labor; together with the amount of stored up capital needed to aid labor, and the length of time during which such aid was invoked.” Do you agree?
  4. “The incomes which are being earned by all agents of production, human as well as material, and those which appear likely to be earned by them in the future, exercise a ceaseless influence on those persons by whose action the future supplies of these agents are determined. There is a constant tendency towards a position of normal equilibrium, in which the supply of each of these agents shall stand in such a relation to the demand for its services, as to give to those who have provided the supply a sufficient reward for their efforts and sacrifices. If the economic conditions of the country remained stationary sufficiently long, this tendency would realize itself in such an adjustment of supply to demand, that both machines and human beings would earn generally an amount that corresponded fairly with their cost of rearing and training, conventional necessaries as well as those things which are strictly necessary being reckoned for.”
    Is this in accord with Ricardo’s view? with Mill’s view? with Cairnes’s? What is your own opinion?

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1927-28

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1927-28

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 56: 43 Graduates, 2 Graduate Business, 6 Seniors, 1 Junior, 4 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1927-28, p. 75.

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Final Examination
1927-28

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions

  1. Wherein is there resemblance, wherein difference, between Walker’s long-run theory of wages and Cairnes’s?
  2. “Ricardo’s theory of cost of production is so expressed as almost to invite misunderstanding. In consequence there is a widely spread belief that it has needed to be reconstructed by the present generation of economists….On the contrary the foundations of the theory as they were left by Ricardo remain intact; much has been added to them and very much has been built upon them, but little has been taken from them. He knew that demand played an essential part in governing value, but he regarded its action as less obscure than that of cost of production, and therefore passed it lightly over in the notes which he made for the use of his friends, and himself; for he never essayed to write a formal treatise: he regarded cost of production as dependent—not, as Marx asserted him to have done, on the mere quantity of labor used up in production, but—on the quality as well as quantity of that labor; together with the amount of stored up capital needed to aid labor, and the length of time during which such aid was invoked.”
    Do you agree?
  3. What is the short period view, what the long period view (1) of Mill as regards the level of wages; (2) of Marshall as regards differences of wages in different occupations?
  4. Does Marshall conclude that money costs of production measure real costs of production? that value is ultimately determined by a constant supply price?
  5. “An increase in the aggregate volume of production will generally increase the size, and therefore the internal economies possessed by a representative firm; it will always increase the external economies to which the firm has access; and then will enable it to manufacture at a less proportionate cost of labour and sacrifice than before.”
    Why? or why not?
  6. Explain the criticisms or objections to the notion of consumer’s surplus which have been urged on the ground of (a) inequalities of income, (b) “esteem value” or “adventitious value,” (c) identity in the yield of satisfaction from each constituent of a given stock. Which among these objections if any, tell strongly against Marshall’s suggestion regarding the use of taxes and bounties?
  7. “The extra income derived from rare natural abilities bears a closer analogy to the surplus produce from the holding of a settler who has made an exceptionally lucky selection, than to the rent of land in an old country.”
    Why? or why not?
  8. (a) “The deepest and most important line of cleavage in economic theory” is “the distinction between the quasi-rents which do not, and the profits which do, directly enter into the normal supply prices of produce for periods of moderate length.” Marshall.
    (b) A critic has remarked: “In that which is most characteristic, original and positive in his work, Professor Marshall has left the old concept of rent far behind. The logical consequence of his treatment is that all the division fences between the different sorts of material wealth have been leveled; and that rent is the income of an material agent….”
    What have you to say?

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Examination
1927-28

 

  1. Explain in the briefest terms

Expenses of Production.
Opportunity Cost.
“Cost” as used by Cairnes.
“Cost” as used by Marshall.
“Cost” as used by Böhm-Bawerk.

  1. What do you conceive to be meant by “pure profits”? and what is the place of pure profits in the theory of cost and value?
  2. “‘Rent is not an element in price’ — such is the classical statement on the subject. It even expresses a view that is now prevalent. The expression itself however, is vague. It seems to mean that the fact of rent plays no part in the adjustment of values, and that things would exchange for one another in exactly the ratios in which they now do, if there were no such thing as rent. But if one defines rent as product imputable to a concrete agent, the impossibility of maintaining such a claim becomes apparent. Even if one were to restrict the term rent to the product created by land, the claim that it is not an element in adjusting market values would be absurd; for it would amount to saying that a certain part of the output of every kind of goods has no effect on their market value. The ‘price’ referred to in the formula is, of course, the market value expressed in units of currency.”
    What do you say?
  3. Resemblances and differences between the “discounted marginal product” theory of wages and the specific product theory.
  4. “Interest under Socialism” as discussed by Böhm-Bawerk.
  5. What are “fair wages,” in Marshall’s view? Clark’s? Böhm-Bawerk’s? Your own?

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1928-29

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1928-29

 

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 39: 28 Graduates, 1 Graduate Business, 1 Senior, 1 Junior, 8 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1928-29, p. 72.

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Final Examination
1928-29

Answer the questions in the order in which they are put; and answer them all, distributing your time accordingly.

  1. It had been maintained by Adam Smith and others that:
    (1) profits are lowered by the mutual competition of merchants;
    (2) taxes on necessaries cause money wages to rise;
    (3) a rise in money wages means a rise in all prices;
    (4) taxes on wages lessen farmer’s profits, and thus lower rent.
    What would Ricardo say under each head?
  2. It has been said by German writers that there is a certain degree of truth in the wages fund doctrine, in that the capital of employers is the immediate source from which wages come; but the ultimate source is in the incomes of consumers. What would Ricardo say to this? Walker? your own view?
  3. In the familiar diagram representing conditions of increasing costs for an agricultural commodity, does the supply curve indicate expenses of production or “real costs” of production?
    In a similar diagram for a manufactured commodity, based on accountants’ figures of costs, does the supply curve indicate expenses or “real costs”?
    Are the two curves different in meaning, or do they indicate essentially the same situation?
  4. “We have next to study the conditions of business management; and in so doing we must have in view a problem that will occupy our attention as we go on. It arises from the fact that, though in manufacturing at least every individual business, so long as it is well managed, tends to become stronger the larger it has grown; and though prima facie we might therefore expect to see large firms driving their smaller rivals completely out of many branches of industry, yet they do not in fact do so.”
    What is Marshall’s solution of the problem thus stated by him?
  5. “That part of a man’s income which he owes to the possession of extraordinary natural abilities is a free boon to him; and from an abstract point of view bears some resemblance to the rent of other free gifts of nature, such as the inherent properties in land. But in reference to normal prices, it is to be classed rather with the profits derived by free settlers from the cultivation of new land, or again with the find of the pearl-fisher.”
    On what grounds does Marshall rest this conclusion? What would Walker say to it?
  6. How, if at all, did Mill modify Adam Smith’s conclusions on the causes of the differences of wages in different employments? Cairnes modify Mill’s? Marshall modify Cairnes’s?
  7. “It might be supposed at first thought that . . . the area above the horizontal line (in the usual diagram) represents consumers’ surplus. This is not exactly true, however, and that for two reasons. In the first place, the satisfaction of additional wants which a lower price makes possible may make the more important wants less intense. A man might be willing to give ten dollars for a cord of wood in order that at least one room in his house could be heated during the winter. He might also be willing to give seven dollars a cord for two cords, so as to heat two rooms, but the heating of the second room might render the heating of the first room less important to him. He might not be willing, for example, to give ten dollars plus seven dollars in order to have the two rooms heated. In the second place, utility itself is to a large extent affected by price. So far as our purchases satisfy what has been called the desire for distinction, or represent what Thorstein Veblen has termed ‘conspicuous consumption,’ a lowering of the price of a commodity would lessen its utility to us.”
    Give your opinion on these objections; and consider which of them, if either, would necessarily tell against Marshall’s suggestion concerning bounties and taxes.

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Examination
1928-29

 

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.
Two questions may be omitted.

  1. Resemblances and differences between Ricardo and Boehm-Bawerk.
  2. The following have been suggested, by one writer or another, as the grounds on which the distinction between interest and rent turns:
    (1) Land is fixed in amount, instruments made by man are not.
    (2) Competition equalizes the return on instruments made by man but not that on land.
    (3) The returns on land and instruments alike depend on marginal productivity.
    Examine critically but briefly each statement; and give your own view.
  3. Would interest necessarily persist in a socialist state? The rent of land?
  4. “Quasi-rents are the net profits made in years of exceptionally good trade, or by business men of exceptional natural ability.”
    “Business profits are the net return secured in years of exceptionally good trade, or by business men of exceptional natural ability.”
    Do you agree in either case?
  5. (a) “The output of the least efficient producers forms part of the total output whose magnitude helps to determine price. But to argue from this that there is some special relation between price and the costs of the least efficient producers is a complete non sequitur.”
    (b) “‘ Rent is not an element in price’ — such is the classical statement on the subject. It even expresses a view that is now prevalent. The expression itself, however, is vague. It seems to mean that the fact of rent plays no part in the adjustment of values, and that things would exchange for one another in exactly the ratios in which they now do, if there were no such thing as rent. But if one defines rent as product imputable to a concrete agent, the impossibility of maintaining such a claim becomes apparent. Even if one were to restrict the term rent to the product created by land, the claim that it is not an element in adjusting market values would be absurd; for it would amount to saying that a certain part of the output of every kind of goods has no effect on their market value. The ‘price’ referred to in the formula is, of course, the market value expressed in units of currency.”
    What is your opinion?
  6. Are there important distinctions between these propositions:
    (a) Wages are determined by the specific product of labor;
    (b) Wages are determined by the imputed product of labor;
    (c) Wages are determined by the discounted marginal product of labor.
  7. “It is evident that, if the supply [of labor] is increased, whether the increase comes about through an addition to the number of workpeople or through an addition to their average capacity, the national dividend must be increased. Our problem is to ascertain the effect that will be produced upon the aggregate real income of labour. The analysis set out in the preceding section shows that the marginal net product of labour, in terms of things in general, and, therefore, its real earnings per unit, must be diminished. Whether its aggregate earnings will be increased depends, therefore, on whether the elasticity of the demand for labour in general is greater or less than unity. If this elasticity is greater than unity, labour in the aggregate will receive a larger absolute quantity of dividend than before; whereas, if the elasticity is less than unity, it will receive a smaller absolute quantity. It is, therefore, necessary to determine whether in fact the elasticity of demand is greater or less than unity.” Do you agree? and what is your conclusion on the elasticity of demand for labor?
  8. Compare Hobson’s analysis of “costless” savings with that of other recent writers.

____________________________________

1929-30

Course Enrollment: Economics 11
1929-30

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 53: 44 Graduates, 3 Seniors, 5 Radcliffe, 1 Other.

 

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1929-30, p. 78.

 

 

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Final Examination
1929-30

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions. Answer ALL the questions.

  1. “The ordinary bargain between labour and capital is that the wage-receiver gets command over commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, and in exchange carries his employer’s goods a stage further towards being ready for immediate consumption. But while this is true of most employees, it is not true for those who finish the process of production. For instance, those who put together and finish watches, give to their employers far more commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, than they obtain as wages. And if we take one season of the year with another, so as to allow for seed and harvest time, we find that workmen as a whole hand over to their employers more finished commodities than they receive as wages.”
    What do you say to this? and what is its bearing on the questions raised by George and Walker?
  2. “This principle of the division of the produce of labour and capital between wages and profits, which I have attempted to establish, appears to me so certain, that excepting in the immediate effects, I should think it of little importance whether the profits of stock or the wages of labour, were taxed. . . . A tax on wages does not fall on the landlord, but it falls on the profits of stock: it does not ‘entitle and oblige the master manufacturer to charge it with a profit on the prices of his goods,’ for he will be unable to increase their price, and therefore he must himself wholly and without compensation pay such a tax.”
    What led Ricardo to the conclusions stated in this passage?
  3. (a) “As the inquiry to which I wish to draw the reader’s attention relates to the effect of the variations in the relative value of commodities, and not in their absolute value, it will be of little importance to examine into the comparative degree of estimation in which the different kinds of human labour are held. We may fairly conclude that whatever inequality there might originally have been in them, whatever the ingenuity, skill, or time necessary for the acquirement of one species of manual dexterity more than another, it continues nearly the same from one generation to another; or at least that the variation is very inconsiderable from year to year, and therefore can have little effect, for short periods, on the relative value of commodities.”
    (b) “Although general wages, whether high or low, do not affect values, yet if wages are higher in one employment than another, or if they rise and fall permanently in one employment without doing so in others, these inequalities do really operate upon values. . . . When the wages of an employment permanently exceed the average rate, the value of the thing produced will, in the same degree, exceed the standard determined by mere quantity of labour. Things, for example, which are made by skilled labour, exchange for the produce of a much greater quantity of unskilled labour; for no reason but because the labour is more highly paid.” Mill.
    What would Cairnes say about the proposition here laid down? What would Marshall say? What are your own opinions?
  4. Consider whether marginal cost determines price, or price determines marginal cost, in the following cases:
    (a) the short-period price of a manufactured commodity;
    (b) the short-period (seasonal) price of an agricultural commodity;
    (c) the long-period price of a manufactured commodity;
    (d) the long-period price of an agricultural commodity;
    (e) the long-period value of gold.
  5. Describe the supply curves (particular costs curves) which we have for agricultural products; indicate what they signify; and indicate also in what principles and in what manner such curves should be constructed in order to make them fit into the “orthodox” reasoning about the rent of land, or to serve as test or verification for that reasoning.
  6. (a) “The deepest and most important line of cleavage in economic theory” is “the distinction between the quasi-rents which do not, and the profits which do, directly enter into the normal supply prices of produce for periods of moderate length.”
    (b) A critic has remarked: “In that which is most characteristic, original and positive in his work, Professor Marshall has left the old concept of rent far behind. The logical consequence of his treatment is that all the division fences between the different sorts of material wealth have been levelled; and that rent is the income of any material agent. . . .”
    Why should Marshall consider the line of cleavage explained in (a) to be the most important? If he does, must he admit the “logical consequence” stated in (b)?
  7. “Curves of total satisfaction are purely abstract; that is to say, they represent the subjective value attached by a consumer to each increment of the commodity, or the amount he would purchase at any given price, apart from any consideration of the causes that might be supposed in actual experience to limit his supply or raise the price of the commodity, and apart from all reactions upon the price or other commodities. They are also isolated; that is to say, we cannot conceive of a system of such curves being so constructed as to be valid simultaneously. Nor can we sum their areas, taken successively, without omitting some values and counting others more than once. Nor can we read on them the effect of a rise or fall in the consumer’s income. Nevertheless their general form has a high theoretical significance. . . .
    It may well be asked whether a method that needs so much guarding and explaining is worth adopting at all. The answer is that the principle of declining marginal significances is absolutely fundamental. The doctrine of surplus value in the thing bought over and above the value of the price paid, is an inevitable deduction from it.”Explain, and give your own views.

 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
[Year-end Final Examination]
1929-30

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.

  1. Explain briefly,

Simple Competition
Monopolistic Competition
Bilateral Monopoly
Simple Monopoly
Discriminating Monopoly

  1. What is the elasticity of demand for labor, on the reasoning of the Wages Fund doctrine? on that of Böhm-Bawerk? on that of Pigou? What is your own view?
  2. What are “pure profits”? and what would be “impure” profits? Can you distinguish? If so, how and why?
  3. “That able but wrongheaded man, David Ricardo, shunted the car of Economic Science on to a wrong line, on which it was further urged toward confusion by his equally able and wrongheaded admirer John Stuart Mill.”
    “Ricardo’s theory of cost of production is so expressed as almost to invite misunderstanding. In consequence, there is a widely spread belief that it has needed to be reconstructed by the present generation of economists. . . . On the contrary the foundations of the theory as they were left by Ricardo remain intact; much has been added to them and very much has been built upon them, but little has been taken from them.” Marshall.
    What ground for either view?
  4. Give the rest of your time — at least one hour — to a discussion of The Universal Law of Diminishing Returns.

 

 

Source for examination questions: Harvard University Archives. Prof. F. W. Taussig, Examination Papers in Economics 1882-1935 (Scrapbook).

Image Source:  Harvard Class Album, 1934.

Categories
Courses Gender Radcliffe

Radcliffe. Economics Course Offerings, 1894-1900

 

Besides documenting the course offerings available to Radcliffe students at the end of the 19th century, the post today offers us relatively thick course descriptions of what were essentially identical to Harvard economics courses that I have not found for that period. Pre-Radliffe economics course offerings and the first actual Radcliffe courses for  1893-94 have been posted earlier.

____________________________________

1894-95
ECONOMICS.

(Primarily for Undergraduates.)

PROFESSOR CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. — Mill’s Principles of Political Economy. — Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. This course gave a general introduction to Economic study, and a general view of Economics for those who had not further time to give to the subject. It was designed also to give argumentative training by the careful discussion of principles and reasoning. The instruction was given by question and discussion. J. S. Mill’s Principles of Political Economy formed the basis of the work. At intervals lectures were given which served to illustrate and supplement the class-room instruction. In connexion with the lectures, a course of reading was prescribed. The work of students was tested from time to time by examinations and other written work. — 13 students.

PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — The Elements of Economic History from the Middle Ages to Modern Times. The object of this course was to give a general view of the economic development of society from the Middle Ages to the present time. It dealt, among others, with the following topics: the manorial system and serfdom; the merchant gilds and mediaeval trade; the craft gilds and mediaeval industry; the commercial supremacy of the Italian and Hanseatic merchants; trade centres, and trade routes; the merchant adventurers and the great trading companies; the agrarian changes of the sixteenth century; domestic industry; the struggle of England with Holland and France for commercial supremacy; the beginning of modern finance; the progress of farming; the great inventions and the factory system. Attention was devoted chiefly to England, but that country was treated as illustrating the broader features of the economic evolution of the whole of western Europe. Arrived at the 17th century, it was shown how English conditions were modified by transference to America. The opportunity was taken, throughout the course, to introduce the students to the use of the original sources. — 6 students.

 

(For Graduates and Undergraduates.)

PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — Aristotle to Ricardo. — Economic Theory. This course traced the development of economic theory from its beginnings to Ricardo. It was treated partly by lectures and partly by the discussion of selections from leading writers. The more important chapters of Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations, of Malthus’s Essays on Population, and Ricardo’s Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, were read by students, and discussed in the class-room; and an attempt was made to show the relation of the “classical economists ” to more recent economic speculation. — 8 students.

PROFESSOR CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. — Development of Modern State, and of its Social Functions. An introductory course in sociology, intended to give a comprehensive view of the structure and development of society in relation to some of the more characteristic ethical and industrial tendencies of the present day. The course began with a theoretical consideration of the relation of the individual to society and to the state, – with a view to pointing out some theoretical misconceptions and practical errors traceable to an illegitimate use of the fundamental analogies and metaphysical formulas found in Comte, Spencer, P. Leroy Beaulieu, Schaeffle, and other writers. The second part followed more in detail the ethical and economic growth of society. Beginning with the development of social instincts manifested in voluntary organization, it considered the genesis and theory of natural rights, the function of legislation, the sociological significance of the status of women and of the family and other institutions, – with a view to tracing the evolution of certain types of society based upon a more or less complete recognition of the social ideas already considered. The last part dealt with certain tendencies of the modern state, discussing especially the province and limits of state activity, with some comparison of the Anglo-Saxon and the continental theory and practice in regard to private initiative and state intervention in relation to public works, industrial development, philanthrophy, education, labor organization, and the like. Each student selected for special investigation some question closely related to the theoretical or practical aspects of the course; and a certain amount of systematic reading was expected. —  7 students.

PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — Economic Seminary. Here four graduate students investigated the present industrial organization of the U. S.; one giving particular attention to the Woollen and Cotton Industries of New England; a second to the Coal and Iron Industries of Pennsylvania; a third to the Petroleum business; and the fourth to the Labor movement, especially around Chicago.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1894-95, pp. 48-49.

____________________________________

1895-96
ECONOMICS.

(Primarily for Undergraduates.)

1. PROFESSOR CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. — Mill’s Principles of Political Economy. — Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. This course gave a general introduction to economic study, and a general view of Economics. It was conducted mainly by questions and discussions, supplemented by lectures. Large parts of Mill’s Principles of Political Economy were read, as well as parts of other general books; while detailed reference was given for the reading on the application and illustration of economic principles. — 20 students.

 

(For Graduates and Undergraduates.)

10. PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — The Mediaeval Economic History of Europe. The object of this course was to give a general view of the economic development of society during the Middle Ages. It dealt, among others, with the following topics: the manorial system in its relation to mediaeval agriculture and to serfdom; the merchant gilds and the beginnings of town life and of trade; the craft gild and the gild-system of industry, compared with earlier and later forms: the commercial supremacy of the Hanseatic and Italian merchants; the trade routes of the Middle Ages and of the sixteenth century; the merchant adventurers and the great trading companies; the agrarian changes of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and the break-up of the mediaeval organization of social classes; the appearance of new manufactures and of domestic industry. Special attention was devoted to England, but that country was treated as illustrating the broader features of the economic evolution of the whole of western Europe. — 6 students.

21. PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — Economic Theory, from Adam Smith to the present time.- Selections from Adam Smith and Ricardo. — 8 students.

22. PROFESSOR MACVANE. — Economic Theory. Modern Writers. — 4 students.

3. PROFESSOR CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. This course began with a general survey of the structure and development of society; showing the changing elements of which a progressive society is composed, the forces which manifest themselves at different stages in the transition from primitive conditions to complex phases of civilized life, and the structural outlines upon which successive phases of social, political, and industrial organization proceed. Following this, was an examination of the historical aspects which this evolution has actually assumed: Primitive man, elementary forms of association, the various forms of family organization, and the contributions which family, clan and tribe have made to the constitution of more comprehensive, ethnical, and political groups; the functions of the State, the circumstances which determine types of political organization, the corresponding expansion of social consciousness, and the relative importance of military, economic, and ethical ideas at successive stages of civilization. There was careful consideration of the attempts to formulate physical and psychological laws of social growth; the relative importance of natural and of artificial selection in social development; the law of social survival; the dangers which threaten civilization; and the bearing of such general considerations upon the practical problems of vice, crime, poverty, pauperism, and upon mooted methods of social reform. The student was made acquainted with the main schools of sociological thought, and opportunity was given for a critical comparison of earlier phases of sociological theory with more recent contributions in Europe and the United States. Regular and systematic reading was required. Topics were assigned for special investigation in connection with practical or theoretical aspects of the course. — 4 students.

 

(Primarily for Graduates.)

20. PROFESSOR ASHLEY. — Seminary in Economics. One student continued her investigation into mediaeval land tenure, and another began an inquiry into the relations between Adam Smith and Turgot. — 2 students.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1895-96, pp. 46-47.

____________________________________

1896-97
ECONOMICS.

Primarily for Undergraduates:

1. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. Principles of Political Economy. Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. 3 hours a week.

15 Undergraduates, 3 Special students. Total 18.

 

For Graduates and Undergraduates:

11. Professor ASHLEY. — The Modern Economic History of Europe (from1400). 2 hours a week.

2 Graduates, 1 Undergraduate, 1 Special student. Total 4.

9. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — The Labor Question in Europe and the United States. — The Social and Economic Condition of Workingmen. 3 hours a week.

1 Undergraduate, 4 Special students. Total 5.

3. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. Development of the Modern State and of its Social Functions. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 1 Undergraduate, 4 Special students. Total 6.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1896-97, p. 38.

____________________________________

1897-98
ECONOMICS.

Primarily for Undergraduates:

1. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. Principles of Political Economy. Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 20 Undergraduates, 4 Special students. Total 26.

 

For Undergraduates and Graduates:

11. Professor ASHLEY. — The Modern Economic History of Europe (from1400). 2 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 3 Special students. Total 4.

9. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — The Labor Question in Europe and the United States. — The Social and Economic Condition of Workingmen. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 3 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 5.

3. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. Development of the Modern State and of its Social Functions. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 2 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 4.

6. Dr. CALLENDER. — The Economic History of the United States. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 1 Undergraduate. Total 2.

22. Professor TAUSSIG. — Economic Theory. Half-course. 3 hours a week. 2d half-year.

3 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 4.

 

Primarily for Graduates:

20. Professor ASHLEY. — Seminary in Economics. The Mediaeval History of certain English manors.

1 Graduate. Total 1.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1897-98, pp. 38-39.

____________________________________

1898-99
ECONOMICS.

Primarily for Undergraduates:

1. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — Outlines ofEconomics. Principles of olitical Economy. Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions, and Financial Legislation. 3 hours a week.

16 Undergraduates, 4 Special students. Total 20.

 

For Undergraduates and Graduates:

112. Dr. CUNNINGHAM. — The Industrial Revolution in England in the 18th and 19th centuries. Half-course. 3 hours a week, 2d half-year.

1 Graduate, 11 Undergraduates, 7 Special students. Total 19.

6. Dr. CALLENDER. — The Economic History of the United States. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 3 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 6.

3. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. Development of the Modern State and of its Social Functions. 3 hours a week.

1 Graduate, 2 Undergraduates, 1 Special student. Total 4.

9. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — The Labor Question in Europe and the United States. — The Social and Economic Condition of Workingmen. 3 hours a week.

2 Graduates, 4 Undergraduates, 2 Special students. Total 8.

 

Primarily for Graduates:

20. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — Seminary in Economics.

1 Special student. Total 1

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1898-99, pp. 35-36.

 

____________________________________

1899-1900
ECONOMICS.

Primarily for Undergraduates:

1. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS and Dr. JOHN CUMMINGS. — Outlines of Economics. — Principles of Political Economy. — Lectures on Economic Development, Distribution, Social Questions and Financial Legislation. 3 hours a week.

27 Undergraduates, 4 Special Students. Total 31.

 

For Undergraduates and Graduates:

11. Professor ASHLEY. — The Modern Economic History of Europe and America (from 1600). 2 hours a week (and occasionally a third hour).

8 Graduates, 7 Undergraduates, 2 Special students. Total 17.

6. Dr. CALLENDER. — The Economic History of the United States.2 hours a week.

2 Graduates, 5 Undergraduates. Total 7.

3. Asst. Professor CUMMINGS. — The Principles of Sociology. — Development of the Modern State and of its Social Functions. 3 hours a week.

2 Graduates, 6 Special students. Total 8.

 

Primarily for Graduates:

**15. Professor ASHLEY. — The History and Literature of Economics to the close of the Eighteenth Century. 2 hours a week.

1 Graduate. Total 1.

**20c1. Professor Taussig. The Tariff History of the United States.Thesis. Half-course. 1 hour a week, 1st half-year.

1 Graduate. Total 1.

 

Source:   Radcliffe College. Report of the President, 1899-1900, pp. 42-43.

Image Source:  Library in Fay House, 1890s. Schlesinger Library. Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study Harvard University Webpage.

Categories
Bibliography Harvard Suggested Reading

Harvard. Debate Briefs on International Trade Policy, ca. 1886-96

 

Print from 1897 by J. S. Pughe in Punch. shows Uncle Sam sitting in a wooden tub labeled “Dingley Bill”, rowing with oars labeled “Monopoly” in a small pool labeled “Home Market” near a sign that states “Republican Goose Pond”. The title of the prints is “A self-evident fact” with the caption “Uncle Sam Say! I want you fellows to distinctly understand that I’m not racing with you!” Beyond the pond are several large steam ships, labeled “France, Germany, Italy, England, [and] Austria” steaming ahead of Uncle Sam. While Uncle Sam protects the home market through tariffs, European nations are expanding their global markets. (Library of Congress)

The inspiration for today’s posting comes from the announcement in late January, 2018 by U.S. President Donald J. Trump that steep tariffs would be imposed on washing machines and solar panels imported into the United States.

Below you will find transcriptions for Harvard University debating briefs on tariffs, subsidies and international trade from the last decade of the 19th century. While economics as a science has shown some considerable progress since that time, zombie ideas are resilient and continue to stalk the face of the earth in original and mutated strains. The literature cited in the briefs is taken largely from the popular periodical literature of the time or government and Congressional publications that conscientious scholars of the history of economics really need to be familiar with. Such stuff is not yet quite so neatly sorted and indexed for our purposes as to facilitate entry into flow of actual policy debates outside the academic realm. The collection of Harvard student debating briefs used here is really a treasure chest (Pandora’s box?) waiting to be opened, filled with good, bad, and ugly arguments regarding international commercial policy.

Also thanks to another of Trump’s policy initiatives, Economics in the Rear-view Mirror has provided transcriptions of analogous old debating briefs on the subject of immigration into the U.S.

The eight debate topics concerning international trade policy were:

Resolved, That the time has now come when the policy of protection should be abandoned by the United States.

Resolved, That a high protective tariff raises wages.

Resolved, That it would be to the advantage of the United States to establish complete commercial reciprocity between the United States and Canada.

Resolved, That foreign-built ships should be admitted to American registry free of duty.

Resolved, That the United States should establish a system of shipping subsidies.

Resolved, That sugar should be admitted free of duty.

Resolved, That a system of sugar bounties is contrary to good public policy.

Resolved, That a system of duties on wool and woollens is undesirable.

 

_________________________________

Briefs for Debate on Current Political, Economic, and Social Topics.

Edited by
W. Du Bois Brookings, A.B. of the Harvard Law School
And
Ralph Curtis Ringwalt, A.B.
Assistant in Rhetoric in Columbia University

With an introduction by Albert Bushnell Hart, Ph.D.
Professor of Harvard University.
(1908)

[From the Preface:]

“The basis of the work has been a collection of some two hundred briefs prepared during the past ten years [ca. 1886-96] by students in Harvard University, under the direction of instructors. Of these briefs the most useful and interesting have been selected; the material has been carefully worked over, and the bibliographies enlarged and verified….

…” the brief is a steady training in the most difficult part of reasoning; in putting together things that belong together; in discovering connections and relations; in subordinating the less important matters. The making of a brief is an intellectual exercise like the study of a disease by a physician, of a case by a lawyer, of a sermon by a minister, of a financial report by a president of a corporation. It is a bit of the practical work of life.

_________________________________

PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE.

Question: ‘Resolved, That the time has now come when the policy of protection should be abandoned by the United States.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

Frédéric Bastiat, Sophisms of the Protectionists; W. M. Grosvenor, Does Protection Protect?; Henry George, Protection or Free Trade; J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., Bk. V., Chap. x., § 1; article on Protection in Tariff Reform Series, IV., No. 12, p. 2 (September 30, 1891); Lalor’s Cyclopædia, II., 289; Nation, XXVIII., 161 (March 6, 1879); XXIX., 338 (November 20, 1879); XXXIV., 288 (April 6, 1882) ; LXXVI., 118 (February 8, 1883); J. G. Carlisle in Congressional Record, 1891-1892, p. 6910 (July 29, 1892); D. A. Wells in Forum, XIV., 697 (February, 1893); F. A. Walker in Quarterly Journal of Economics, IV., 245 (April, 1890); Edward Atkinson in Popular Science Monthly, XXXVII., 433 (August, 1890); Senator Vest in North American Review, Vol. 155, p. 401 (October, 1892); Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 819 (September 1, 1894).

  1. Protection is unsound in theory:

J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., 532. — (a) It shuts out what is ours by nature: Sophisms of the Protectionists, pp. 73-80. — (b) It raises unnatural obstacles to intercourse: Sophisms of the Protectionists, pp. 84-85. — (c) It can only raise prices by diminishing the quantity of goods for sale: Sophisms of the Protectionists, pp. 7, 17. — (d) It endangers the interests it aims to promote: Nation, XXXVI., 118. — (e) It may transfer but not increase capital: Sophisms of the Protectionists, p. 93. — (f) The doctrine of protection for revenue is inconsistent: J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., 538. — (g) It is anti-social: Sophisms of the Protectionists, pp. 15, 127; Nation, XXXVI., 118; XXXVIII., 161.

  1. Protection is unsound in general practice.

(a) It makes capital and labor less efficient: J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., 532, 539. — (b) It hurts our carrying trade: Nation, XXXVI., 118. — (c) It closes against us many of the world’s best markets: J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, II., 537; Nation, XXVIII., 161; XXXVI., 118.

  1. Protection is not beneficial to any class.

(a) It raises prices to consumers: Popular Science Monthly, XXXVII., 433. — (b) It does not raise the wages of laborers: Congressional Record, 1891-1892, pp. 6910-6917; Popular Science Monthly, XXXVII., 433. — (c) It hurts farmers: Nineteenth Century, XXXII., 733 (November, 1892). — (d) It hurts the community by shutting off foreign markets: North American Review, Vol. 155, p. 401. — (e) It increases the cost of materials. — (f) It does not help us against pauper labor: Popular Science Monthly, XXXVII., 433. — (g) It does not benefit the majority: Nation, LV., 299 (October 20, 1892). — (h) Infant industries are not permanently aided: Quarterly Journal of Economics, IV., 245.

  1. Protection tends to run to extremes.

(a) It perverts taxation from its proper uses: Forum, XIV., 51 (September, 1892). — (b) It creates dangerous precedents: Ibid. — (c) Industries seek permanent protection: Nation. LV., 252 (October 6, 1892). — (d) It creates monopolies.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

S.N. Patten, The Economic Basis of Protection; H. M. Hoyt, Protection versus Free Trade; Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4248 (May 7, 1890); 1891-1892, p. 6746 (July 26, 1892); J. G. Blaine in North American Review, Vol. 150, p. 27 (January, 1890); William McKinley in North American Review, Vol. 150, p. 740 (June, 1890); R. E. Thompson, Social Science and National Economy, pp. 243-278; Lalor’s Cyclopædia, III., 413; Van Buren Denslow, Principles of Economic Philosophy, Chaps. xiii., xiv., xv., xvi.

  1. The policy of protection is sound in principle.

(a) It enables a country to fix the terms of exchange in foreign trade. — (1) Foreign demand for our commodities is necessarily great. — (2) Protection lessens our demand for foreign commodities. — (b) Protection is the best means of increasing the consumer’s rent.

  1. The policy of protection has proved beneficial in practice.

(a) Without it no country has secured a symmetrical development of its industries: Social Science and National Economy, p. 267. — (b) Every period of protection in the United States has been followed by great material prosperity.

  1. Protection secures a home market for commodities incapable of transportation abroad:

E.E. Hale, Tom Torrey’s Tariff Talks. — (a) It enhances values, especially the value of land: J. R. Dodge, How Protection Protects the Farmer.

  1. A protective tariff does not raise prices.

(a) The establishment of a new industry has invariably been followed by lower prices: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4248.—. (1) Steel rails.—(2) Glass and earthen ware.—(3) Wool.— (4) Tin-plate.

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THE TARIFF AND WAGES.

Question:Resolved, That a high protective tariff raises wages.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

S. N. Patten, The Economic Basis of Protection, pp. 54-80; Lee Meriwether, ‘How Workingmen Live in Europe and America,’ in Harper’s Magazine, LXXIV., 780 (April, 1887); R. P. Porter, Bread Winners Abroad (People’s Library), Chaps. xvi., xxviii., xlix., li., liii., lvi., lxvi., lxvii., lxxxiv., civ.; Van Buren Denslow, Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 623-627.

  1. A high protective tariff raises wages theoretically.

(a) It causes more employers to compete for the hire of labor.—(1) By increasing the number of occupations and enterprises that can be carried on: R. E. Thompson, Social Science and National Economy, p. 248; Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 623-624. (b) It increases the amount of money available for the compensation of labor.—(1) By increasing the profits of manufacturers: Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 626-627. (c) It enables laborers to share in the natural resources of the country.—(1) By preventing competition with cheap foreign labor: The Economic Basis of Protection, pp. 64-70.

  1. A high protective tariff raises wages practically.

(a) In the United States, which furnishes the best example of a protective tariff, money wages are higher than in Europe.— (1) This is shown by the opinions of writers: Principles of Economic Philosophy, p. 527; Bread Winners Abroad; Consular Reports of the United States, No. 40, p. 304 (April, 1884). —(2) It is shown by the opinions of manufacturers: John Roach in International Review, XIII., 455 (November, 1882); J. M. Swank, Our Bessemer Steel Industry, p. 23; letters from the National Association of Wool Manufacturers and the Titus Sheard Co. in Congressional Record, 1891-1892, p. 6751 (July 26, 1892). (b) Wages have risen in other countries under a protective system. — (1) In Germany: Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 523-524; Consular Reports of the United States, No. 42, pp. 12, 13, 15 (June, 1884).—(2) In Canada: Principles of Economic Philosophy, pp. 666-668. (c) Real wages are higher in the United States than in Europe.—(1) An American workman can save more than a European: Consular Reports of the United States, No. 40, p. 304.—(2) His standard of living is higher: Harper’s Magazine, LXXIV., 780.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

F. W. Taussig in Forum, VI., 167 (October, 1888); W. G. Sumner in North American Review, Vol. 136, p. 270 (March, 1883); J. Schoenhof, The Economy of High Wages, pp. 175-193; J. Schoenhof, Wages and Trade; ‘Labor, Wages, and Tariff,’ Tariff Reform Series, II., No. 21 (January 15, 1890); ‘Labor and the Tariff,’ Tariff Reform Series, I., No. 12, p. 2 (October 10, 1888).

  1. Arguments based on comparisons of wages in different countries are untrustworthy.

(a) Such comparisons prove too much: D. A. Wells, Practical Economics, p. 137. — (b) There is no uniform rate in any country. — (c) There are many local causes which must necessarily make wages higher in one country than in another. — (1) Natural advantages: D. A. Wells, The Relation of the Tariff to Wages, p. 2. — (2) Standing army service: Ibid. — (3) The question of unoccupied land: North American Review, Vol. 136, p. 270.

  1. Careful use of statistics shows that wages are relatively higher under a low tariff.

(a) The high rate of wages in the United States is determined by unprotected industries.— (1) There are more laborers connected with unprotected than with protected industries: J. L. Laughlin’s edition of J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, p. 619. — (b) Wages in certain protected industries in the United States are lower than wages in the same industries in England. — (c) In protected industries in which wages are higher than abroad, they were higher before the existence of a protective tariff: Nation, XLVII., 327 (October 25, 1888). — (d) New South Wales is more prosperous than Victoria: Fortnightly Review, XXXVII., 369 (March, 1882).

  1. A protective tariff lowers wages by diminishing the amount of capital to be distributed for wages.

(a) The general productiveness of industry is less: Practical Economics, p. 135.— — (1) The effect of limiting the sale of commodities to a domestic market is evil: Practical Economics, p. 139. — (b) The proportion in which that produced is divided is less favorable to labor.—(1) The producer requires the same ratio of profit, while the number of laborers among whom the smaller wage-fund is divided is as large as before: North American Review, Vol. 136, p. 270.

  1. Real wages are less.

(a) The tariff increases the price of commodities and puts them out of the reach of the poorer classes: North American Review, Vol. 136, p. 270.

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RECIPROCITY WITH CANADA.

Question: ‘Resolved, That it would be to the advantage of the United States to establish complete commercial reciprocity between the United States and Canada.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

Goldwin Smith, Canada and the Canadian Question, pp. 281-301; Handbook of Commercial Union (Toronto, 1888); Century, XVI., 236 (June, 1889); Forum, VI., 241 (November, 1888) ; VII., 361 (June, 1889); New Englander, LIII., 1 (July, 1890); North American Review, Vol. 148, p. 54 (January, 1889); Vol. 151, p. 212 (August, 1890); Vol. 139, p. 42 (July, 1884); Harper’s Magazine, LXXVIII., 520 (March, 1889).

  1. Greater freedom of trade between the United States and Canada is desirable.

(a) It would furnish the United States with much needed raw materials: Century, XVI., 236. — (1) Coal, iron, and other mineral products are extensive and easily accessible to the northern and middle states: Handbook of Commercial Union, pp. 72-85; North American Review, Vol. 139, p. 42. — (2) Agricultural products. — (b) It would open to us a large and convenient market for our manufactures: Handbook of Commercial Union, p. 249. — (c) Closer commercial relations would remove much of the present ill feeling, and international disputes would be avoided.

  1. Reciprocity would be advantageous economically.

(a) It would open up a great field for the investment of American capital: Handbook of Commercial Union, p. 247. — (b) It would do away with the enormous expense of maintaining an unnatural customs line four thousand miles long. — (c) By the settlement of the fishery question it would give our fishermen valuable privileges.

  1. Reciprocity is practical:

Handbook of Commercial Union, p. 111. — (a) Great Britain would not raise serious objections: Handbook of Commercial Union, p. 101 .— (1) English investments in Canada would be benefited by commercial prosperity. — (2) Greater commercial activity would establish confederation on a firm basis and give assurance that Canada would remain a part of the British domain. — (b) The loyalty of Canadians would not be affected. — (1) The common tariff would not discriminate against England. — (c) A common tariff could be agreed upon. — (1) The present policy of the United States is toward a reduction of tariffs, while that of Canada is toward an increase. — (2) Canada would be willing to make concessions, such as the adjustment of internal revenue. — (d) The reciprocity treaty of 1854 was a commercial success. — (1) Trade rose from seven millions to twenty: Encyclopedia Britannica, IV., 766. — (2) The abrogation of the treaty was due to national animosity caused by acts of the English during the civil war.

 

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

James Douglas, Canadian Independence, Annexation, and British Imperial Federation; Forum, VI., 451 (January, 1889); J. N. Larned, Report to the Secretary of the Treasury on the State of Trade Between the United States and British Possessions in North America, January 28, 1871; Penn Monthly, V., 529 (July, 1874); Congressional Globe, 1864-1865, pp. 229-233 (January 12, 1865).

  1. Complete commercial reciprocity is impracticable.

(a) The commercial policies of Great Britain and the United States are conflicting. — (b) A common tariff could not be decided upon without detriment to one country. — (c) Internal revenue stands in the way.—(1) Excise taxes and internal revenue would have to be made equal; but excise is necessary to Canada, while it is not unlikely that we shall do away with our internal revenue: Forum, VI., 451.

  1. Complete reciprocity would be contrary to good public policy.

(a) It would result in loss of revenue. — (b) In case of war with Great Britain the frontier would be in a bad condition, and our whole tariff system would be torn asunder.

  1. Complete reciprocity would be economically disastrous.

(a) American and Canadian products are not supplementary, but competitory. — (b) Cheaper wages and cheaper raw material would be an inducement for our capital to move to Canada, and would also lower wages in the United States. — (c) We should lose much through emigration to Canada. — (d) It would give Canada the benefit of the market which we hav

e built up for ourselves by protection: Penn Monthly, V., 531.

  1. Historically, reciprocity with Canada has proved injurious.

(a) The United States tried commercial reciprocity with Canada in 1854, but abrogated the treaty in 1866.

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FREE SHIPS.

Question: ‘Resolved, That foreign-built ships should be admitted to American registry free of duty.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

D. A. Wells, The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine; John Codman, Free Ships; J.D.J. Kelly, The Question of Ships; North American Review, Vol. 142, p. 478 (May, 1886); House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, Minority Report; 1882-1883, No. 1827, Views of the Minority; 1891-1892, No. 966; 1887-1888, No. 1874; Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 1044 (January 8, 1891); Congressional Globe, 1871-1872, Part 3, p. 2241 (April 6, 1872).

  1. A change in our navigation laws is necessary.

(a) Under their restrictions American shipping has suffered. — (1) Through heavy duties on ships. — (b) Though heavily protected, the ship-building industry has not thrived. — (1) The cost of labor is too great. — (c) American capital has been forced abroad. — (d) The present provision for the limited admission of foreign ships is inadequate. — (e) The development of inventive genius is prevented.

  1. Free ships furnish the only practicable remedy:

The Question of Ships, Chap. v. — (a) They enable Americans to compete on equal terms for world’s commerce. — (1) Ships can be bought at the lowest price. — (b) Carrying trade should not be sacrificed to ship-building.—(1) It employs fifty times as many men: The Question of Ships, p. 31. — (c) American ship-building would not be seriously affected.— (1) Only iron ships are concerned. — (d) The success of the plan is well illustrated by Germany’s policy.

  1. Subsidizing schemes are impracticable and inefficient:

The Question of Ships, Chap. iv. — (a) Subsidies large enough to be efficient would be too great a tax on the people. — (1) The cost of building ships is one-third greater than in England: John Codman, Free Ships. — (b) They must be permanent. — (c) They have already been unsuccessfully tried in the United States. — (d) They have failed in France. — (1) Ship-building has not been built up in ten years’ trial. — (e) England’s supremacy is not due to subsidizing: The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine, pp. 29-45. — (1) No payments are made to sailing vessels. — (2) Compensation is given only for carrying mails, and for building according to admiralty requirements.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

W. W. Bates, American Marine; C. S. Hill, History of American Shipping; H. Hall, American Navigation; North American Review, Vol. 148, p. 687 (June, 1889); Vol. 154, p. 76 (January, 1892); Vol. 158, p. 433 (April, 1894); House Reports, 1891-1892, No. 966, Views of the Minority; 1887-1888, No. 1874, Views of the Minority, p. 10; 1882-1883, No. 1827; 1869-1870, No. 28; Nelson Dingley, Jr., in Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 997 (January 7, 1891).

  1. The lack of free registry was not responsible for the decline in American shipping.

(a) Under the present laws our merchant marine reached its height. — (b) The decline was due to other causes. — (1) To the destruction of commerce by English-built cruisers: American Marine, Chap. ix. — (2) To the commercial depression following war. — (3) To mechanical changes. — (x) From wood to iron. — (y) From sail to steam.

  1. Free registry offers no material advantages.

(a) American capital now invests in foreign-built ships. — (1) ‘Whitewashed’ sales: American Navigation, p. 75. — (b) The advantage of flying American flag would be subject to abuse.

  1. Free registry involves grave evils.

(a) Economic. — (1) It would annihilate ship-building in the United States. — (2) It would withdraw millions of capital from the country. — (b) National. — (1) It would cripple us in time of war. — (x) We should have no trained workmen. — (y) We should have no shipyards to build in an emergency.

  1. There are better alternatives than free registry.

(a) The removal of duties on materials. — (b) Sufficient mail subsidies to American-built ships: American Navigation, p. 77. — (c) A change in taxation from the principal invested in ships to net profits.

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SHIPPING SUBSIDIES.

Question: ‘Resolved, That the United States should establish a system of shipping subsidies.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

W. W. Bates, American Marine; House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210; C. S. Hill, History of American Shipping; House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162, Views of the Minority, p. 5; Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 997 (January 7, 1891), p. 3355 (February 26, 1891); Statement of Captain W. W. Bates in House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, p. 220; Overland Monthly, I., 462 (May, 1883); H. Hall, American Navigation.

  1. The merchant marine of the United States is at present in a deplorable condition and ought to be built up:

House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. i-vi. — (a) A national marine is of the greatest importance to the wealth and the commercial prosperity of a nation: Lalor’s Cyclopædia, II., 987; J.D.J. Kelly, The Question of Ships, p. 108. — (1) It is essential to naval power. — (2) To the development of resources. — (3) To national unity and individualism. — (b) The United States has the necessary qualifications for the marine industry: The Question of Ships, Chap. i.; American Navigation, Chap. ii. — (1) In 1856 the United States merchant marine was the most extensive in the world. — (2) Our extensive sea-coast naturally fosters a maritime spirit. — (3) We have abundant natural resources. — (4) Extensive commerce. — (5) Great ship-building interests.

  1. The subsidy system is a desirable means of building up the marine.

(a) It is preferable to the policy of free ships. — (1) Such a policy would destroy our ship-building industry: American Navigation, Chap. vii. — (b) Subsidies given to vessels for mail service would greatly encourage commerce. — (1) By insuring regular service: American Navigation, p. 77; Congressional Record, 1885-1886, p. 4009 (April 30, 1886). — (c) Vessels subsidized could be put under contract to serve the United States in case of war: American Navigation, pp. 83-86. — (d) It is an economical system. — (1) The total payments would not exceed $5,000,000 per annum. — (2) The earnings of the foreign mail service, which amount to $10,000,000 per annum, could fittingly be used for subsidies: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 6996 (July 7, 1890).

  1. Subsidies are necessary.

(a) The cost of American ships and their running expenses are greater than those of foreign vessels. — (b) The high subsidies given to foreign lines make it impossible for American lines to compete without like subsidies.

  1. Subsidies have proved successful in practice:

American Marine, pp. 325-327. — (a) We have tried such a system and found it effective: W. S. Lindsay, Merchant Shipping, IV., 194-228. — (b) Nearly all foreign nations maintain shipping subsidies: Congressional Record, 1890-1891, pp. 3359-3362 (February 26, 1891). — (c) They have been successful in France: House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. ix-xv. — (d) Great Britain, the foremost maritime country, has steadily adhered to a system of bounties: Congressional Record, 1890-1891, pp. 1001-1003 (January 7, 1891).

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, Minority Report, p. xxxix.; D.A. Wells, Our Merchant Marine; D.A. Wells, The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine; John Codman, Free Ships; John Codman, Shipping Subsidies and Bounties; Congressional Record, 1890-1891, pp. 3348, 3368, 3383 (February 26, 1891); 1889-1890, p. 6959 (July 3, 1890); House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162; J. D. J. Kelly, The Question of Ships.

  1. Subsidies are politically objectionable.

(a) They have proved and always will prove inducements to corrupt legislation. — (b) They create and foster a privileged class at the expense of the whole people: Our Merchant Marine, p. 141; Free Ships, p. 15. — (c) The practice would establish a bad precedent: House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. xl., xlii.

  1. Subsidies are economically objectionable:

Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 3352. — (a) They are merely temporizing measures: The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine, p. 25. — (b) They would be a tremendous cost: House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162, p. 4. — (c) They would not contribute to the general prosperity of the country: House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162, pp. 2-3. — (1) They would not benefit commerce. — (x) Foreign vessels now carry as cheaply as it can be done. — (2) They would benefit one industry at the expense of others. — (3) As profit would come wholly from subsidies, shippers would become uneconomical and the advantages of competition would be lost.

  1. There is no truth in the statement that shipping subsidies have built up merchant marines.

(a) Great Britain does not subsidize her vessels: The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine, p. 29; House Reports, 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. xlii., 1. — (1) British mail subsidies are for actual service rendered as shown by the exacting rules and penalties for non-performance of contracts. — (b) The French system has not been successful: House Reports, 1888-1889, No. 4162, p. 3; 1889-1890, No. 1210, pp. 1-lx. — (c) Our own experience has been unfavorable. — (1) The Collins line in 1847: Congressional Record, 1890-1891, p. 3386.

  1. The best remedy for American shipping is free ships:

Our Merchant Marine, pp. 95-128; North American Review, Vol. 142, pp. 481-484 (May, 1886). — (a) Free ships would at least allow Americans to compete on equal terms for the commerce of the world.

 

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FREE SUGAR.

Question: ‘Resolved, That sugar should be admitted free of duty.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

‘Sugar and the Tariff,’ Tariff Reform Series, III., No. 12, p. 174 (July 30, 1890); Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 602 (June 30, 1894), 771 (August 18, 1894), 819 (September 1, 1894); Nation, LIX., 74 (August 2, 1894), 112 (August 16, 1894); Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 10,631 (September 27, 1890).

  1. The question of protection does not enter.

(a) We produce only ten per cent, of the sugar we use: Princeton Review, VI., 322 (November, 1880). (b) The established industry can be more economically protected by bounties.

  1. The tariff is a burden on the poor.

(a) The poor man must pay more in proportion to his ability than the rich: C. D. Wright in Seventeenth Annual Report of Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, p. 266; W. O. Atwater in American Public Health Association, XV., 208. — (1) Carbohydrates are necessary to life. — (2) Sugar is the most economical carbohydrate. — (3) The laboring man consumes the greatest proportion of this constituent: American Public Health Association, XV., 216.

  1. The sugar tariff is a check to the country’s development.

(a) It discourages industries in which sugar is a raw material. — (1) The preserving industry. — (2) The condensed milk industry. — (3) The refining industry. — (b) It injures foreign commerce. — (1) With Brazil and Cuba. — (2) Germany has retaliated for our tariff by putting a tax on American beef: Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 1058 (November 10, 1894).

  1. Sugar taxes are a great source of corruption.

(a) They enable importers to defraud the government by manipulating the grades of sugar. — (b) They give rise to political corruption such as has disgraced the Senate. — (1) By fostering the sugar trust: Nation, LVIII., 440 (June 14, 1894); LIX., 71, 93, 112; Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 602, 771, 819; Tariff Reform Series, VII., No. 2, p. 28 (July 1, 1894).

  1. The sugar tax is not necessary for revenue.

(a) If the revenues fall short, the deficiency can be made up better by replacing the higher taxes on malt liquors and tobacco.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, p. 1178 (August 13, 1894), p. 634 (January 23, 1894); 1889-1890, Appendix, p. 437 (May 20, 1890); Harper’s Weekly, XXXVIII., 218 (March 10, 1894); Tariff Hearings Before the Committee on Ways and Means, 1893, pp. 505, 520, 542.

  1. A tax on sugar is a just way of raising revenue:

Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, p. 1182. — (a) It is evenly distributed: Ibid. — (1) It reaches consumers in proportion to their incomes. — (2) Sugar is to a great extent an article of voluntary consumption.

  1. It is a desirable way of raising revenue.

(a) It is the only tax which furnishes a steady, reliable revenue, capable of computation beforehand. — (b) It is an easy tax to collect. — (c) Precedent has established sugar as a fitting article for taxation: D. A. Wells in Princeton Review, VI., 323 (November, 1880); Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, pp. 1180-1186. — (1) It has heretofore furnished one-fourth of the total revenue: D. A. Wells, The Sugar Industry of the United States and the Tariff, p. 9.

  1. The tax is necessary to encourage the American sugar industry:

Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, p. 632. — (a) The beet and sugar industries are difficult to establish. — (1) They require a large outlay of capital at the beginning. — (2) The return on the investment is small. — (3) The industries are still experimental. — (b) American producers require a special protective tax to offset the large bounties which foreign countries pay to their producers.

  1. The objections to the tax are unsound.

(a) The sugar-refining trust would remain even if sugar were admitted free. — (1) As nearly all of the sugar admitted to the United States is raw, it would still have to pass through the refineries. — (b) The frauds against the government, due to the manipulation of grades, are not an inherent result of the tax.

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SUGAR BOUNTIES.

Question: ‘Resolved, That a system of sugar bounties is contrary to good public policy.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

D. A. Wells, Recent Economic Changes, pp. 295-309; Lalor’s Cyclopædia, II., 99; Fortnightly Review, XLII, 638 (November, 1884) ; Nation, XLV., 164 (September 1, 1887); XLII, 420 (May 20, 1886); Congressional Record, 1889-1890, pp. 10,712-10,716 (September 30, 1890), Appendix, p. 391.

  1. The bounty system is unconstitutional.

(a) It is legislation in favor of a class: Nation, XLVII., 24 (July 12, 1888); Congressional Record, 1889-1890, pp. 10,712-10,716, Appendix, p. 391; Loan Association v. Topeka, 120 Wallace, 663-664.

  1. The bounty system is burdensome on the people:

Nation, XLIV., 484 (June 9, 1887). — (a) The people are compelled to pay the bounty: Fortnightly Review, XLII., 638. — (b) They are compelled to pay the highest cost of production for sugar: Fortnightly Review, XLII., 638. — (c) They are compelled to pay for the expensive system of administration.

  1. The bounty system gives rise to fraud.

(a) It places a great amount of money and patronage in the hands of political parties: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, Appendix, p. 391. — (b) The intricate system of bounty payments enables producers to defraud the government: Recent Economic Changes, pp. 295-298.

  1. The bounty system is injurious to commerce.

(a) It deranges prices. — (1) The producer is led to disregard the law of supply and demand: Fortnightly Review, XLII., 638. — (b) It makes foreign exchange uncertain: Nation, XLV., 164. — (1) By causing alternate over-production and under-production: Recent Economic Changes, pp. 295-309. — (c) It enables producers to control the markets.

  1. The bounty system is unnecessary for the development of the industry.

(a) The United States has as good facilities for raising beets as any other country. — (b) The sugar industry is not an infant industry.

  1. The bounty system has proved a failure in Europe:

Nation, XLVI., 45 (January 19, 1888); Recent Economic Changes, pp. 295-309; Lalor’s Cyclopædia, II., 99. — (a) The beet-sugar industry was fostered at the expense of cane sugar: Nation, XLV., 164. — (b) International complications arose: Saturday Review, LXIV., 142 (July 30, 1887), 847 (December 24, 1887).

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

Essay on ‘Industry and Commerce’ in Works of Alexander Hamilton, III., 366; Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4266 (May 7, 1890); Senators Allison and Sherman in Congressional Record, 1888-1889, pp. 888-895 (January 17, 1889).

  1. The sugar industry is highly desirable.

(a) The importance of sugar as a food is constantly increasing: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4266. — (b) The industry will be national, not sectional: Congressional Record, 1888-1889, p. 892; 1889-1890, p. 4515 (May 10, 1890). — (c) Beets do not exhaust the soil: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4266.

  1. The sugar industry would bring general economic advantages.

(a) It would keep at home money now sent abroad in payment for sugar. — (b) Capital greatly exceeding the amount of the bounty would be invested in the industry. — (c) The industry would create a new and a large demand for labor, both agricultural and mechanical.

  1. The bounty system is the best means of establishing the sugar industry.

(a) Protective duties are inadequate. — (1) Bounties paid by foreign countries tend to counteract our tariff. — (2) In the past import duties have failed. — (b) Bounties are necessary to tide the industry over the critical time of beginning: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, p. 4515. — (1) Establishment is difficult and expensive. — (2) There is small inducement for capital. — (3) Beet and sorghum sugar industries are more or less experimental. — (c) Bounties have been successful in establishing industries abroad. — (1) Beet-sugar industry in Germany: Congressional Record, 1889-1890, pp. 4266, 4431 (May 9, 1890).

  1. The bounty system is constitutional.

(a) The bounty is extended to anyone who is willing to undertake the production of sugar: American Law Register and Review, XXXI., 289 (May, 1892).

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DUTIES ON WOOL AND WOOLLENS.

Question: ‘Resolved, That a system of duties on wool and woollens is undesirable.’

Brief for the Affirmative.

General references:

F. W. Taussig in Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 1 (October, 1893); North American Review, Vol. 154, p. 133 (February, 1892); ‘Wool and Tariff,’ Tariff Reform Series, III., No. 19, p. 342 (November 15, 1890); ‘The Wool Question,’ Tariff Reform Series (Report of Ways and Means Committee on the Springer Bill), V., No. 1, p. 1 (March 15, 1892).

  1. Duties on wool and woollens have failed to bring beneficient results.

(a) Wool-growing has not prospered. — (1) The United States cannot raise grades of wool that will compare in quality with the better grades of foreign countries. — (x) Owing to climate: Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 18. — (b) Woollen manufacturers produce only the cheapest grades of woollens. — (c) Under the tariff American producers have succeeded in producing but a small quantity of woollens in comparison with foreign importations: Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 28-29; Tariff Reform Series, III., No. 19, p. 359.

  1. The removal of duties on wool does not hurt woolgrowers.

(a) The grades of wool raised by American growers are not subject to foreign competition. — (1) In these grades the American producer has an equal advantage with foreign producers: Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 5-20.

  1. Free woollens are not injurious to manufacturers.

(a) They do not injure the production of cheap grades of woollens for the American market. — (1) The American manufacturer, owing to the greater efficiency of his machinery and the small necessity for hand labor, can compete on equal terms in these grades.

  1. The removal of duties on wool is a benefit to manufacturers.

(a) It enables them to engage in the manufacture of finer grades of woollens: Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII., 32-33. — (1) By giving them free raw material of finer grades. — (b) It gives them a larger assortment of wools from which to select their grades: Congressional Record, 1887-1888, pp. 6519-6530 (July 19, 1888). (c) It enlarges their trade with South America: Nation, XLVI., 500 (June 21, 1888).

  1. Duties are unjust to consumers.

(a) They require them to pay a high price for woolens which are not made in America. — (1) This is shown by the constant increase in the importations of the finer grades of woollens in spite of the high tariff.

Brief for the Negative.

General references:

Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XVIII., 1888, Nos. 2, 3; XXII., 268 (September, 1892); XXIII., 275 (December, 1893); XXII., 1 (March, 1892); XXL, 333 (December, 1891); XXII., 115 (June, 1892); W. D. Lewis, Our Sheep and the Tariff (Publications of the University of Pennsylvania), Chaps. i., vii.; Congressional Record, 1893-1894, Appendix, pp. 1064, 1172.

  1. Duties on wool are necessary to protect the sheep-raising industry:

Our Sheep and the Tariff, Chap. vii. — (a) Foreign competition is especially active in this industry. — (1) Australia and the Argentine Republic have superior natural advantages.

  1. Duties on woollens are necessary to protect manufacturers:

Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 133. — (a) Foreign manufacturers have an advantage in cheap labor. (b) Foreign manufacturers have as good machinery as manufacturers in the United States. — (1) American machinery is used extensively abroad. — (c) The return on investments in the United States is less than it is abroad. — (1) A larger capital is required to produce an equivalent amount of woollens: Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 136.

  1. The history of the United States shows that duties have been successful in building up the wool and woollen industries:

Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XVIII., 234. — (a) The production of wool has greatly increased since the system was begun. — (b) The woollen industry is four times as large as in 1860: Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 3. — (c) Under periods of high protection the industries have been most prosperous.

  1. The duties have benefited the consumers:

Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 119. (a) They have reduced the price of woollens to less than half what it was thirty years ago. — (1) By causing active competition and rapid improvements in machinery: Bulletin of National Association of Wool Manufacturers, XXII., 119.

 

Source: W. Du Bois Brookings and Ralph Curtis Ringwalt, eds., Briefs for Debate on Current Political, Economic, and Social Topics. New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1908, pp. 96-117.

Image Source:  Cartoon by John S. Pughe published in Puck , September 15, 1897. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540.

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Graduate Core Economic Theory Exams and Enrollments. Taussig, 1923-1925

 

Examination questions spanning just over a half-century can be found in Frank Taussig’s personal scrapbook of cut-and-pasted semester examinations for his entire Harvard career. Up to the time when Schumpeter took over the core economic theory course from Taussig in 1935, Taussig’s course covering economic theory and its history was a part of almost every properly educated Harvard economist’s basic training. Taussig’s exam questions have been previously posted for the academic years 1886/87 through 1889/90 along with enrollment data for the course;  material for this course (including semesters when taught with/by other instructors) from 1890/91 through 1893/94; 1897-1900 ; 1904-1909 ; 1911-14 ; 1915-1917; 1918-1919 ; 1920-22 have been posted as well.  

This post begins with the printed course description from 1924 and a link to a list of reading assignments from 1923-24 taken from a student’s notes of the lectures and then addes the enrollment data and three years of semester final examinations for the years 1922-23 through 1924-25.

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Course Description: Economics 11
1924-25

ECONOMIC THEORY AND METHOD

Economic Theory. Mon., Wed., Fri., at 2. Professor Taussig.

Course 11 is intended to acquaint the student with the development of economic thought since the beginning of the nineteenth century, and at the same time to train him in the critical consideration of economic principles. The exercises are conducted mainly by the discussion of selected passages from the leading writers; and in this discussion the students are expected to take an active part. A careful examination is made of the writings of Ricardo and J. S. Mill, and of representative modern economists, such as Marshall, Böhm-Bawerk, Clark.

Source: Division of History, Government, and Government. Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XXI, No. 22 (April 30, 1924), p. 71.

The course reading assignments for Economics 11 according to Frank W. Fetter’s student notes from 1923-24 was posted earlier.

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1922-23

Course Enrollment: Economics 11, 1922-23

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 42: 36 Graduates, 3 Graduate Business, 2 Seniors, 1 Junior

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1922-23, p. 92.

  

1922-23
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Midyear-Exam

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. (a) “Given machinery, raw materials, and a year’s subsistence for 1000 laborers, does it make no difference with the annual product whether those laborers are Englishmen or East-Indians?”
    (b) “In some exceptional industries it happens that the employer realizes on his product in a shorter time than this (a week), so that the laborer is not only paid out of the product of his industry, but actually advances to the employer a portion of the capital on which he operates.”
    (c) “On American whaling ships the custom is not to pay fixed wages, but a “lay,” or a portion of the catch, which varies from a sixteenth to a twelfth to the captain down to a three-hundredth to the cabin-boy. Thus, when a whaleship comes into New Bedford or San Francisco after a successful cruise, she carries in her hold the wages of her crew, as well as the profits of her owners, and an equivalent which will reimburse them for all the stores used up during the voyage. Can anything be clearer than that these wages — this oil and bone which the crew of the whaler have taken — have not been drawn from capital, but are really a part of the produce of their labor”?
    Are these three situations essentially similar? And what is the bearing of each of them on the question under debate?
  2. “The extra gains which any producer or dealer obtains through superior talents for business, or superior business arrangements, are very much of a similar kind (analogous to rent). If all his competitors had the same advantages, and used them, the benefit would be transferred to their customers, through the diminished value of the article; he only retains it for himself because he is able to bring his commodity to market at a lower cost, while its value is determined by a higher. All advantages, in fact, which one competitor has over another, whether natural or acquired, whether personal or the result of social arrangements, bring the commodity, so far, into the Third Class, and assimilate the possessor of the advantage to a receiver or of rent.” Did Walker add anything of essential significance to this statement of Mill’s?
    Mill, Principles of Pol. Econ., pp. 476-77.
  3. (a) “It is not to be understood that the natural price of labour, estimated even in food and necessaries, is absolutely fixed and constant. It varies at different times in the same country, and very materially differs in different countries. It essentially depends on the habits and customs of the people.”
    (b) “A tax on raw produce, and on the necessaries of the labourer, would have another effect — it would raise wages. From the effect of the principle of population on the increase of mankind, wages of the lowest kind never continue much above that rate which nature and habit demand for the support of the labourers. This class is never able to bear any considerable proportion of taxation; and, consequently, if they had to pay 8s. per quarter in addition for wheat, and in some smaller proportion for other necessaries, they would not be able to subsist on the same wages as before, and to keep up the race of labourers. Wages would inevitably and necessarily rise.”
    (c) “If I have to hire a labourer for a week, and instead of ten shillings I pay him eight, no variation having taken place in the value of money, the labourer can probably obtain more food and necessaries with his eight shillings than he before obtained for ten.”
    Are these several statements of Ricardo’s consistent?
  4. In which of the following passages is the tendency to diminishing returns treated as referring to the amount of the produce, in which as referring to the value of the produce? Which method of treatment seems to you the proper one?

(a) “Whatever rise may take place in the price of corn, in consequence of the necessity of employing more labor and capital to obtain a given additional quantity of produce, such rise will always be equalled by the additional rent or additional labor employed. . . . Whether the produce belonging to the farmer be 180, 170, 160, or 150 quarters, he always obtains the same sum of £720 for it; the price increasing in an inverse proportion to the quantity.” — Ricardo.
(b) The Channel Islands obtain agricultural produce to the value of £50 to each acre of the aggregate surface of the island. Fifty pounds’ worth of agricultural produce from each acre of the land is sufficiently good. But the more we study the modern achievements of agriculture the more we see that the limits of productivity of the soil are not attained. . . . I can confirm Mr. Bear’s estimate to the effect that under proper management even a cool greenhouse, which covers 4050 square feet, can give a gross return of £180.” — Kropotkin.
(c) “Ricardo, and the economists of his time generally were too hasty in deducing this inference [tendency to increased pressure] from the law of diminishing return; and they did not allow enough for the increase of strength that comes from organization. But in fact every farmer is aided by the presence of neighbours, whether agriculturists or townspeople. . . . If the neighbouring market town expands into a large industrial centre, all his produce is worth more; some things which he used to throw away fetch a good price. He finds new openings in dairy farming and market gardening, and with a larger range of produce he makes use of rotations that keep his land always active without denuding it of any one of the elements that are necessary for its fertility.” — Marshall.

  1. “Ricardo expresses himself as if the quantity of labour which it costs to produce a commodity and bring it to the market, were the only thing on which its value depended. But since the cost of production to the capitalist is not labour but wages, and since wages may be either greater or less, the quantity of labour being the same; it would seem that the value of the product cannot be determined solely by the quantity of labour, but by the quantity together with the remuneration; and that values must partly depend on wages.” — J. S. Mill.
    What would Ricardo say to this? and in what way, according to Mill, do wages affect value?
  2. Explain briefly external economies; internal economies.
    It has been said that internal economies cause an increase of demand, external economies result from an increase of demand. Do you agree?
    Suppose internal economies to become greater indefinitely, as output enlarges; what consequences would ensue? Suppose the same for external economies, what consequences?
  3. “There is one general law of demand: the greater the amount to be sold, the smaller must be the price at which it is offered in order that it may find purchasers. . . . The one universal rule to which the demand curve conforms is that it is inclined negatively throughout the whole of its length.”
    “The demand curve over short periods — which may be a matter of weeks or months — is not necessarily inclined throughout in the same direction. It may be inclined positively. And similarly the supply curve does not necessarily have that constant positive inclination which is usually assumed. In the course of the higgling of the market this in its turn may have a negative inclination.”
    Whom do you believe to be the writers of these passages? Can they be harmonized? If so, how? If not, why not?
  4. The series of hypotheses made by Marshall concerning “meteoric showers of stones harder than diamonds”; the nature of the incomes derived by those finding them in the several cases; and the general principle which is thus illustrated.

 

 

1922-23
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Exam

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.

  1. “Labour of different kinds differently rewarded. This no cause of variation in the relative value of commodities.” On what grounds did Ricardo reach the conclusion summarized by him in these sentences? Is it consistent with the general trend of his theory of value?
  2. “This doctrine [about non-competing groups] was given its name by J. E. Cairnes. . . . He supposed it to be a rare and remarkable exception to what he believed was the general rule, that the cost-of-production regulated the price of goods — essentially a “labor-theory of value.” We regard it merely as a helpful way of presenting a particular case of the general rule that the value of agents is derived from their products when the market is viewed as a whole.”
    What would Cairnes say to this? What is your own view on the “general rule” stated in the concluding sentence?
  3. “Suppose that society is divided into a number of horizontal grades, each of which is recruited from the children of its own members; and each of which has its own standard of comfort, and increases in numbers rapidly when the earnings to be got in it rise above, and shrinks rapidly when they fall below that standard. Suppose, then, that parents can bring up their children to any trade in their own grade, but cannot easily raise them above it and will not consent to sink them below it. . . .
    On these suppositions, would Cairnes say that value was determined by cost? What would Marshall say?
  4. (a) “We have next to study the conditions of Business Management; and in so doing we must have in view a problem that will occupy our attention as we go on. It arises from the fact that, though in manufacturing at least nearly every individual business, so long as it is well managed, tends to become stronger the larger it has grown; and though prima facie we might therefore expect to see large firms driving their smaller rivals completely out of many branches of industry, yet they do not in fact do so.”
    (b) “Since then business ability in command of capital moves with great ease horizontally from a trade which is overcrowded to one which offers good openings for it; and since it moves with great ease vertically, the abler men rising to the higher posts in their own trade, we see, even at this early state of our inquiry, some good reasons for believing that in modern England the supply of business ability in command of capital accommodates itself, as a general rule, to the demand for it; and thus has a fairly defined supply price.”
    What is Marshall’s solution of the problem stated in the first of these passages? What sort of supply schedule do you suppose him to have in mind in the second? What would Walker say on both passages?
  5. “If the production of any, even the smallest, portion of the supply, requires as a necessary condition a certain price, that price will be obtained for all the rest. . . . The value, therefore, of an article (meaning its natural, which is the same with its average value) is determined by the cost of that portion of the supply which is produced and brought to market at the greatest expense. This is the Law of Value of the third of the three classes into which all commodities are divided. . . . Rent, therefore, forms no part of the cost of production which determines the value of agricultural produce.”
    By whom do you suppose this passage to have been written? What would Marshall say to it?
  6. “‘Rent is not an element in price’ — such is the classical statement on the subject. . . . But, if one defines rent as product imputable to a concrete agent, the impossibility of maintaining such a claim becomes apparent. Even if one were to restrict the term rent to the product created by land, the claim that it is not an element in adjusting market values would be absurd; for it would amount to saying that a certain part of the output of every kind of goods has no effect on their market value. The ‘price’ referred to in the formula is, of course, the market value expressed in units of currency.” What do you say?
  7. “When the artisan or professional man has once obtained the skill required for his work, a part of his earnings are for the future really a quasi-rent of the capital and labour invested in fitting him for his work, in obtaining his start in life, his business connections, and generally his opportunity for turning his faculties to good account; and only the remainder of his income is true earnings of effort. But this remainder is generally a large part of the whole. And here lies the contrast. For when a similar analysis is made of the profits of the business man, the proportions are found to be different: in his case the greater part is quasi-rent.” Why? or why not?
  8. (a) “Capital-goods imply waiting for the fruits of labor. Capital, on the contrary, implies the direct opposite of this: it is the means of avoiding all waiting. It is the remover of time intervals, — the absolute synchronizer of labor and its fruits. It is the means of putting civilized man in a position which, so far as time is concerned, is akin to that in which the rude forester stood, when he broke off limbs of dead trees and laid them on his fire. The very appliances which, in their extent and complexity, seem in one view to mean endless waiting, in another view mean no waiting at all but the instantaneous appearance of the final fruits of every bit of labor that is put forth.”
    (b) “Tools are productive, but time is the condition of getting tools — this is the simple and literal fact. The roundabout or time-consuming mode of using labor insures efficient capital-goods. . . . When the hatchet has worn itself completely out, and the fruits of using it are before the man in the large dwelling, he may look backward to the beginning of the process, when he faced nature empty-handed, and say: ‘Labor has done it all. Work and waiting have given me my goods.’ The working and the waiting have, indeed, insured the hatchet, as an incidental result of this way of working. Production that plans to put its fruits into the future will create capital-goods as an immediate effect, but labor and time are enough to make the ultimate effect certain. Let the man work intelligently through an interval of time, and the production of consumers’ wealth is sure.”
    (c) “The effort of postponement, or the preference of uncertain future for certain present consumables, necessary for supplying capital, if it is an effort, is a continuous one lasting all the time the capital is in use. The critic who asks, why a single ‘act of abstinence’ which is past and done with should be rewarded by a perpetual payment of annual interest, fails to realise that, so far as saving involves a serviceable action of the saver, it goes on all the time that the saver lies out of the full present enjoyment of his property, i.e. as long as his savings continue to function as productive instruments.”
    What would Clark say to the three propositions here stated? What are your own views?
    By whom do you suppose the passages to have been written?

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 1923-24

Course Enrollment: Economics 11, 1923-24

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 51: 37 Graduates, 5 Graduate Business, 3 Seniors, 6 Radcliffe

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1923-24, p. 107.

 

 

1923-24
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Exam

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. What bearing has the turn-over of retail shops on the question whether the reward of labor is derived from the contemporaneous product of labor?
  2. “Suppose I employ twenty men at an expense of £1000 for a year in the production of a commodity, and at the end of the year I employ twenty men again for another year, at a further expense of £1000 in finishing or perfecting the same commodity, and that I bring it to market at the end of two years, if profits be 10 per cent, my commodity must sell for [?]. Another man employs precisely the same quantity of labour, but he employs it all in the first year; he employs forty men at an expense of £2000, and at the end of the first year he sells it with 10 per cent profit, or for [?].
    Give the figures which Ricardo put into the bracketed spaces, and explain in what way he reached his figures.
    What principle does he mean to illustrate by examples of this kind?
  3. “Thus, in a charitable institution, where the poor are set to work with the funds of benefactors, the general prices of the commodities, which are the produce of such work, will not be governed by the peculiar facilities afforded to these workmen, but by the common, usual, and natural difficulties which every other manufacturer will have to encounter. The manufacturer enjoying none of these facilities might indeed be driven altogether from the market if the supply afforded by these favoured workmen were equal to all the wants of the community; but if he continued the trade, it would be only on condition that he should derive from it the usual and general rate of profits on stock; and that could only happen when his commodity sold for a price proportioned to the quantity of labour bestowed on its production.”
    What principle was Ricardo trying to elucidate in this passage? Is his reasoning sound?
  4. “The amount of produce raised, and therefore the position of the margin of cultivation (i. e., the margin of the profitable application of capital and labour to good and bad land alike) are both governed by the general conditions of demand and supply. They are governed on the one hand by demand; that is, by the numbers of the population who consume the produce, the intensity of their need for it, and their means of paying for it: and on the other hand by supply; that is, by the extent and fertility of the available land, and the numbers and resources of those ready to cultivate it. Thus cost of production, eagerness of demand, margin of production, and price of the produce mutually govern one another: and no circular reasoning is involved in speaking of any one as in part governed by the others.”
    Is this different from Ricardo’s doctrine on the relation between cost of production, value, rent? Is it inconsistent with Ricardo’s doctrine?
  5. “In short periods, that is, in periods short relatively to the time required to make and bring into full bearing improvements . . . no such direct influence on supply price is exercised by the necessity that such improvements should in the long run yield net incomes sufficient to give normal profits on their cost. And therefore when we are dealing with such periods, these incomes may be regarded as quasi-rents which depend on the price of the produce.”
    Would you regard “these incomes” as quasi-rents, in Marshall’s sense? Would you consider this a good definition of quasi-rents?
  6. Indicate summarily Mill’s doctrines regarding

the law of the accumulation of capital;
the factors on which the rate of profits depends;
the tendency of profits to a minimum.

Are they consistent with each other? Which of them, if any, is in accord with Ricardo’s doctrine on profits?

  1. “An increase in the aggregate volume of production of anything will generally increase the size, and therefore the internal economics possessed by a representative firm; it will always increase the external economies to which the firm has access; and thus it will enable it to manufacture at a less proportionate cost of labour and sacrifice than before.”
    Why “generally” in the first case? Why “always” in the second? or why not in either case?
  2. Explain

cost of production,
expenses of production,
supply price,
contemporaneous costs curve,
successive costs curve.

  1. “Among 1317 farms in one county in New York, 13 farms yielded labor incomes of over $2000. . . . Part of this difference was due to the soils being better than the average, and part was due to better management.” In the book from which this passage is taken, “labor income” is ascertained by deducting from the farm receipts (a) expenses incurred in operating the farm, (b) the interest which the farmer would have got if, instead of investing in the farm, he had lent his money at the current rate. Would you accept this definition of labor income?
    Does “economic rent” appear in the analysis? If so, where and how?

 

 

1923-24
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Exam

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions

  1. What is left, in the present stage of economic theory, of Ricardo’s doctrine of value? of wages? of profits?
  2. “When considering costs from the social point of view, when inquiring whether the cost of attaining a given result is increasing or diminishing with changing economic conditions, then we are concerned with the real costs of efforts of various qualities, and with the real cost of waiting. If the purchasing power of money in terms of effort has remained about constant, and if the rate of remuneration for waiting has remained about constant, then the money measure of costs corresponds to the real costs; but such a correspondence is never to be assumed lightly.” — Marshall.
    Consider separately the two propositions stated in these sentences, and give your opinion on them.
  3. “Let us now drop the supposition that labour is so mobile as to ensure equal remuneration for equal efforts, throughout the whole of society, and let us approach much nearer to the actual conditions of life by supposing that labour is not all of one industrial grade, but of several. Let us suppose that parents always bring up their children to an occupation in their own grade; that they have a free choice within that grade, but not outside it. Lastly, let us suppose that the increase of numbers in each grade is governed by other than economic causes: as before it may be fixed, or it may be influenced by changes in custom, in moral opinion, etc.” — Marshall.
    On these suppositions, is value determined by “real costs.”? Wherein, if at all, do the suppositions differ from those made by Marshall in earlier editions?
  4. “While we [the Austrians] say that the value of means of production, that is of cost-goods, is determined by the value of their products, the usual way of interpreting the law is to say that the value of their products, the usual way of interpreting the law is to say that the value of the products is determined by the amount of their costs, — by the value of the means of production out of which they are made.” — Böhm-Bawerk.
    What are grounds of this conclusion? What is your own view?
  5. “The difference between land and other durable agents is mainly one of degree; and a great part of the interest of the study of the rent of land arises from the illustration it affords of a great principle that permeates every part of economics.” — Marshall.
    Why is the difference mainly one of degree? and what is the great permeating principle?
  6. State the precise point on which Böhm-Bawerk rests his contention that there is no specific productivity of capital.
  7. Böhm-Bawerk remarks that the theory put forth by him bears a certain resemblance to the wage fund doctrine of the older English school, but differs from it in essentials. Explain the resemblance; point out the difference which Böhm-Bawerk believes to be essential; and give you instructor’s comment on that point of difference.
  8. Under the regulation for administering the Excess Profits Tax, while it was levied in the United States, an individual business man liable for this tax was allowed, when declaring his profits, to deduct from his receipts not only all outlays incurred but also (a) eight per cent on his invested capital, (b) a reasonable salary for his own labor of management.
    Were these two allowances in accord with the theoretic treatment of business profits by Clark? by Marshall? by your instructor?

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Course Enrollment: Economics 11, 1924-25

 

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 59: 43 Graduates, 2 Seniors, 8 Graduate Business, 6 Radcliffe

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1924-25, p. 75.

 

 

1924-25
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Mid-Year Exam

 

  1. “When the labourer maintains himself by funds of his own, as when a peasant-farmer or proprietor lives on the produce of his land, or an artisan works on his own account, they are still supported by capital, that is, by funds provided in advance. The peasant does not subsist this year on the produce of this year’s harvest, but on that of the last. The artisan is not living on the proceeds of the work he has in hand, but on those of work previously executed and disposed of. Each is supported by a small capital of his own, which he periodically replaces from the produce of his labour.” J. S. Mill.
    Are the two situations here described essentially similar? and what general proposition or propositions do they illustrate?
  2. “In a charitable institution, where the poor are set to work with the funds of benefactors, the general prices of the commodities, which are the produce of such work, will not be governed by the peculiar facilities afforded to these workmen, but by the common, usual, and natural difficulties which every other manufacturer will have to encounter. The manufacturer enjoying none of these facilities might indeed be driven altogether from the market if the supply afforded by these favoured workmen were equal to all the wants of the community; but if he continued the trade, it would be only on condition that he should derive from it the usual and general rate of profits on stock; and that could only happen when his commodity sold for a price proportioned to the quantity of labour bestowed on its production.”

(a) What principle was Ricardo trying to elucidate in this passage?
(b) It has been argued that labor in a “charitable institution” is usually inefficient, and that nothing of the sort described by Ricardo happens. What would you say? What would Ricardo say?
(c) Trade-unions are opposed to the employment of convict labor, on the ground that it takes work from their members and tends to lower wages. Is their attitude inconsistent with the sort of reasoning Ricardo applies?

  1. It has been said:

(a) that the law of diminishing returns refers to the physical quantity of the produce obtained from land, not to the value of the produce;
(b) that the law of diminishing returns refers to the yield from each several piece of land, not to the yield from land at large;
(c) that if all land were equally endowed by nature, and if all were used, the income of the land-owners would be in the nature of a monopoly gain.

Which of these statements would you accept, which reject?

  1. “In estimating the exchangeable value of stockings, for example, we shall find that their value, comparatively with other things, depends on the total quantity of labour necessary to manufacture them and bring them to market. First, there is the labour necessary to cultivate the land on which the raw cotton is grown; secondly, the labour of conveying the cotton to the country where the stockings are to be manufactured, which includes a portion of the labour bestowed in building the ship in which it is conveyed, and which is charged in the freight on the goods; thirdly, the labour of the spinner and weaver; fourthly, a portion of the labour of the engineer, smith, and carpenter, who erected the buildings and machinery, by the help of which they are made; fifthly, the labour of the retail dealer, and of many others, whom it is unnecessary further to particularise.”
    What is the bearing of this enumeration on Ricardo’s theory of value? on his theory of profits?
  2. “The cause of profit is that labour produces more than is required for its support.”
    “The capitalist may be assumed to make all the advances and receive all the profit. His profit consists of the excess of the produce above the advances.”
    Are these two statements inconsistent with each other?
    Which, if either, was Ricardo’s doctrine? Which Mill’s? Which, if either, comes near the truth?
  3. What is the short-period point of view, what the long-period point of view, in the discussion of value at the hands of Mill? of Marshall?
  4. Under what circumstances, if under any, would you expect to find

(a) a demand curve positively inclined;
(b) a successive costs curve negatively inclined;
(c) a contemporaneous costs curve negatively inclined?

  1. Wherein is the incidence of a tax on dwellings significant as regards the doctrine of quasi-rent? That of a tax on printing-presses?
  2. Would you expect an increase of demand for an article to lead to external economies in its production? to internal economies?

 

 

1924-25
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
ECONOMICS 11
Year-end Final Exam

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions
Questions 1, 2, 3 may be answered as one, if you prefer

  1. Explain summarily

“real” costs of production,
money costs of production,
expenses of production,
supply price,
derived supply price.

  1. Would you reckon “economic rent” among the expenses of production of a commodity? Quasi-rent?
  2. (a) When a supply curve is laid out for the purpose of representing conditions of diminishing returns, is it supposed to indicate gradations in real costs or in money costs?
    (b) When a supply curve is constructed for a manufactured commodity, on the basis of data furnished by cost accountants, does it indicate gradations in real costs or in money costs?
  3. (a) “The ordinary bargain between labour and capital is that the wage-receiver gets command over commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, and in exchange carries his employer’s goods a stage further towards being ready for immediate consumption. But while this is true of most employees, it is not true of those who finish the process of production. For instance, those who put together and finish watches, give to their employers far more commodities in a form ready for immediate consumption, than they obtain as wages. And if we take one season of the year with another, so as to allow for seed and harvest time, we find that workmen as a whole hand over to their employers more finished commodities than they receive as wages.”
    (b) There is, however, a rather forced sense in which we may perhaps be justified in saying that the earnings of labour depend upon advances made to labour by capital. For — not to take account of machinery and factories, of ships and railroads — the houses loaned to workmen, and even the raw materials in various stages which will be worked up into commodities consumed by them, represent a far greater provision of capital for their use than the equivalent of the advances which they make to the capitalist, even when they work for a month for him.”
    (c) “The whole question, whether goods are advanced by one class of persons to another, in order to tide that other class over an interval of waiting, clearly has reference, not to the relation of capitalists in general to laborers in general, but to the relation of certain sub-groups to other sub-groups in the producing series. It is the sub-group A´´´ [those making finished goods] that must advance the stock of the article A´´´ to all the sub-groups that are below it in the series, if any advances at all are needed; but does it actually make any advances? . . . Nothing of this kind, however, takes place. The stocks of A´´´, B´´´ and C´´´ are drawn upon and replenished simultaneously, like water in a full pipe, with an inflow at one end and an outflow at the other.”

Explain whom you believe to be the writers of these passages; what Böhm-Bawerk would say on the general propositions here laid down; what your own views on them are.

  1. “When an artisan or a professional man has exceptional natural abilities, which are not made by human effort, and are not the result of sacrifices undergone for a future gain, they enable him to obtain a surplus income over what ordinary persons could expect from similar exertions following on similar investments of capital and labour in their education and start in life; a surplus which is of the nature of rent.” Would Marshall agree to this as regards (a) the incomes of professional men; (b) business profits? Would you?
  2. Explain briefly whether anything in the nature either of a producer’s surplus or of a consumer’s surplus appears as regards (a) instruments made by man and the return secured by their owners; (b) unskilled labor and the wages paid for it.
  3. Is interest “earned”? Are business profits “earned”?
  4. Are there grounds for maintaining that Clark’s doctrine of the “zone of indifference” is inconsistent with his doctrine of the specific productivity of labor and capital?
  5. “Suppose a poor man receives every day two pieces of bread, while one is enough to allay the pangs of positive hunger, what value will one of the two pieces of bread have for him? The answer is easy enough. If he gives away the piece of bread, he will lose, and if he keeps it he will secure, provision for that degree of want which makes itself felt whenever positive hunger has been allayed. We may call this the second degree of utility. One of two entirely similar goods is, therefore, equal in value to the second degree in the scale of utility of that particular class of goods. . . . Not only has one of two goods the value of the second degree of utility, but either of them has it, whichever one may choose. And three pieces have together three times the value of the third degree of utility, and four pieces have four times the value of the fourth degree. In a word, the value of a supply of similar goods is equal to the sum of the items multiplied by the marginal utility.” — Wieser.
    What is meant by “value” in this passage? Do you think the analysis tenable? and do you think it inconsistent with the doctrine of total utility and consumer’s surplus?

 

Source for examination questions: Harvard University Archives. Prof. F. W. Taussig, Examination Papers in Economics 1882-1935 (Scrapbook).

Image Source: Frank W. Taussig, Harvard Class Album, 1925.

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Graduate Core Economic Theory Examinations. Mostly Taussig, some Young, 1920-22

 

 

Examination questions spanning just over a half-century can be found in Frank Taussig’s personal scrapbook of cut-and-pasted semester examinations for his entire Harvard career. Until Schumpeter took over the core economic theory course from Taussig in 1935, Taussig’s course covering economic theory and its history was a part of almost every properly educated Harvard economist’s basic training. Taussig’s exam questions have been previously posted for the academic years 1886/87 through 1889/90 along with enrollment data for the course;  material for this course (including semesters when taught with/by other instructors) from 1890/91 through 1893/94; 1897-1900 ; 1904-1909 ; 1911-14 ; 1915-1917; 1918-1919 have been posted as well.  

This post provides the examination questions and enrollments for the academic years 1919/20 through 1921/22. There are two points worthy of note regarding the 1921-22 academic year. The first is that a complete set of student notes have been edited and published by Marianne Johnson and Warren J. Samuels and a link to the relevant webpage at Research in the History of Economic Thought and Methodology is provided below. The second point is that further archival material confirms that the course was indeed taught by Frank W. Taussig and Allyn A. Young in 1921/22.

________________________________

Student notes for Economics 11 from 1921-22 have been transcribed and published

“According to the Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XVII, December 20, 1921, No. 51, Frank William Taussig was the only instructor of record for Economic Theory (EC 11). The initial notes seem to confirm that what is reproduced here is solely Taussig’s teaching, with frequent mention of his views recorded (e.g., “Taussig says”). However, in the ‘Supplementary Notes,’ attributed to both Taussig and Allyn A. Young, frequent mention is made of Young’s views. Whether these notes are from lecture, recitation, or are Hexter’s personal notes is unknown.”

 Source:  Marianne Johnson and Warren J. Samuels (eds.) Maurice Beck Hexter’s Notes from Harvard University, 1921-22. Economic Theory by Taussig, Young, and Carver at Harvard. Research in the History of Economic Thought and Methodology, Vol. 28-C, Part II. 2010.

 

Additional Information from the Archives.

In the third edition of Announcement of the Courses of Instruction Offfered by the Faculty of Arts and Sciences for the Academic Year, 1921-22 (p. 110), both Professors Taussig and Young were announced as the instructors for Economics 11.

Taussig’s scrapbook of his examination questions (the source for the other examinations except for the second semester of 1921/22) does not include the year-end final examination for Economics 11 that semester. The June 1922 examination questions are however available in the Harvard University Archive’s collection of final examination papers and match the content of Baxter’s Supplementary Notes for Young so it appears a reasonable presumption that Taussig was responsible for the first semester exam and Young was responsible for the second semester exam in 1921/22.

________________________________

 

Course Enrollment
1919-20

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 47: 36 Graduates, 2 Graduate Business, 3 Seniors, 5 Radcliffe, 1 Other

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1919-20, p. 90.

 

 

1919-20
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year. 1920.

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.

  1. “On the ranches of Montana cattle are breeding, among the forests of Pennsylvania hides are tanning, in the mills of Brockton shoes are finishing; and, if the series of goods in all stages of advancement is only kept intact, the cowboy may have today the shoes that he virtually creates by his effort. . . With sheep in the pastures, wool in the mills, cloth in the tailoring shops, and ready-made garments on the retailers’ counters, the labor of the people can, as it were, instantaneously cloth the people.”
    Do you agree? Whom do you believe to be the writer of the passage?
  2. What element in distribution was regarded as “residual” by F. A. Walker? By Ricardo? By Mill?
  3. Can Mill’s conclusions regarding the effects of free trade in corn on wages and laborers’ welfare, be reconciled with Ricardo’s teachings?
  4. State the objections which have been made to the doctrine of consumer’s surplus on the score of

(a) inequalities in income;
(b) articles catering to the love of distinction;
(c) the latent assumption that, while the price of the given article   changes, other articles remain the same in price.

Can these objections be met in such way as to leave the doctrine still significant?

  1. Explain in what sense the term “increase of demand” is used when it is said that an increase of demand may cause increasing returns (diminishing cost); and in what sense when it is said that an increase of demand is a result of diminishing cost.
  2. “We might as reasonably dispute whether it is the upper or the under blade of a pair of scissors that cuts a piece of paper, as whether value is governed by utility or cost of production.”
    Explain, illustrate, qualify.
  3. Under what conditions, if under any, is the demand curve positively inclined?
    Under what conditions, if under any, is the supply curve negatively inclined?
  4. A factory building yields a net rental, over all expenses and taxes, of $10,000 a year. The land on which it stands, if let as a site not built on, would yield $5,000 a year. The cost of the building was $100,000; the rate of interest is 5%.
    What is the nature of the return (rental), according to Marshall? In your own opinion?
    Suppose the net rental to decline to $6,000 a year; would your answers be the same?

 

1919-20
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Final. 1920.

  1. Explain briefly:

Joint Demand,
Derived Supply Price,
Law of Substitution.

  1. “The United States already possesses a much larger population than Great Britain, a population moreover, as a whole, on a somewhat higher level of comfort, and therefore furnishing a more intense ‘effectual demand.’ Even supposing the same amount of concentration of capital, relatively, to be brought about in Great Britain as in America, the average size of concerns would be less than in the United States, because the market to be divided is smaller. As a result the cost of production in America per unit would necessarily be less.” Do you agree?
  2. “When the artisan or professional man has once obtained the skill required for his work, a part of his earnings are for the future really a quasi-rent of the capital and labor invested in fitting him for his work, in obtaining his start in life, his business connections, and generally his opportunity for turning his faculties to good account; and only the remainder of his income is true earnings of effort. But this remainder is generally a large part of the whole. And here lies the contrast. For when a similar analysis is made of the profits of the business man, the proportions are found to be different: in his case the greater part is quasi-rent.”
    Is this distinction tenable? And is quasi-rent not to be regarded as true earnings of effort?
  3. “At the present day, in those parts of England where custom and sentiment count for least, and free competition and enterprise for most in the bargaining for the use of land, it is commonly understood that the landlord supplies, and in some measure maintains, those improvements which are slowly made and slowly worn out. That being done, he requires of his tenant the whole producer’s surplus which the land thus equipped is estimated to afford in a year of normal harvests and normal prices. . . . In other words, that part of the income derived from the land which the landlord obtains, is governed, for all periods of moderate length, mainly by the market for the produce, with but little reference to the cost of providing the various agents employed in raising it; and it therefore is of the nature of a rent. . . The more fully therefore the distinctively English features of land tenure are developed, the more nearly is it true that the line of division between the tenant’s and the landlord’s share coincides with the deepest and most important line of cleavage in economic theory.”
    What is the line of cleavage here described by Marshall? And do you consider it the deepest and most important?
  4. “The last three chapters examined the relation in which cost of production stands to the income derived from the ownership of the ‘original powers’ of land and other free gifts of nature, and also to that which is directly due to the investment of private capital. There is a third class holding an intermediate position between these two, which consists of those incomes, or rather those parts of incomes, which are the indirect result of the general progress of society, rather than the direct result of the investment of capital and labor by individuals for the sake of gain.”
    Explain what is the third class; and what is the relation of cost of production to income in each of the three classes.
  5. Do the earnings of great business ability represent a “cost” according to Walker? Marshall? Fetter?
  6. Explain what Hobson means by economic cost and by human cost; and which kind of cost he believes to be incurred in connection with (a) economic rent, (b) the savings of the working classes, (c) the earnings of exceptional ability.
  7. “We have in the theories of usance and of rent all that is essential and fundamental to theories of labor-value and of wages. Man’s services and wealth’s uses move in parallel lines and are of parallel nature in contributing to the securing of income. Human actions directed toward some desired end constitute a usance of human beings; they are valuable services just as the work of domestic animals, the uses of tools, and the motions of machinery are valuable uses of wealth. These valuable services, partly rendered directly to persons and partly embodied in goods, constitute labor-incomes, comparable to the usance of wealth, the wealth-incomes.”
    What would Fisher say to this? Hobson? What is your own view?
  8. Wherein is there resemblance, wherein difference, between the views of Fetter and of Clark as regards:

(a) Waiting and abstinence,
(b) The productivity of capital,
(c) Interest.

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Course Enrollment
1920-21

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.—Economic Theory

Total 39: 26 Graduates, 1 Graduate Business, 1 Senior, 10 Radcliffe, 1 Other.

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1920-21, p. 96.

 

1920-21
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Mid-Year. 1921.

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions

  1. “Adam Smith says ‘that the difference between the real and the nominal price of commodities and labour is not a matter of mere speculation, but may sometimes be of considerable use in practice.’ I agree with him; but the real price of labour and commodities is no more to be ascertained by their price in goods, Adam Smith’s real measure, than by their price in gold and silver, his nominal measure. The labourer is only paid a really high price for his labour when”, —
    Complete the closing sentence, as you conceive that Ricardo would have completed it. Explain also how Ricardo would ascertain the real price of commodities, and how Adam Smith would have done so.
  2. “The fundamental truth, that in all economic reasoning must be firmly grasped and never let go, is that society in its most highly developed form is but an elaboration of society in its rudest beginnings, and that principles obvious in the simpler relations of men are merely disguised and not abrogated or reversed by the more intricate relations that result from the division of labor and the use of complex tools and methods.”
    — H. George.
    “The minor premise [in Ricardo’s reasoning on value and prices] is the assumption that it is natural that in a tribe of savages things should exchange in proportion to the labor required to produce them. The major premise is, that what is natural in the earliest must be natural in the most advanced states of society.” — Cliffe-Leslie.
    Can it be said that Ricardo’s method of reasoning on value is substantially different from George’s on wages? If so, wherein?
  3. Compare concisely the treatment by (a) Ricardo, (b) J. S. Mill, (c) Cairnes, of the differences of wages in different employments, and the relation between such differences and the values of commodities.
  4. “Mr. Longe puts the case of a capitalist who, by taking advantage of the necessities of his workmen, effects a reduction in their wages, and succeeds in withdrawing so much, call it £1000, from the Wages-fund; and ask how is the sum, thus withdrawn, to be restored to the fund? On Mr. Longe’s principles the answer is single, — ‘by being spent on commodities’; for it may be assumed that the sum so withdrawn will, in any case, not be hoarded. . . . The answer, therefore, to the case put by Mr. Longe is easy on his principles; and I am disposed to flatter myself that the reader who has gone with me in the foregoing discussion will not have much difficulty in replying to it upon mine.”
    What is the answer on Cairnes’ principles? Would Mill have given the same answer?
  5. Is Cairnes’ doctrine concerning the causes determining the rate of profits the same as Mill’s? as Ricardo’s?
  6. What does Mill mean by the equation of supply and demand; what does Marshall mean by the equilibrium of supply and demand?
    Which method of analysis is preferable, if either, in case of (a) wheat after a very abundant harvest; (b) an increase in the demand for a commodity made with much fixed plant under competitive conditions; (c) a patented article.
  7. (a) “In regard to production in general, a dominant difference between machines and land is that the supply of land is fixed (though in a new country, the supply of land utilized in man’s service may be increased); while the supply of machines may be increased without limit. For if no great invention renders his machines obsolete, while there is a steady demand for the things made by them, they will be constantly on sale at about their cost of production; and his machines will generally yield him normal profits on that cost of production, with deductions corresponding to their wear and tear.”
    (b) “The deepest and most important line of cleavage in economic theory . . . is the distinction between the quasi-rents which do not, and the profits which do, directly enter into the normal supply prices of produce for periods of moderate length.”
    Are these two statements consistent with each other?
  8. Explain:

internal economies,
external economies,
law of increasing return,
successive costs curve.

  1. It has been argued that a protective duty is advantageous in that, by causing the domestic output to be greater, it brings into operation the tendency to increasing returns and thus causes prices to become lower. Is the argument sound?

 

1920-21
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Final. 1921

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions. One question may be omitted.

  1. It has been maintained that Walker’s analysis of the relation between business profits and wages involves reasoning in a circle. In answer it has been said that in speaking of “wages” as the residual constituent, wages at large are had in mind; whereas when defining the no-profits men, the wages of a particular limited class are referred to. Do you believe that, with this explanation, there is circular reasoning? without it?
  2. “The simplest and clearest mode of stating the theory of general wages is, in my judgment, to say that wages are determined by the discounted marginal product of labor. Let attention be given to the two elements in this somewhat cumbrous formula: ‘margin’ and ‘discount.’. . .
    “It has been assumed [in intervening passages, here omitted] that the discounting takes place at the current rate of interest. Here we must be on our guard against reasoning in a circle. In previous chapters, interest has been accounted for, in part at least, by the fact that there is a ‘productivity’ of capital; it results from the application of labor in more productive ways. If this were the whole of the theory of interest, we should reason in a circle in saying that wages are determined by a process of discount.”
    Would the reasoning appear to be open to the charge? and if so, how can it be met?
  3. “In the classical political economy, the relation of the rate of interest to distribution was entirely misconceived. Distribution was erroneously regarded as a separation of the income of society into ‘interest, rent, wages, and profits.’ By ‘interest’ of course was meant, not the rate of interest, but the rate of interest multiplied by the value of the capital ‘yielding interest.’ But we have seen that the value of the capital is found by taking the income which it yields and capitalizing it by means of the rate of interest. To reverse this process, and obtain the income by multiplying the capital by the rate of interest, is proceeding in a circle.”
    Was there such a circle in the classical reasoning, e.g., as you find it in Mill? Whom do you suppose to be the writer of this passage?
  4. “Each capital good, before it is sold or worn out, produces a sum of value that enables the owner of the good to purchase or make another good of the same character, which in its turn possesses the power of replacing itself by a successor of equal value. The capital goods of this year are, therefore, not merely the successors in time of those of last year, now mostly destroyed; they are, economically, the offspring of the capital goods of the earlier period, and they have the same power of replacing themselves with other goods having the power of self-replacement.
    “It is, of course, to be understood that this self-replacement is neither automatic nor inevitable. We may say that under certain conditions a particular capital good will add something to the total product of an industry, but not enough to keep itself in repair and replace itself when worn out. Under other conditions a capital good will just do this; under still other conditions a capital good will add to the product of an establishment not only enough for its own repair and replacement, but a surplus besides. . . . Intelligent action on the part of the owner of such goods is essential to the truth of this proposition; but such action may generally be taken for granted.”
    What do you say? Whom do you suppose to be the author of the passage? [Hand-written note: A. S. Johnson]
  5. State the reasoning by which Clark supports the proposition that interest is the specific product of capital; and the grounds on which Böhm-Bawerk dissents from that proposition.
  6. Would Marshall admit that “there is an element of true rent in the composite product that is commonly called wages, an element of true earnings in what is commonly called rent”? Your own view?
  7. “The ‘law of distribution’ which emerges is that every owner of any factor of production ‘tends to receive as remuneration’ exactly what it is ‘worth.’ Now this ‘law’ is doubly defective. Its first defect arises from the fact that economic science assigns no other meaning to the ‘worth’ or ‘value’ of anything than what it actually gets in the market. To say, therefore, that anybody ‘gets what he is worth,’ is merely an identical proposition, and conveys no knowledge.”
    Is this criticism of “marginalism” valid?
  8. “If the peers and millionaires who are now preaching the duty of production to miners and dock laborers desire that more wealth, not more waste, should be produced, the simplest way in which they can achieve their aim is to transfer to the public their whole incomes over (say) $5000 a year, in order that it may be spent in setting to work, not gardeners, chauffeurs, domestic servants, and shopkeepers in the West End of London, but builders, mechanics, and teachers.”
    Explain what you conceive to be meant by “waste” and “wealth” in this passage; what Hobson might be expected to say to it; and what is your own view.

________________________________

Course Enrollment 1921-22 not published

The Annual Report of the President and the Treasurer of Harvard College 1921-22 does not include enrollment statistics by course for some reason.

Source: http://pds.lib.harvard.edu/pds/view/427018645?n=1&s=4&printThumbnails=no&oldpds

 

Course Description
1921-22

 

[Economics] 11. Economic Theory. Mon., Wed., Fri., at 2.30. Professors TAUSSIG and YOUNG.

Course 11 is intended to acquaint the student with the development of economic thought since the beginning of the nineteenth century, and at the same time to train him in the critical consideration of economic principles. The exercises are conducted mainly by the discussion of selected passages from the leading writers; and in this discussion the students are expected to take an active part. Attention will be given to the writings of Ricardo and J. S. Mill, and to representative modern economists.

Source: Division of History, Government, and Economics, 1921-22. Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. XVIII, No. 20 (April 21, 1921), p. 68.

 

1921-22
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Mid-Year. 1922.

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions.

  1. Does Walker’s analysis of the relation between wages and business profits involve reasoning in a circle?
    Suppose that the “no profits” business man were defined by Walker in the same terms as those used by Marshall in describing the representative firm; would your answer be different?
  1. “We might find, for example, that though the absolute quantity of commodities had been doubled, they were the produce of precisely the former quantity of labor. Of every hundred hats, coats, and quarters of corn produced, if
The labourers had before

25

The landlords

25

And the capitalists

50

100

And if, after these commodities were double the quantity,
of every 100

The labourers had only

22

The landlords

22

And the capitalists

56

100

In that case I should say that wages and rent had fallen and profits risen; though, in consequence of the abundance of commodities, the quantity paid to the labourer and landlord would have increased in the proportion of 25 to 44.”
What is the precise ground on which Ricardo would say that under these conditions wages and rent had fallen, profits risen?

  1. (a) “The cause of profit is that labor produces more than is required for its support.”
    (b) “The capitalist may be assumed to make all the advances and receive all the produce. His profit consists in the excess of the produce above the advances.”
    (c) “We thus arrive at the conclusion of Ricardo and others, that the rate of profits depends on wages; rising as wages fall, and falling as wages rise. In adopting, however, this doctrine, I must insist upon a most necessary alteration in its wording. Instead of saying that profits depend on wages, let us say (what Ricardo really meant) that they depend on the cost of labour.”
    Consider which of these statements of Mill’s, if any, is in strict accord with Ricardo’s doctrines.
  2. It has been said, —

(a) that rent is due to the niggardliness of nature, not to her bounty;
(b) that the law of diminishing returns refers to the quantity of produce obtained from land, not to its value;
(c) that intensive cultivation is profitable only when the prices of agricultural products are high;
(d) that if all land were equally advantageous and all were occupied, the income derived from it would partake of the nature of a monopoly return.

Which of these statements would you accept, which reject?

  1. “The latent influence by which the values of things are made to conform in the long run to the cost of production is the variation that would otherwise take place in the supply of the commodity. The supply would be increased if the thing continued to sell above the ratio of its cost of production, and would be diminished if it fell below that ratio. But we must not therefore suppose it to be necessary that the supply should actually be either diminished or increased. . . . Many persons suppose that . . . the value cannot fall through a diminution of the cost of production, unless the supply is permanently increased; nor rise, unless the supply is permanently diminished. But this is not the fact; there is no need that there should be any actual alteration of supply; and when there is, the alteration, if permanent, is not the cause, but the consequence of the alteration in value.”
    What would you expect J. S. Mill to say to this? Marshall? your instructor?
  2. (a) England’s agriculture in case of a war not expected to last long;
    (b) the gradual accretion in the value of land settled by pioneers;
    (c) the earning power of farm-buildings;
    (d) the incidence of a tax on printing presses.
    What link of connection do you find in Marshall’s discussion of these several topics?
  3. Explain, with the utmost brevity and precision of which you are capable:

diminishing returns,
increasing returns,
increase of demand,
standard of living.

  1. It is suggested that a protective duty, by enlarging the total output of a given product within a country, brings into play increasing returns and thereby leads to prices of the product lower than would have been in effect but for the duty. Do you agree?
    Canadian manufacturers maintain that the larger total output of the competing manufacturers in the United States enables the Americans to conduct on a larger scale the operation of their plants and thereby enables them to produce at lower cost than the Canadians. Are there good grounds for the contention?

 

ECONOMICS 11
Final. 1922.
[Questions presumably by A. A. Young and not F. W. Taussig]

  1. “In all countries, and all times, profits depend on the quantity of labor requisite to provide necessaries for the laborers, on that land or with that capital which yields no rent. The effects then of accumulation will be different in different countries, and will depend chiefly on the fertility of the land.”
    What other of Ricardo’s doctrines are implied in the foregoing statement?
  2. “Let us consider whether, and in what cases, the property of those who live on the interest of what they possess, without being personally engaged in production, can be regarded as capital. It is not so called in common language, and, with reference to the individual, not improperly. All funds from which the possessor derives an income, which income he can use without sinking and dissipating the fund itself, are to him equivalent to capital. But to transfer hastily and inconsiderately to the general point of view propositions which are true of the individual has been a source of innumerable errors in political economy. In the present instance, that which is virtually capital to the individual, is or is not capital to the nation, according as the fund which by the supposition he has not dissipated, has or has not been dissipated by somebody else.”—J.S. Mill
  3. In what way, according to Taussig, are nations and non-competing groups of laborers analogous? According to Cairnes?
  4. Are business profits wages or a return on capital, or neither? What would Ricardo say? Marshall? Walker? Taussig? Knight? Your opinion?
  5. Define concisely consumers’ surplus, increasing returns, quasi-rent, uncertainty (as distinguished from risk).
  6. Marshall holds that “a business man working with borrowed capital is at a disadvantage in some trades.” In what sort, and why?
  7. “In the statements that are current, it is said that the final increments of different commodities purchased for consumption at the same cost are, with certain allowances, of the same utility to the purchaser. With the last hundred dollars of the year’s income, the man in the illustration will buy some particular things that he did not have before, and he will add quantitatively to his supply of things of which he has already had a certain amount. If each distinct article on the list costs a dollar, they are all supposed to be of equal utility; but their degrees of utility are, in fact, very unequal. If the modern theory of value, as it is commonly stated, were literally true, most articles of high quality would sell for three times as much as they actually bring. It is well, at this point in the discussion, to make the needed correction of the law of value, inasmuch as group incomes depend on that law, and inasmuch as the distinction on which the correction rests is of cardinal importance in connection with wages and interest.”
    To whom do you attribute the foregoing opinion? What is the “needed correction in the law of value”?
  8. On what grounds does Davenport include land with capital and on what grounds does Marshall exclude it?

Sources:

Harvard University Archives. Prof. F. W. Taussig, Examination Papers in Economics 1882-1935(Scrapbook).

Harvard University Archives. Examination Papers, 1922 (HUC 7000.28, 64 of 284), Papers Set for Examinations: History, Church History,…,Government, Economics, Philosophy,…, Social Ethics, Education (June 1922).

Image Source:  Harvard Class Album:  Taussig (1915), Young (1925).

 

Categories
Policy

Policy Debates. 109 book titles and links from the “Questions of the Day” series 1880-1910

 

The line between economics as a science and economics as a policy art is extremely fuzzy. Once we venture anywhere near popular economics or economic policy debates, we find ourselves confronting the complaint of  the great comedian, Jimmy Durante, “Everybody wants to get into the act.”  I saw that a few of the books on tariff policy by Harvard economist, Frank W. Taussig, were published in the P. Putnam’s Sons series “Questions of the Day” and was curious what other books were published in that series. 

Below I provide links to about one hundred titles published between 1880 and 1910 in the series “Questions of the Day”.

_______________________

QUESTIONS OF THE DAY.
P. PUTNAM’S SONS, Publishers, New York and London.

1 — The Independent Movement in New York, as an Element in the next Elections and a Problem in Party Government. By Junius [Eaton, Dorman Bridgman]. 1880. https://archive.org/details/independentmovem00eatouoft

2 — Free Land and Free Trade. The Lessons of the English Corn-Laws Applied to the United States. By Samuel S. Cox. 1880. https://archive.org/details/freelandandfree00coxgoog

3 — Our Merchant Marine. How it rose, increased, became great, declined, and decayed; with an inquiry into the conditions essential to its resuscitation and prosperity. By David A. Wells. 1890. https://archive.org/details/ourmerchantmari00unkngoog

4 — The Elective Franchise in the United States; A Review of the Effects of the Caucus System upon the Civil Service and upon the Principles and Policies of Political Parties. By Duncan Cameron McMillan. 1880. https://archive.org/details/electivefranchi00mcmi

5 — The American Citizen’s Manual Part I. Edited by Worthington C. Ford. — Governments (National, State, and Local), the Electorate, and the Civil Service. 1882. https://archive.org/details/americancitizens01ford

6 — The American Citizen’s Manual. Part II. — The Functions of Government, considered with special reference to taxation and expenditure, the regulation of commerce and industry, provision for the poor and insane, the management of the public lands, etc. 1883. https://archive.org/details/americancitizen00fordgoog [1887 two parts in one: https://archive.org/details/americancitizens00ford]

7 — Spoiling the Egyptians. A Tale of Shame. Told from the British Blue-Books. By J. Seymour Keay. [Original, 1882]. https://archive.org/details/spoilingegyptia00keaygoog]

8 — The Taxation of the Elevated Railroads in the City of New York. By Roger Foster.

9 — The Destructive Influence of the Tariff upon Manufacture and Commerce, and the Facts and Figures Relating Thereto (Second Edition) By J. Schoenhof. https://archive.org/details/destructiveinflu00schouoft

10 — Of Work and Wealth. A Summary of Economics. By R. R. Bowker. 1883. https://archive.org/details/ofworkwealthsumm00bowk

11 — Protection to Young Industries as Applied in the United States. A Study in Economic History. By F. W. Taussig. 1884. https://archive.org/details/cu31924026430995

12 — Terminal Facilities. By W. N. Black.

13 — Public Relief and Private Charity. By Josephine Shaw Lowell. 1884. https://archive.org/details/publicreliefpriv00loweuoft

14 — “The Jukes.” A Study in Crime, Pauperism, Disease, and Heredity (Fourth Edition). By R. L. Dugdale. 1888. https://archive.org/details/thejukesstudyin00dugd

15 — Protection and Communism; A Consideration of the Effects of the American Tariff upon Wages. By William Rathbone. 1884. https://archive.org/details/protectioncommun00rath

16 — The True Issue; Industrial Depression and Political Corruption Caused by Tariff Monopolies; Reform Demanded in the Interest of Manufacturers, Farmers and Workingmen. By E. J. Donnell. 1884. https://archive.org/details/cu31924013819853

17 — Heavy Ordnance for National Defence. By Wm. H. Jaques, Lieut. U. S. Navy. 1885. https://archive.org/details/heavyordnancefor00jaquuoft

18 — The Spanish Treaty Opposed to Tariff Reform. By D. H. Chamberlain, Jno. Dewitt Warner, Graham McAdam, and J. Schoenhof. 1885. https://hdl.handle.net/2027/hvd.hnf2jn

19 — The History of the Present Tariff, 1860-1883. By Frank W. Taussig. 1885. https://archive.org/details/historyofpresent00tausrich

20 — The Progress of the Working Classes in the Last Half Century. By Robert Giffen. 1884. https://archive.org/details/theprogressofwor00giff

21 — A Solution of the Mormon Problem. By Capt. John Codman. 1885.

22 — Defective and Corrupt Legislation; the Cause and the Remedy. By Simon Sterne. 1885. https://archive.org/details/defectiveandcor00stergoog

23 — Social Economy. By J. E. Thorold Rogers. 1885. https://archive.org/details/socialeconomy01roge

24 — The History of the Surplus Revenue of 1837 being an Account of its Origin, its Distribution among the States, and the Uses to which it was Applied. By Edward G. Bourne. 1885. https://archive.org/details/cu31924032544755

25 — The American Caucus System; Its Origin, Purpose and Utility. By George W. Lawton. 1885. https://archive.org/details/americancaucussy00lawtuoft

26 — The Science of Business; A Study of the Principles Controlling the Laws of Exchange. By Roderick H. Smith. 1885. https://archive.org/details/cu31924030151660

27 — The Evolution of Revelation; A Critique of Opinions concerning the Old Testament. By James Morris Whiton, Ph.D. 1885.

28 — The Postulates of English Political Economy. By Walter Bagehot. 1885. https://archive.org/details/postulatesofeng00bage

29 — Lincoln and Stanton. By Hon. W. D. Keeley. 1885. https://archive.org/details/cu31924032776829

30 — The Industrial Situation and the Question of Wages; A Study in Social Physiology. By J. Schoenhof. 1885. https://archive.org/details/industrialsituat01scho

31 — Ericsson’s Destroyer and Submarine Gun. By Wm. H. Jaques, Lieut. U. S. Navy. 1885. https://archive.org/details/ericssonsdestro00jaqugoog

32 — Modern Armor for National Defence. By Wm. H. Jaques, Lieut. U. S. Navy. 1886. https://archive.org/details/modernarmorforn00jaqugoog

33 — The Physics and Metaphysics of Money; A Sketch of Events Relating to Money in the Early History of California. By Rodmond Gibbons. 1886. https://archive.org/details/physicsmetaphys00gibb

34 — Torpedoes for National Defence. By Wm. H. Jaques, Lieut. U. S. Navy.

35 — Unwise Laws; A Consideration of the Operations of a Protective Tariff Upon Industry, Commerce, and Society. By Lewis H. Blair. 1886. https://archive.org/details/unwiselawsconsid00blaiuoft

36 — Railway Practice; Its Principles and Suggested Reforms Reviewed. By E. Porter Alexander. 1887. https://archive.org/details/cu31924017148853

37 — American State Constitutions: A Study of their Growth. By Henry Hitchcock, LL.D. 1887. https://archive.org/details/cu31924030487932

38 — The Inter-State Commerce Act: An Analysis of Its Provisions. By John R. Dos Passos. 1887. https://archive.org/details/cu31924020340232

39 — Federal Taxation and State Expenses; or, The Public Good, as Distinct from the General Welfare of the United States (Second edition, revised). By William Hiter Jones. 1890. https://archive.org/details/federaltaxesstat00jonerich [First Edition, 1887. https://archive.org/details/federaltaxesstat00joneuoft]

40 — The Margin of Profits: How It is now Divided; What Part of the Present Hours of Labor can Now be Spared. By Edward Atkinson. 1887. https://archive.org/details/cu31924030078269

41 — The Fishery Question; Its Origin, History and Present Situation. By Charles Isham. 1887. https://archive.org/details/fisheryquestioni00ishauoft

42 — Bodyke: A Chapter in the History of Irish Landlordism. By Henry Norman. 1887. https://archive.org/details/bodykechapterinh00normuoft

43 — Slav or Saxon: A Study of the Growth and Tendencies of Russian Civilization (Second edition, revised). By William Dudley Foulke, A.M. 1899. https://archive.org/details/slavorsaxonstudy02foul

44 — The Present Condition of Economic Science, and the Demand for a Radical Change in Its Methods and Aims. By Edward Clark Lunt. 1888. https://archive.org/details/presentcondition00lunt

45 — The Old South and The New; A Series of Letters. By Hon. W. D. Kelley. 1888. https://archive.org/details/oldsouthnewserie00kell

46 — Property in Land. An essay on the New Crusade. By Henry Winn. 1888. https://archive.org/details/propertyinlandes00winnuoft

47 — The Tariff History of the United States. By Frank W. Taussig. 1888. https://archive.org/details/cu31924030184836

4th edition 1899: https://archive.org/details/tariffhistoryofu00taus
5th edition 1910: https://archive.org/details/cu31924032519336
6th edition 1914: https://archive.org/details/tariffhistoryofu00tausrich
8th edition 1931: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.46434

48 — The President’s Message, 1887. With Illustrations by Thomas Nast and Annotations by R. R. Bowker. 1888. https://archive.org/details/messagpresidents00unitrich

49 — Essays on Practical Politics. By Theodore Roosevelt. 1888. https://archive.org/details/cu31924032462487

50 — The Champion Tariff Swindle of the World; Friendly Letters to American Farmers and Others. By J. S. Moore. 1888. https://archive.org/details/friendlyletterst00moor

51 — American Prisons in the Tenth United States Census. By Frederick Howard Wines. 1888. https://archive.org/details/americanprisonsi00wineuoft

52 — Tariff Chats. By Henry J. Philpott. 1888. https://archive.org/details/tariffchats00philrich

53 — The Tariff and its Evils; or, Protection which does not Protect. By John H. Allen. 1888. https://archive.org/details/tariffitsevilsor00alleuoft

54 — Relation of the Tariff to Wages. By David A. Wells. 1888. https://archive.org/details/relationoftariff00well

55 — True or False Finance. The Issue of 1888. By A Tax-payer. 1888 https://archive.org/details/cu31924031232725

56 — Outlines of a New Science. By E. J. Donnell. 1889. https://archive.org/details/outlinesofnewsc00donn

57 — The Plantation Negro as a Freeman. By Philip A. Bruce. 1889. https://archive.org/details/plantationnegroa00bruc

58 — Politics as a Duty and as a Career. By Moorfield Storey. 1889. https://archive.org/details/politicsasdutyas00stor

59 — Monopolies and the People. By Charles Whiting Baker. 1890. https://archive.org/details/monopoliespeople00bakeuoft

60 — Public Regulation of Railways. By W. D. Dabney. 1889. https://archive.org/details/cu31924070674100

61 — Railway Secrecy and Trusts; Its Relation to Interstate Legislation. An Analysis of the Chief Evils of Railway Management in the United States, and Influence of Existing Legislation upon these Evils, and Suggestions for their Reform. By John M. Bonham, author of “Industrial Liberty.” 1890. https://archive.org/details/cu31924017064886

62 — American Farms: Their Condition and Future. By J. R. Elliott. 1890. https://archive.org/details/cu31924013992536

63 — Want and Wealth. A Discussion of Certain Economic Dangers of the Day. An Essay. By Edward J. Shriver, Secretary N. Y. Metal Exchange. 1890. https://archive.org/details/wantwealthdiscu00shri

64 — The Question of Ships. Comprising I. The Decay of Our Ocean Mercantile Marine; Its Cause and its Cure. By David A. Wells; and II. Shipping Subsidies and Bounties. By Captain John Codman. 1890. https://archive.org/details/questionofshipsi00wellrich

65 — A Tariff Primer. The Effects of Protection upon the Farmer and Laborer. By Hon. Porter Sherman, M.A. 1891. https://archive.org/details/atariffprimeref00shergoog

66 — The Death Penalty. A Consideration of the Objections to Capital Punishment; with a Chapter on War. By Andrew J. Palm

67 — The Question of Copyright; A Summary of the Copyright Laws at Present in Force in the Chief Countries of the World. Edited by G. H. Putnam. 1891. https://archive.org/details/cu31924022607455

68 — Parties and Patronage in the United States. By Lyon Gardiner Tyler, President William and Mary College. 1891. https://archive.org/details/cu31924030471423

69 — Money, Silver and Finance. By J. H. Cowperthwait. 1892. https://archive.org/details/cu31924013984947

70 — The Question of Silver; Comprising a Brief Summary of Legislation in the United States, Together with a Practical Analysis of the Present Situation, and of the Arguments of the Advocates of Unlimited Silver Coinage. By Louis R. Ehrich. 1892. https://archive.org/details/questionofsilver00ehri

71 — Who Pays Your Taxes? By David A. Wells, Thomas G. Sherman, and others. Edited by Bolton Hall. 1892. https://archive.org/details/whopaysyourtaxes00hall

72 — The Farmers’ Tariff Manual by a Farmer. By Daniel Strange. 1892. https://archive.org/details/farmerstariffman00stra

73 — The Economy of High Wages. By J. Schoenhof, author of “The Industrial Situation,” etc., etc. 1893. https://archive.org/details/cu31924032403564

74 — The Silver Situation in the United States. By Prof. F. W. Taussig. 2nd edition 1896:

https://archive.org/details/silversituationi00taus ; (3rd edition, 1898). By Frank W. Taussig https://archive.org/details/cu31924030194207 ; Originally AEA publication Vol. VII, No. 1 https://hdl.handle.net/2027/hvd.32044081946527

75 — A Brief History of Panics, and their Periodical Occurrence in the United States. By Clement Juglar. Translated by DeCourcey W. Thom. 1893. https://archive.org/details/abriefhistorypa00juglgoog

76 — Industrial Arbitration and Conciliation. By Josephine Shaw Lowell. 1894. https://archive.org/details/industrialarbitr00loweuoft

77 — Primary Elections. A Study of Methods for Improving the Basis of Party Organization (Second edition). By Daniel S. Remsen. 1895. https://archive.org/details/primaryelection00remsgoog

78 — Canadian Independence, Annexation and British Imperial Federation. By James Douglas. 1894. https://archive.org/details/canadianindepend00douguoft

79 — Joint-Metallism; A Plan by which Gold and Silver Together, at Ratios Always Based on their Relative Market Values, May Be Made the Metallic Basis of a Sound, Honest, Self-Regulating, and Permanent Currency, Without Frequent Recoinings, and without Danger of One Metal Driving Out the Other. By Anson Phelps Stokes; 5th edition. 1896. https://archive.org/details/cu31924031493376

80 — “Common Sense” Applied to Woman Suffrage. By Mary Putnam-Jacobi, M.D. 1894. https://archive.org/details/commonsenseappl00jacogoog

81 — The Problem of Police Legislation; A Consideration of the Best Means of Dealing with It. By Dorman B. Eaton. 1895. https://hdl.handle.net/2027/wu.89101022507

82 — A Sound Currency and Banking System. How it may be Secured. By Allen Ripley Foote. 1895. https://archive.org/details/asoundcurrencya00riplgoog

83 — Natural Taxation; An Inquiry into the Practicability, Justice and Effects of a Scientific and Natural Method of Taxation. By Thomas G. Shearman. 1895. https://archive.org/details/cu31924030263903

84 — Real Bi-Metallism; or True Coin versus False Coin; A Lesson for “Coin’s Financial School”. By Everett P. Wheeler.1895. https://archive.org/details/realbimetallism00wheegoog

85 — Congressional Currency; An Outline of the Federal Money System. By Armistead C. Gordon. 1895. https://archive.org/details/congressionalcu00gordgoog

86 — A History of Money and Prices. By J. Schoenhof, author of “Economy of High Wages,” etc. 1896. https://archive.org/details/historyofmoneypr00schoiala

87 — America and Europe; A Study of International Relations. I. The United States and Great Britain by David A. Wells; II. The Monroe Doctrine by Edward J. Phelps; and III. Arbitration in International Disputes by Carl Schurz. 1896. https://archive.org/details/cu31924007480894

88 — The War of the Standards; Coin and Credit versus Coin without Credit. By Judge Albion W. Tourgée. 1896. https://archive.org/details/warofstandardsco00tourrich

89 — A General Freight and Passenger Post. By James L. Cowles. Third edition. 1902. https://archive.org/details/generalfreightpa00cowlrich

90 — Municipal Reform. By Thomas C. Devlin. 1896. https://archive.org/details/municipalreform01devlgoog

91 — Monetary Problems and Reform. By Charles H. Swan, Jr. 1897. https://archive.org/details/monetaryproblems00swan

92 — The Proposed Anglo-American Alliance. By Charles Alexander Gardiner. 1898.

93 — Our Right to Acquire and Hold Foreign Territory. By Charles A. Gardiner. 1899. https://archive.org/details/ourrighttoacqui00gardgoog

94 — The Wheat Problem; Based on Remarks Made in the Presidential Address to the British Association at Bristol in 1898; Revised, with an Answer to Various Critics. By Sir William Crookes. 1900. https://archive.org/details/wheatproblembas00davigoog

95 — The Regeneration of the United States; A Forecast of its Industrial Evolution. By William Morton Grinnell. 1899. https://archive.org/details/regenerationuni00gringoog

96 — Railway Control by Commissions. By Frank Hendrick. 1900. https://archive.org/details/cu31924032483277

97 — Commercial Trusts; The Growth and Rights of Aggregated Capital. An Argument Delivered Before the Industrial Commission at Washington, D.C. December 12, 1899, Corrected and Revised. By John R. Dos Passos. 1901. https://archive.org/details/cu31924020755231

98 — Labor and Capital; A Discussion of the Relations of Employer and Employed. Edited by John P. Peters. 1902. https://archive.org/details/cu31924032467098

99 — The Social Evil [i.e., prostitution] with Special Reference to Conditions Existing in the City of New York. A Report Prepared under the Direction of the Committee of Fifteen. 1902. https://archive.org/details/socialevil01newy

100 — German Ambitions as They Affect Britain and the United States. By “Vigilans sed AEquus.” (reprinted 1908). https://archive.org/details/germanambitionsa00vigiuoft

101 — Industrial Conciliation; Report of the Proceedings of the Conference held under the Auspices of the National Civic Federation in New York, December 16 and 17, 1901. Published 1902. https://archive.org/details/industrialconcil00natirich

102 — Political Parties and Party Policies in Germany. By James H. Gore. 1903. https://archive.org/details/cu31924031439387

103 — The Liquor Tax Law in New York. By William Travers Jerome. 1905. https://hdl.handle.net/2027/uiug.30112066901437

104 — Social Theories and Social Facts. By William Morton Grinnell. 1905. https://archive.org/details/socialtheoriesso00grin

105 — The Congo. A Report of the Commission of Enquiry Appointed by the Congo Free State Government. A Complete and Accurate Translation. 1906. https://archive.org/details/congoreportofcom00cong

106 — Janus in Modern Life.—By Sir William Matthew Flinders Petrie. 1907. https://archive.org/details/janusinmodernlif00petruoft

107 — The Elimination of the Tramp by the Introduction into America of the Labour Colony System Already Proved effective in Holland, Belgium, and Switzerland, with the Modification thereof Necessary to Adapt this System to American Conditions.—By Edmond Kelly. 1908. https://archive.org/details/eliminationoftra00kellrich

Vital American Problems; An Attempt to Solve the “Trust”, “Labor” and “Negro” Problems. By Harry Earl Montgomery. 1908. https://archive.org/details/cu31924032570479

Strikes: When to Strike, How to Strike; A Book of Suggestions for the Buyers and Sellers of Labour. By Oscar T. Crosby. 1910. https://hdl.handle.net/2027/nyp.33433008277620

 

Image Source: The Tariff Commission, 1916 (Left to Right, seated: D. J. Lewis; F. W. Taussig, chairman; E. P. Costigan. Standing: William Kent; W. S. Culberstone; D. C. Roper). The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Photography Collection, The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1860 – 1920..

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Core Advanced Economic Theory. Taussig (and Day), 1915-1917

 

 

Examination questions spanning just over a half-century can be found in Frank Taussig’s personal scrapbook of cut-and-pasted semester examinations for his entire Harvard career. Until Schumpeter took over the core economic theory course from Taussig in 1935, Taussig’s course covering economic theory and its history was a part of almost every properly educated Harvard economist’s basic training. Taussig’s exam questions were posted for the academic years 1886/87 through 1889/90 along with enrollment data for the course;  material from 1890/91 through 1893/94; 1897-1900 ; 1904-1909 ; 1911-14 have been posted as well.  

The course was taught by Taussig up through the Winter term of 1916/17. Early in 1917 Taussig was appointed chairman of the newly created United States Tariff Commission. He also was appointed a member of the Advisory Committee on the Peace (sub-committee on tariffs and commercial treaties) and he went to Europe for the economic sessions of the peace negotiations. His resignation from the Tariff Commission was  effective August 1, 1919 after which he returned to Harvard.

U.S. Tariff Commission Reports under Taussig 1917-1919:

First Annual Report (Fiscal Year ended June 30, 1917)
Second Annual Report (Fiscal Year ended June 30, 1918)
Third Annual Report (1919). 

________________________________

1914-15
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination
[F. W. Taussig]

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.

  1. “Given machinery, raw materials, and a year’s subsistence for 1000 laborers, does it make no difference with the annual product whether those laborers are Englishmen or East Indians?
    . . . The differences in the industrial quality of distinct communities of laborers are so great as to prohibit us from making use of capital to determine the amount that can be expended in any year or series of years in the purchase of labor.”
    Under what further suppositions, if under any, does this hypothetical case tell in favor of those holding that wages are paid from a wages fund? Under what suppositions, if under any, in favor of those holding views like Walker’s?
  2. (a)“The labourer is only paid a really high price for his labour when his wages will purchase the produce of a great deal of labour.”
    (b) “If I have to hire a labourer for a week, and instead of ten shillings I pay him eight, no variation having taken place in the value of money, the labourer can probably obtain more food and necessaries with his eight shillings than he before obtained for ten.”
    Explain concisely what Ricardo meant.
  3. What, according to Ricardo, would be the effects of a general rise of wages on profits? on the prices of commodities? on rents? the well-being of laborers?
  4. “The component elements of Cost of Production have been set forth in the first part of this enquiry. The principal of them, and so much the principal as to be nearly the sole, we found to be Labour. What the production of a thing costs to its producer, or its series of producers, is the labour expended in producing it. If we consider as the producer the capitalist who makes the advances, the word Labour may be replaced by the word Wages: what the produce costs to him, is the wages which he has had to pay.”   J.S. Mill.
    What would Ricardo say to the proposed substitution [of “Wages” for “Labour”]? Cairnes? Marshall?
  5. “Suppose that society is divided into a number of horizontal grades, each of which is recruited from the children of its own members, and each of which has its own standard of comfort, and increases in number rapidly when the earnings to be got in it rise above, and shrinks rapidly when they fall below that standard. Suppose, then, that parents can bring up their children to any trade in their own grade, but cannot easily raise them above it and will not consent to sink them below it. . . .
    On these suppositions the normal wage in any trade is that which is sufficient to enable a laborer, who has normal regularity of employment, to support himself and a family of normal size according to the standard of comfort that is normal in the grade to which his trade belongs. In other words the normal wage represents the expenses of production of the labor according to the ruling standard of comfort.” Marshall.
    On these suppositions, would value depend in the last analysis on cost or utility?
  6. (a)“Were it not for the tendency [to diminishing returns] every farmer could save nearly the whole of his rent by giving up all but a small piece of his land, and bestowing all his labor and capital on that. If all the labor and capital which he would in that case apply to it gave as good a return in proportion as that he now applies to it, he would get from that plot as large a produce as he now gets from his whole farm; and he would make a net gain of all his rent save that of the little plot that he retained.”
    (b) “The return to additional labour and capital [applied to land] diminishes sooner or later; the return is here measured by the quantity of the produce, not by its value.”
    (c) “Ricardo, and the economists of his time generally were too hasty in deducing this inference [tendency to increased pressure] from the law of diminishing return; and they did not allow enough for the increase of strength that comes from organization. But in fact every farmer is aided by the presence of neighbours, whether agriculturists or townspeople. . . . If the neighbouring market town expands into a large industrial centre, all his produce is worth more; some things which he used to throw away fetch a good price. He finds new openings in dairy farming and market gardening, and with a larger range of produce he makes use of rotations that keep his land always active without denuding it of any one of the elements that are necessary for its fertility.”
    Have you any criticisms or qualifications to suggest on these passages from Marshall?
  7. “When the artisan or professional man has once obtained the skill required for his work, a part of his earnings are for the future really a quasi-rent. The remainder of his income is true earnings of effort. But this remainder is generally a large part of the whole. And herein lies the contrast. When a similar analysis is made of the profits of the undertaker of business, the proportions are found to be different: in this case nearly all is quasi-rent.”
    Explain what you believe to be Marshall’s meaning, and why he considers undertaker’s profits not to be “true earnings of effort.”

________________________________

1914-15
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Final Examination
[F. W. Taussig]

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.

  1. Explain briefly what Walker meant by the “no-profits” business man; what Marshall means by the “representative firm”; what your instructor means by the “marginal product of labor.” How are the three related?
  2. Explain briefly whether anything in the nature of a producer’s surplus or a consumer’s surplus appears as regards (a) instruments made by man and the return secured by their owners; (b) unskilled labor and the wages paid for it; (c) business management and business profits.
  3. “ Wages are paid by the ordinary employer as the equivalent of the discounted future benefits which the laborer’s work will bring him — the employer — and the rate he is willing to pay is equal to the marginal desirability of the laborer’s services measured in present money. We wish to emphasize the fact that the employer’s valuation is (1) marginal, and (2) discounted. The employer pays for all his workmen’s services on the basis of the services least desirable to him, just as the purchaser of coal buys it all on the basis of the ton least desirable to him; he watches the ‘marginal’ benefits he gets exactly as does the purchaser of coal. At a given rate of wages he ‘buys labor’ up to the point where the last or marginal man’s work is barely worth paying for. . . . If, say, he decides on one hundred men as the number he will employ, this is because the hundredth or marginal man he employs is believed to be barely worth his wages, while the man just beyond this margin, the one hundred and first man, is not taken on because the additional work he would do is believed to be not quite worth his wages.”
    Does this seem to you in essentials like the doctrine of Clark? of your instructor?
    [Hand-written note: The author is I. Fisher.]
  4. An urban site is leased at a ground rental of $2,000 a year; a building is erected on it costing $50,000; the current rate of interest is 4%.
    Suppose the net rental of the property (after deduction of expenses and taxes) to be $8,000. What is the nature of this return, according to J. S. Mill? Marshall? Clark?
    Suppose the net rental to be $3,000; answer the same questions.
  5. “That capital is productive has often been questioned, but no one would deny that tools and other materials of production are useful; yet these two propositions mean exactly the same when correctly understood. Capital consists primarily of tools and other materials of production, and such things are useful only in so far as they add something to the product of the community. Find out how much can be produced without any particular tool or machine, and then how much can be produced with it, and in the difference you have the measure of its productiveness.”
    What would Böhm-Bawerk say to this? What is your own view?
    [Hand-written note: The author is Carver.]
  6. “ Wages bear the same relation to man’s services that rent does to the material uses of wealth. . . . While rent is the value of the uses of things, wages is the value of the services of men. . . . The resemblance is very close between rent and wages.”
    “The principles governing the rate of wages are, in a general way, similar to those governing the rate of rent. The rate of a man’s wages per unit of time is the product of the price per piece of the work he turns out multiplied by the rate of output. His productivity depends on technical conditions, including his size, strength, skill, and cleverness.”
    Explain what is meant by “rent” in these passages and by what writers it is used in this sense; and give your opinion on the resemblance between such “rent” and wages.
    [Hand-written note: The authors are Fetter and Fisher, respectively.]
  7. Böhm-Bawerk remarks that the theory which he has put forward bears “a certain resemblance” to the wages fund theory of the older English school, but differs from it in various ways, one of which is “the most important” What are the points of resemblance? and what is this most important difference?
  8. “While the slowness of Nature is a sufficient cause for interest, her productivity is an additional cause. . . . Nature is reproductive and tends to multiply. Growing crops and animals make it possible to endow the future more richly than the present. By waiting, man can obtain from the forest or farm more than he can by premature cutting or the exhaustion of the soil. In other words, not only the slowness of Nature, but also her productivity or growth, has a strong tendency to keep up the rate of interest. Nature offers man, as one of her optional income-streams, the possibility of great future abundance at trifling present sacrifice. This option acts as a bribe to man to sacrifice present income for future, and this tends to make present income scarce and future income abundant, and hence also to create in his mind a preference for a unit of present over a unit of future income.”
    What would Böhm-Bawerk say to this? What is your own view?
    Whom do you believe to be the writer of the passage?
    [Hand-written note: The author is I. Fisher]

________________________________

1915-16
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination
[F. W. Taussig]

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions.

  1. On what grounds is it contended that there is a circle in Walker’s reasoning on the relation between wages and business profits? What is your opinion on this rejoinder: that Walker, in speaking of the causes determining wages, has in mind the general rate of wages, whereas in speaking of profits he has in mind the wages of a particular grade of labor?
  2. According to Ricardo, neither profits of capital nor rent of land are contained in the price of exchangeable commodities, but labor only.” — Thünen.
    Is there justification for this interpretation of Ricardo?
  3. “Instead of saying that profits depend on wages, let us say (what Ricardo really meant) that they depend on the cost of labour. . . . The cost of labour is, in the language of mathematics, a function of three variables: the efficiency of labor; the wages of labour (meaning thereby the real reward of the labourer); and the greater or less cost at which the articles composing that real reward can be produced or procured.”   — J. S. Mill.
    Is this what Ricardo really meant? Why the different form of statement by Mill? What comment have you to make on Mill’s statement?
  4. State resemblances and differences in the methods of analysis, and in the conclusions reached, between (a) the temporary equilibrium of supply and demand (e.g. in a grain market), as explained by Marshall; (b) “two-sided competition,” as explained by Böhm-Bawerk; (c) equilibrium under barter, as explained by Marshall.
  5. Explain concisely what is meant in the Austrian terminology by “value,” “subjective value,” “subjective exchange value,” “objective exchange value.”
    Does the introduction of “subjective exchange value” into the analysis of two-sided competition lead to reasoning in a circle?
  6. “Suppose a poor man receives every day two pieces of bread, while one is enough to allay the pangs of positive hunger, what value will one of the two pieces of bread have for him? The answer is easy enough. If he gives away the piece of bread, he will lose, and if he keeps it he will secure, provision for that degree of want which makes itself felt whenever positive hunger has been allayed. We may call this the second degree of utility. One of two entirely similar goods is, therefore, equal in value to the second degree in the scale of utility of that particular class of goods. . . . Not only has one of two goods the value of the second degree of utility, but either of them has it, whichever one may choose. And three pieces have together three times the value of the third degree of utility, and four pieces have four times the value of the fourth degree. In a word, the value of a supply of similar goods is equal to the sum of the items multiplied by the marginal utility.” — Wieser.
    Do you think this analysis tenable? and do you think it inconsistent with the doctrine of total utility and consumer’s surplus?
  7. “If the modern theory of value, as it is commonly stated, were literally true, most articles of high quality would sell for three times as much as they actually bring.” What leads Clark to this conclusion? and do you accept it?

________________________________

1915-16
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Final Examination
[F. W. Taussig]

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions. Allow time for careful revision of your answers.

  1. “The productivity of capital is, like that of land and labor, subject to the principle of marginal productivity, which is, as we have seen, a part of the general law of diminishing returns. Increase the number of instruments of a given kind in any industrial establishment, leaving everything else in the establishment the same as before , and you will probably increase the total product of the establishment somewhat, but you will not increase the product as much as you have the instruments in question. Introduce a few more looms into a cotton factory without increasing the labor or the other forms of machinery, and you will add a certain small amount to the total output. . . . That which is true of looms in this particular is also true of ploughs on a farm, of locomotives on a railway, of floor space in a store, and of every other form of capital used in industry.” Is this in accord with Clark’s view? Böhm-Bawerk’s? Marshall’s? Your own?
  2. What is the significance of the principle of quasi-rent for
    1. the “single tax” proposal;
    2. Clark’s doctrine concerning the specific product of capital;
    3. the theory of business profits.
  3. Explain what writers use the following terms and in what senses: Composite quasi-rent; usance; implicit interest; joint demand.
  4. On Cairnes’ reasoning, are high wages of a particular group of laborers the cause of the result of high value (price) of the commodities made by them? On the reasoning of the Austrian school, what is the relation between cost and value? Consider differences or resemblances between the two trains of reasoning.
  5. “This ‘exploitation of interest’ consists virtually of two propositions: first, that the value of any product usually exceeds its cost of production; and, secondly, that the value of any product ought to be exactly equal to its cost of production. The first of these propositions is true, but the second is false. Economists have usually pursued a wrong method in answering the socialists, for they have attacked the first proposition instead of the second. The socialist is quite right in his contention that the value of the product exceeds the cost. In fact, this proposition is fundamental in the whole theory of capital and interest. Ricardo here, as in many other places in economics, has been partly right and partly wrong. He was one of the first to fall into the fallacy that the value of the product was normally equal to its cost, but he also noted certain apparent ‘exceptions,’ as for instance, that wine increased in value with years.” Is this a just statement of Ricardo’s view? Of the views of economists generally? In what sense is it true, in in any, that value usually exceeds cost?
  6. Explain carefully what Böhm-Bawerk means by
    1. social capital;
    2. the general subsistence fund;
    3. the average production period;
    4. usurious interest.
  7. In what way does he analyze the relation between (b) and (c)?
  8. Suppose ability of the highest kind in the organization and management of industry became as common as ability to do unskilled manual labor is now; what consequences would you expect as regards the national dividend? the remuneration of the business manager and of the unskilled laborer? Would you consider the readjusted scale of remuneration more or less equitable that that now obtaining?
  9. What grounds are there for maintaining or denying that “profits” are (a) essentially a differential gain, (b) ordinarily capitalized as “common stock,” (c) secured through “pecuniary,” not “industrial” activity? What method of investigation would you suggest as the best for answering these questions?

________________________________

Course Enrollment
1916-17

[Economics] 11. Asst. Professor Day.—Economic Theory

Total 28: 21 Graduates, 2 Seniors, 1 Junior, 1 Radcliffe, 3 Others

Source: Harvard University. Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1916-1917, p. 57.

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1916-17
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Midyear Examination
[F. W. Taussig]

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions.

  1. “Is it not true, in any normal condition of things, that consumption is supported by contemporaneous production?
    . . . Just as the subsistence of the laborers who built the Pyramids was drawn not from a previously hoarded stock, but from the constantly recurring crops of the Nile Valley; just as a modern government when it undertakes a great work of years does not appropriate to it wealth already produced, but wealth yet to be produced, which is taken from producers in taxes as the work progresses; so is it that the subsistence of the laborers engaged in production which does not directly yield subsistence, comes from the production of subsistence in which others are simultaneously engaged.”
    Consider, as regards contemporaneous production in general and also as regards the example of the Pyramids.
  2. “Our [British] commodities would not sell abroad for more or less in consequence of a free trade and a cheap price of corn; but the cost of production to our manufacturers would be very different if the price of corn was eighty or was sixty shillings per quarter; and consequently profits would be augmented by all the cost saved in the production of exported commodities.” — Ricardo.
    Explain what Ricardo meant here by “cost of production”; why he thought cost would be different in consequence of free trade in corn; and whether he believed cost (in this sense) to be the regulator of value.
  3. In what sense is the term “demand” used by Mill when speaking of (a) the equation of demand and supply, (b) demand and supply in relation to labor, (c) the demand for money?
  4. “The one universal rule to which the demand curve conforms is that it is inclined negatively throughout the whole of its length.” Can you mention exceptions as regards the demand curve for short periods? for long periods? In what sense is the term “demand” here used?
  5. It has been said that Marshall’s discussion of demand and utility is “an elementary analysis of an almost purely formal kind.” Does this seem to you a just comment?
  6. Explain “subjective value” and “subjective exchange value.” Under what conditions is subjective value to sellers of substantial influence in the determination of “objective exchange value”? Under what conditions, if under any, is subjective exchange value effective in such determination?
  7. “He [Longe] puts the case of a capitalist who, by taking advantage of the necessities of his workmen, effects a reduction in their wages, and succeeds in withdrawing so much, call it £1000, from the wages-fund; and asks how is the sum, thus withdrawn, to be restored to the fund? On Mr. Longe’s principles the answer is simple — ‘by being spent on commodities;’ for it may be assumed that the sum so withdrawn will, in any case, not be hoarded. . . . And I am disposed to flatter myself that the reader who has gone with me in the foregoing discussion will not have much difficulty in replying to it [the question] upon mine.”
    What is the answer on Cairnes’s principles? and is this the answer to be expected on the basis of a wages-fund doctrine?
  8. Explain in what way the relation between cost and value is analyzed by Cairnes and by the Austrian School. Would Cairnes’s analysis differ in essentials from the Austrian, if he were to assume complete mobility of labor? What significance do the Austrians attach to mobility of labor?

________________________________

1916-17
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

ECONOMICS 11
Final Examination
[E. E. Day]

  1. “The ultimate determinant of value…is marginal utility, not cost in the sense of labor of effort.” What would Marshall say of this? Böhm-Bawerk? Taussig?
  2. “The forces which make for Increasing Return are not of the same order as those that make for Diminishing Return…The two ‘laws’ are in no sense coordinate….The two ‘laws’ hold united, not divided, sway over industry.” Comment critically.
  3. Suppose the Federal government imposes a tax of 10 cents a bushel on all wheat grown in the United States. Upon whom will the burden of the tax fall? What conditions determine the final incidence of the tax? Illustrate, where possible, by diagram.
  4. “Rent forms no part of the expenses of production….Rent is not one of the factors bearing on price, but is the result of price.” Carefully analyze this contention.
  5. “The differences in the productive power of men due to their heredity or social position give to certain individuals the same kind of an advantage over others that the owner of a corner lot in the center of a city has over one in the suburbs. If the income from a corner lot is a surplus and can therefore be described as unearned, the income of a man of better heredity, education or opportunity must also be regarded as a surplus income and therefore unearned.” Discuss this statement with reference to your general theory of distribution.
  6. Contrast briefly the definitions of “capital” advanced by (a) Böhm-Bawerk; (b) Clark; (c) Taussig; (d) Fetter; (e) Veblen.
  7. Discuss the place of abstinence (or the sacrifice of saving) in the interest theories of (a) Böhm-Bawerk, (b) Clark; (c) Fetter; (d) Taussig.
  8. “In previous chapters, interest has been accounted for, in part at least, by the fact that there is productivity of capital; it results from the application of labor in more productive ways. If this were the whole of the theory of interest, we should reason in a circle in saying that wages are determined by a process of discount.” Do you agree as to the circle? Why or why not?

Source: Harvard University Archives. Examination Papers (HUC 7000.28, vol. 59). Harvard University Examinations. Papers Set for Final Examinations in History, History of Religions, History of Science, Government, Economics,…, Fine Arts, Music in Harvard College, June 1917. p. 61.

Image Source: Frank Taussig’s 1919 passport application.

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Categories
Economists Harvard

Harvard. Taussig’s assessment of the French economist Charles Rist for a Harvard lectureship, 1919

 

 

After Edwin F. Gay resigned his position at Harvard, Abbott Payson Usher took over his courses in 1921-22. (e.g. Economics 2a: European Industry and Commerce in the Nineteenth Century). From the files of President Lowell of Harvard we find that the French economist Charles Rist was seriously considered for that position. Frank Taussig‘s brief letter, transcribed below, was apparently sufficient to get a green-light from the President’s Office. I don’t know (yet) what was the deal breaker or even whether an offer actually ever went out.

_______________

Letter of Economics Chairman E. E. Day to President Lowell

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS

Cambridge, Massachusetts

March 4, 1920

Dear President Lowell:

I spoke to you some time ago of the Department’s wish that an invitation be extended to Professor Charles Rist to come as Lecturer in the Department for at least one half of the next academic year. I have not broached the subject again, because Mr. Gay has thought he might have other suggestions to make. It now appears that the expectations Mr. Gay had in mind will not materialize, and that he has no proposal to make which seems to him to promise better than that the Department had in mind. I consequently renew at this time the Department’s suggestion. In view of Mr. Gay’s resignation, the offering of the Department is obviously deficient. I understand that you will support the Department in its endeavor to discover a man who may be brought in permanently to fill in part the serious gap which Mr. Gay’s departure has created. The suggested invitation to Professor Rist is one of the measures in this direction which the Department thinks most promising.

Professor Taussig is the only member of the Department who has had an opportunity to become personally acquainted with Professor Rist. I enclose herewith a statement of Professor Taussig’s impressions of the man. The other members of the Department know Rist only through his publications. These appear to be of highest quality.

It is the proposal of the Department that an invitation be extended to Rist to lecture here during the first half of 1920-1921. Possibly he may be secured on an exchange arrangement. If not, the Department would like to see him appointed as Lecturer in Economics for not less than the first half of the year.

Sincerely yours,
[signed]
Edmund E. Day

Enc
President A. Lawrence Lowell

_______________

From a typed copy of Taussig’s statement

DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS

Cambridge, Massachusetts
November 28, 1919

            Professor Charles Rist is a member of the staff of the Sorbonne in the Department of Law. Economics is one of the subjects required of law students in France, hence there is a considerable economic staff for the law students. Rist is a man of 40-45 years, an extremely temperate, clear-headed, scholarly person. Of all the French professors with whom I came in contact in France he seemed to me the most promising. He has a most attractive personality, and is a clear as well as pleasing writer. His scholarly standing is assured. He is married, and has a family of several boys. For the sake of the boys, as well as for his own advantage, he remarked to me that he would very much like to come to the United States. If tolerable pecuniary arrangements can be made, he would doubtless come.

Rist’s command of English is not now sufficient to enable him to lecture in English. He would have to arrange to come over here a couple of months in advance and acquire a reasonable command of the spoken language. I should myself strongly advise him to do this, in case an invitation were extended.

Rist is the only man whom I saw in France who seemed to me a serious possibility for a permanent member of our staff. I think very highly of the man and his work, and have this possibility in mind in recommending him.

(Sgd) F.W. TAUSSIG

_______________

Copy of Lowell’s Response to E. E. Day

March 9, 1920

Dear Mr. Day:

It seems to me that the best thing would be to have Professor Rist sent here as the exchange professor from the University of Paris next year. We do not like to ask authoritatively to have a particular person sent, because we should not like it if they did the same to us. Therefore the best plan would be to have Professor Taussig write to him, suggesting that he should ask to be sent here next year as exchange professor, and he might add that he, M. Rist, feels confident that his selection would be acceptable at Harvard.

Very truly yours,
[name stamp] A. Lawrence Lowell

Professor E.E. Day
Department of Economics
Massachusetts Hall
Cambridge, Mass.

 

Source: Harvard University Archives, President Lowell’s Papers, 1919-1922, Box 155, Folder 293.

Image Source: Charles Rist at BnF Gallica website.

Categories
Exam Questions Harvard

Harvard. Core Economic Theory. Enrollments and Exams. Taussig. 1911-14

 

 

 

Examination questions spanning just over a half-century can be found in Frank Taussig’s personal scrapbook of cut-and-pasted semester examinations for his entire Harvard career. Until Schumpeter took over the core economic theory course from Taussig in 1935, Taussig’s course covering economic theory and its history was a part of almost every properly educated Harvard economist’s basic training. Taussig’s exam questions were posted for the academic years 1886/87 through 1889/90 along with enrollment data for the course;  material from 1890/91 through 1893/94; 1897-1900 ; and 1904-1909 have been posted as well.  

Sad backstory: The year gap in teaching that immediately preceeeded the years covered below was because Frank Taussig took a leave of absence in 1909-10 that he spent with his wife (Edith Thomas Guild, born 1861) in Saranac Lake, New York where she died on April 15, 1910.
Source: J. A. Schumpeter, A. H. Cole, and E. S. Mason “Frank William Taussig” in Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 44, No. 3 (May, 1941), p. 352.

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Enrollment Economics 2
1910-11

For Undergraduates and Graduates:—

[Economics] 2. Professor Taussig.— Economic Theory

Total 42: 16 Graduates, 15 Seniors, 5 Juniors, 2 Sophomores, 4 Others.

 

Source: Harvard University. Annual Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1910-11, p. 49.

___________________________

ECONOMICS 2
Mid-year Examination

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions.

  1. Is there a vicious circle in F. A. Walker’s reasoning on the relation between wages and business profits?
  2. (a) “The railroads of the United States receive annually hundreds of millions for transporting passengers. These receipts come in day by day, yet the railroad company habitually pays its employees at the close of the week or the close of the month. Here we have a class of services where the employer receives the price of his product before he pays for the labor concerned in its production. . . . Hotel-keepers and, in less degree, boarding-house keepers collect their bills before they pay their cooks, chambermaids, and scullions. Nearly all the receipts of theatre, opera, and concert companies are obtained day by day, although their staff and troupes are borne on monthly or weekly pay-rolls.”
    (b) “In very primitive life the work spent on capital goods and that spent on consumers’ goods are not always synchronous, but organization and the acquirement of a permanent fund of capital make them so. Work to-day, and you eat to-day food that is the consequence of the working. In point of time the canoe-makers are fed as promptly as the fishermen, and this fact is duplicated in every part of the industrial system. . . . The synchronization of labor and its reward does not appear in the industry of primitive beginnings, but is the fruit of organization.”
    Explain what doctrine is attacked by these extracts; whether the reasoning is essentially the same in the two; whether you would accept it in either case; what authors you suppose to have written the passages.
  3. (a) “Most commodities render several different kinds of service at the same time. A thing of this kind is to be regarded as a bundle of distinct utilities, tied together by being embodied in a common material object.”
    (b) “A bundle, as a whole, is never a final unit of any one’s consumers wealth; but each element in it is a final utility to some class, and it is that class only whose mental estimate of it fixes its price. . . . There are, then, five prices in the canoe. Expressing the values of the five different services which the canoe renders, they are, respectively, twenty-five, twenty, fifteen, ten, and five dollars. The entire canoe, then, brings seventy-five dollars in the market.”
    (c) “In every such commodity there is a marginal utility, and this is the only that counts in fixing the price of it. Every commodity, except the poorest and cheapest that can be made, is, in effect, such a bundle of service-rendering elements as we have just described. The marginal element in the bundle has a direct influence on prices, but the other elements have none.”
    (d) “If the principle of final utility be applied to entire articles, it will give values that are, in most cases, many fold greater than are the actual values that the dealings of the market establish. . . . Goods of fine quality would then be, as a rule, many times dearer than they are.”
    Consider which of these statements, if any, you would accede to; and whether they are consistent with each other.
  4. A limited edition of Roosevelt’s “African Travels,” bound in pigskin, each copy inscribed by the author, is published at $20 a copy. What economic principles are illustrated?
  5. Explain the equilibrium of demand and supply, for short periods and for long, in case of a sharp decline in the demand for a commodity made with much fixed capital, under conditions of constant return.
  6. Is there quasi-rent, and if so, how do you measure it, in the following cases: —
    (a) A manufacturing plant, whose gross earnings more than cover prime costs, but do not suffice to cover supplementary costs.
    (b) A deep-water harbor site, provided with piers and docks, and let on a long lease at a rental bringing a liberal return on the expense for improvements.
    (c) A handsome dwelling, in a neighborhood deserted by fashion, whose rental is less than interest on the cost of the dwelling.
  7. (a) Suppose a tax to be levied at four per cent on the capital value (i.e. on the selling price as it was before the tax) of urban sites used for business purposes. What would be the effect on the rentals of the buildings on the sites, on the prices of things made or sold in the buildings, on the profits of tenants?
    (b) Suppose owners of urban real estate to be prohibited by law from collecting in rentals more than four per cent (net) on the cost of buildings alone; what would be the effect on the prices of things made or sold in the buildings, on the tenants, on the effective utilization of the property?

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ECONOMICS 2
Final Examination
1910-1911

Arrange your nswers in the order of the questions

  1. Explain concisely the theories of wages (general wages) set forth by

A. Walker,
J. B. Clark,
A. Marshall,
E. Böhm-Bawerk,
Your instructor, —

and indicate what you consider the weakest point in each.

  1. Wherein is there similarity, wherein dissimilarity, between the views of Böhm-Bawerk and Clark on the productivity of Capital?
  2. Quasi-rent;
    derived utility;
    the incidence of taxes on building sites and on buildings, —
    among the trains of reasoning suggested by these phrases, which tend to support the doctrine that rent is a return essentially different from interest, which run counter to that doctrine?
  3. “That part of a man’s income which he owes to the possession of extraordinary natural abilities is a free boon to him; and from an abstract point of view bears some resemblance to the rent of other free gifts of nature, such as the inherent properties of land. But in reference to normal prices, it is to be classed rather with the profits derived by free settlers from the cultivation of new land, or again with the find of a pearl-fisher.” Why? or why not? Whose doctrine do you suppose this to be?
  4. “There is a constant tendency towards a position of normal equilibrium, in which the supply of each of these agents [of production] shall stand in such a relation to the demand for its services, as to give those who have provided the supply a sufficient reward for their efforts and services. If the economic conditions of the country remained stationary sufficiently long, this tendency would realize itself in such an adjustment of supply to demand, that both machines and human beings would earn generally an amount that corresponded fairly with their cost of rearing and training, conventional necessaries as well as those things which are strictly necessary being reckoned for.”
    Whom do you believe to be the writer of this passage? and do you infer that he holds value to be determined in the end by utility or by cost?
  5. Under what circumstances, if under any. —
    (1) Will the imposition of an import duty cause the domestic price of the taxed commodity to rise permanently by the amount of the duty.
    (2) Will it cause the price to rise permanently, but by an amount less than the duty;
    (3) Will it cause the price to fall;
    (4) Will it cause the prices of other commodities to fall?
  6. After the passage of the tariff act of 1890, a Bohemian firm of pearl button makers transferred their business to the United States, sending over the working people and erecting a factory in the U. S. Was this to the advantage of the people of the U. S.? If so, wherein? If not, why not?

___________________________

Enrollment Economics 2
1911-12

For Undergraduates and Graduates:—

[Economics] 2. Professor Taussig.— Economic Theory

Total 54: 23 Graduates, 11 Seniors, 16 Juniors, 2 Sophomores, 2 Others.

 

Source: Harvard University. Annual Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1911-12, p. 63.

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ECONOMICS 2
Mid-year Examination
1911-12

  1. Define concisely: —

(1) Consumer’s surplus,
(2) Producer’s surplus,
(3) Saver’s surplus.

Is Saver’s surplus analogous to the first or to the second?

  1. Suppose all persons to have the same income; would it be easier or more difficult to measure consumer’s surplus?
  2. (a) “It has sometimes been suggested that if all land were equally advantageous and all were occupied, the income derived from it would partake of the nature of a monopoly rent; but this seems to be an error.” Do you think it an error?
    (b) “Suppose, for instance, that all the meteoric stones in existence were equally hard and imperishable; and that they were all in the hands of a single authority; further, that this authority decided, not to make use of its monopolistic power to restrict production so as to raise the price of its services artificially, but to work each of the stones to the full extent it could be profitably worked (that is up to the margin of pressure so intensive that the resulting product could barely be marketed at a price which covered, with profits, its expenses without allowing anything for the use of the stone),” — would there be “rent”? would there be “monopoly rent”?
  3. “There are many infra-marginal savers. As to these, the appropriation of part of their income by the state would not lessen accumulation. The same principle is applicable as in the case of rent proper. A tax on rent falls definitely on the owner, and has no further effect on the supply or the utilization of the source of rent. From this point of view there may be ground for progressive taxation of large funded incomes.” Do you think this well-reasoned?
  4. Draw diagrams illustrating (1) the effects of a bounty on a commodity produced under conditions of increasing returns; (2) the effects of a tax on a commodity produced under the same conditions; and consider whether, taking account of consumer’s surplus, there is likely to be a net gain or loss in either case.
  5. Explain the distinction between external and internal economies; and consider wherein a tendency to increasing returns has different consequences according as it is due to external or to internal economies.
  6. Explain what is meant by “two-sided competition,” and the determination of price by the subjective valuations of marginal pairs; and consider the significance of the following passage: “In the present conditions of industry, most sales are made by men who are producers and merchants by profession. . . . For them, the subjective use-values of their own wares is for the most part nearly nil. . . . In sales by them, the limiting effect which, according to our theoretical formula, would be exercised by the valuation of the last seller, practically does not come into play.”
  7. Wherein is there resemblance, wherein difference, between Böhm-Bawerk’s analysis of “two-sided competition” and Marshall’s reasoning concerning the equilibrium of demand and supply?
  8. An eminent German economist has written: “As against Thornton, George, and the apostles of trade-unions, I believe that the wages-fund doctrine, rightly stated and rightly understood, is at bottom true; but I should add the qualification, to which Hermann called attention, that the payments by those who demand the finished goods from the source from which, in the long run, the capitalists are enabled to employ labor, or to maintain a demand for labor, from their wages-fund.”
    What do you say of the mode of dealing with the wages-fund doctrine involved in this qualification?

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ECONOMICS 2
Final Examination
1911-12

Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions.

  1. “Suppose that society is divided into a number of horizontal grades, each of which is recruited from the children of its own members, and each of which has its own standard of comfort, and increases in number rapidly when the earnings to be got in it rise above, and shrinks rapidly when they fall below that standard. Suppose, then, that parents can bring up their children to any trade in their own grade, but cannot easily raise them above it and will not consent to sink them below it. . . . On these suppositions the normal wage in any trade is that which is sufficient to enable a laborer, who has normal regularity of employment, to support himself and a family of normal size according to the standard of comfort that is normal in the grade to which his trade belongs; it is not dependent on demand except to this extent, that if there were no demand for the labor of the trade at that wage, the trade would not exist. In other words the normal wage represents the expenses of production of the labor according to the ruling standard of comfort.”
    Does Cairnes reason on these suppositions? Does Marshall? Granting them, would you conclude that value in the end was determined by utility or by cost?
  2. Explain briefly (50 words under each head), in which of the following cases, if in any, you think there is reasoning in a circle:

(a) The residual theory of wages, as stated by Walker;
(b) The proposition that the value of commodities produced by a particular grade (non-competing group) of laborers depends on the rate of wages paid in that grade;
(c) The proposition that general wages depend on the marginal product of labor discounted at the current rate of interest.

  1. Does “quasi-rent” form a constituent part of supply-price? Does “supplementary cost” form a constituent part of supply-price?
  2. “‘Rent is not an element in price’ — such is the classical statement on the subject. It even expresses a view that is now prevalent. The expression itself, however, is vague. It seems to mean that the fact of rent plays no part in the adjustment of values, and that things would exchange for one another in exactly the ratios in which they now do, if there were no such thing as rent. But, if one defines rent as product imputable to a concrete agent, the impossibility of maintaining such a claim becomes apparent. Even if one were to restrict the term rent to the product created by the land, the claim that it is not an element in adjusting market values would be absurd; for it would amount to saying that a certain part of the output of every kind of goods has no effect on their market value. The ‘price’ referred to in the formula is, of course, the market value expressed in units of currency.”
    What do you think?
  3. “Goodwill taken in its wider meaning comprises such things as established customary business relations, reputation for upright dealing, franchises and privileges, trademarks, brands, patent rights, copyrights, exclusive use of special processes guarded by law or by secrecy, exclusive control of particular sources of materials. All these items give a differential advantage to their owners, but they are of no aggregate advantage to the community. They are wealth to the individual concerned, — differential wealth; but they make no part of the wealth of nations.” Why? Or why not?
  4. “The workmen have a natural right to the value which their work, of itself and aside from the aid furnished by others, imparts to the material that is put into their hands, and when they sell their labor, they are really selling their part of the product of the mill. In like manner, paying interest is buying the share which capital contributes to the product. The owners of the capital have an original right to what the machines, the tools, the buildings, the land, and the raw materials, of themselves and apart from other contributions, put into the joint product.”
    Whom do you believe to be the writer of the passage? What would Böhm-Bawerk say to it? Veblen?
  5. “It is not true that the spinning of yarn in a factory, after allowance has been made for the wear-and-tear of the machinery, is the product of the labor of the operatives. It is the product of their labor, together with that of the employer and subordinate managers, and of the capital employed; and that capital itself is the product of labor and waiting: and therefore the spinning is the product of labor of many kinds, and of waiting. If we admit that it is the product of labor alone, and not of labor and waiting, we can no doubt be compelled by inexorable logic to admit that there is no justification for interest, the reward of waiting; for the conclusion is implied in the premises.”
    Whom do you think the writer of this passage? What would be said of the conclusions by Clark? By Böhm-Bawerk? What is your own view?
  6. “The English theory has it that the rate of wages is simply got by dividing the wage fund by the number of existing workers. This is entirely wrong. In any event the laborers get the wage fund wholly and entirely as wage: but that does not say wage for what time; for one year, or two years, or three years, or more. . . . The English Wage Fund theory has thus a core of truth, but it is wrapped up in a quite overpowering mass of error.”
    Explain what Böhm-Bawerk means; and give your opinion on the question involved.

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Enrollment Economics 11
1912-13

For Undergraduates and Graduates:—

[Economics] 11 (formerly 2). Professor Taussig.— Economic Theory

Total 31: 20 Graduates, 4 Seniors, 5 Juniors, 2 Others.

 

Source: Harvard University. Annual Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1912-13, p. 57.

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ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination
1912-13

  1. “If there really were a national fund, the whole of which must necessarily be applied to the payment of wages, that fund could be no other than an aggregate of smaller similar funds possessed by the several individuals who compose the employing part of the nation. Does, then, any individual employer possess any such fund? Is there any specific portion of any individual’s capital which the owner must necessarily expend upon labor? . . . May he not spend more or less on his family and himself, according to his fancy — in the one case having more, in the other less, left for the conduct of his business? And of what is left, does he or can he determine beforehand how much shall be laid out on buildings, how much on materials, how much on labor? . . . It sounds like mockery or childishness to ask these questions, so obvious are the only answers that can possibly be given to them; yet it is only on the assumption that directly opposite answers must be given that the Wages-fund can for one moment stand.”
    What answers would Mill have given to such questions? What would be your own answer?
  2. “On the ranches of Montana cattle are breeding, among the forests of Pennsylvania hides are tanning, in the mills of Brockton shoes are finishing; and, if the series off goods in all stages of advancement is only kept intact, the cow-boy may have today the shoes that he virtually creates by his efforts. . . . With sheep in the pastures, wool in the mills, cloth in the tailoring shops, and ready-made garments on the retailers’ counters the labor of the people can, as it were, instantaneously clothe the people.”
    “It is not necessary to the production of things that cannot be used as subsistence, or cannot be immediately utilized, that there should have been a previous production of the wealth required for the maintenance of the laborers while the production is going on. It is only necessary that there should be, somewhere within the circle of exchange, a contemporaneous production of sufficient subsistence for the laborers, and a willingness to exchange this subsistence for the thing on which the labor is being bestowed. . . . The subsistence of the laborers engaged in production which does not directly yield subsistence comes from the production of subsistence in which others are simultaneously engaged.”

Do you see any difference between the propositions stated in these extracts?
By whom do you think they were written?
Do you accept the conclusions?

  1. “Though there are few commodities which are at all times and for ever unsusceptible of increase of supply, any commodity whatever may be temporarily so; and with some commodities this is habitually the case. Agricultural produce, for example, cannot be increased in quantity before the next harvest; the quantity of corn already existing in the world is all that can be had for sometimes a year to come. During that interval corn is practically assimilated to things of which the quantity cannot be increased. In the case of most commodities, it requires a certain time to increase their quantity; and if the demand increases, then, until a corresponding supply can be brought forward, that is, until the supply can accommodate itself to the demand, the value will so rise as to accommodate the demand to the supply.”
    Wherein, if at all, is this way of dealing with the temporary equilibrium of demand and supply different from Marshall’s?
  2. Is it true that the first effect of increased demand for a commodity is to raise its supply price, and that the ultimate effect is to lower its supply price? If so, under what conditions in either case?
  3. Explain briefly: —

(a) internal economies,
(b) external economies,
(c) increased returns.

It has been said that the tendency to increase of effectiveness because of large-scale production should be distinguished from the tendency to increasing returns. Why, or why not?

  1. “The last three chapters examined the relation in which cost of production stands to the income derived from the ownership of the ‘original powers’ of land and other free gifts of nature, and also to that which is directly due to the investment of private capital. There is a third class, holding an intermediate position between these two, which consists of those incomes or rather those parts of incomes, which are the indirect result of the investment of capital and labour by individuals for the sake of gain.”
    What is the third class? and why does it hold an intermediate position?
  2. Explain what Clark means by the “extensive margin of indifference” and the “intensive margin of indifference”; and give your opinion on the significance of the conception in both aspects.
  3. “That part of a man’s income which he owes to the possession of extraordinary natural abilities is a free boon to him; and from an abstract point of view bears some resemblance to the rent of other free gifts of nature, such as the inherent properties of land. But in reference to normal prices, it is to be classed rather with the profits derived by free settlers from the cultivation of new land, or again with the find of the pearl-fisher.”
    Why? or why not?

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ECONOMICS 11
Final Examination
1912-1913

[Arrange your answers strictly in the order of the questions]

  1. Explain the connection between

(a) the rent of mines;
(b) Carey’s doctrine that the total rent received by landowners is less than interest on the total investment for improving land;
(c) the earnings of barristers or opera-singers;
(d) the earnings of “successful” business men.

  1. “Men are not equal. . . . Those capable of organizing and leading industrial enterprise are in a minority, and are indeed few; hence they can put a price on their services which would be impossible if there were many. Their services are not worth more on this account, but they can get more for them. Because the community needs their services, and cannot perhaps get along without them, they can, if they like, put “famine prices” on the commodity (organizing and directing talent) which they have to sell; while, on the other hand, those who have only labor or physical skill, though they are just as necessary, are many, and hence can about as readily be taken advantage of as the others can take advantage.”
    What have you to say? Can the “famine prices” be justified?
  2. (a) “There are, in fact, few no-rent men in actual employment; and the reason for this is clear, since work involves a sacrifice, and it does not pay to incur the sacrifice unless the earnings be a positive quantity. In those times and places in which child labor has been employed, with little regard for the welfare of the victims, labor that was not at the no-rent point, but very near it, has been pressed into service. But, where the sacrifice entailed by labor is, in some way, neutralized by a benefit that work confers, labor which created literally nothing may sometimes be employed. Lunatics and prisoners may be kept at work, in order that they may secure fresh air and exercise, even though the amount of capital that they use, if it were withdrawn from their hands and turned into marginal capital, would produce as much as it does when it is used by them. In such a case the product imputable to their labor is nil.
    The existence of any no-rent labor enables us to make the rent formula general and to apply it to every concrete agent of production.”
    (b) “The productivity of any capital, whether human or external, will differ with the capital. Men differ in quality, i.e., in productive power, as truly as lands or other instruments differ. Some men have a high degree of earning power and some have not. Some men can work twice as fast as others. Some men can do higher grades of work than others. The result is that we find men classified as common manual laborers, skilled manual laborers, common mental workers, superintending workers, and enterprisers. Just as we can measure the rent of any land by the difference in productivity between that and the low-rent, or no-rent, land, in exactly the same way we can measure the difference in productivity between men. There is no grade of workmen called the “no-wages men,” but there would be such a grade if it were customary for their employer to pay for their cost of support (as the employer of land pays for its cost), so that only the excess above this cost were to be called wages.”
    Compare the two trains of reasoning; give your opinion; and state by what authors the passages were written.
  3. “If the proprietor of superior land were to say, ‘I will take no rent for it,’ this would not make wheat cheaper. The supply would not be changed; for the same quantity would be raised, the marginal amount raised on the no-rent land would be needed and would be bought at the former price, and all other parts of the supply would command the same rate. . . . It is a striking fact — but one hitherto much neglected — that similar conclusions apply to the product of every other agent” [capital and labor].
    Do similar conclusions apply? Who do you think is the author of this passage?
  4. What three grounds explain, according to Böhm-Bawerk, the preference for present goods over future? Which of them does he conclude to be the most important? State Fisher’s criticism; and give your own opinion on the controverted question.
  5. “In the present condition of industry, most sales are made by men who are producers and merchants by profession. . . . For them, the subjective use value of their own wares is, for the most part, very nearly nil. . . . In sales by them the limiting effect which, according to our theoretical formula, would be exerted by the valuation of the last seller, practically does not come into play.” — BÖHM-BAWERK.
    What is the “theoretical formula”? and what is the importance of the qualification here stated?
  6. In what sense are the terms “demand” and “increase of demand” used in the following passages: —

(a) “The democratization of society and the aping of the ways of the well-to-do by the lower classes have greatly increased the demand for silk fabrics.”
(b) “The lower price of sugar after 1890, when sugar was admitted free of duty, at once caused an increase of demand.”
(c) “The cheapening of a commodity may mean an increased demand such that the total sum spent on it will be as great as before, even greater than before.”

  1. Explain the essentials of Veblen’s theory of crises, and state wherein you think it most tenable, wherein least so.

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Course Announcement: Economics 11
1913-14

Primarily for Graduates
I
ECONOMIC THEORY AND METHOD

[Economics] 11. Economic Theory. Mon., Wed., Fri., at 2.30. Professor Taussig.

Course 11 is intended to acquaint the studeent with some of the later developments of economic thought, and at the same time to train him in the critical consideration of economic principles and the analysis of economic conditions. The exercises are accordingly conducted mainly by the discussion of selected passages from the leading writers; and in the discussion of selected passages from the leading writers; and in this discussion the students are expected to take an active part. The writings of J. S. Mill, Cairnes, F. A. Walker, Clark, Marshall, Böhm-Bawerk, and other recent authors, will be taken up. Attention will be given chiefly to the theory of exchange and distribution.

Source: Division of History, Government, and Economics 1913-14 in Official Register of Harvard University, Vol. X, No. 1, Part X (May 19, 1913), p. 65..

___________________________

Enrollment Economics 11
1913-14

For Undergraduates and Graduates:—

[Economics] 11. Professor Taussig.— Economic Theory

Total 39: 23 Graduates, 11 Seniors, 2 Juniors, 2 Others, 1 Radcliffe.

 

Source: Harvard University. Annual Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1913-14, p. 55.

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ECONOMICS 11
Mid-year Examination
1913-14

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions. One question may be omitted.

  1. “The distinction, then, between Capital and Not-capital, does not lie in the kind of commodities, but in the mind of the capitalist — in his will to employ them for one purpose rather than other; and all property, however ill adapted in itself for the use of labourers, is a part of capital, so soon as it, or the value to be received from it, is set apart for productive reinvestment. The sum of all the values so destined by their respective possessors composes the capital of the country.”
    What is to be said for this doctrine, what against it? By whom was it maintained?
  2. “Prices of commodities in great measure are fixed by supply and demand, but, except temporarily, they cannot be less than all costs, including wages and taxes, entering directly or indirectly into their production and distribution, together with some profit for the use of the capital employed. Hence an increase of the wages or cost of labor usually must be paid by consumers. A general increase of the wages of all labor would cause an equivalent increase of the price of nearly every product of labor and a general increase of the cost of living. The increased wages of the laborers then would not buy more than did their former wages and they would be no better off than before the increase. For this reason the economic welfare of the masses in the aggregate cannot be materially improved by the simple expedient of raising generally the wages of labor.”
    What would Ricardo say to this? J. S. Mill? Your own view?
  3. Marx’s doctrine, that value is embodied labor, has been said to be essentially the same as Ricardo’s doctrine that value rests on the labor given to producing an article. Why or why not?
  4. Suppose an increase in the demand for a commodity, in the schedule sense: —

(a) For short periods, under what conditions, if under any, would you expect supply price to rise? to fall?
(b) For long periods, under what conditions, if under any, would you expect supply price to rise? to fall?

Note whether your answer differs in any particular from that to be expected from Marshall.

  1. “The part played by the net product at the margin of production in the modern doctrine of distribution is apt to be misunderstood. In particular many able writers have supposed that it represents the marginal use of a thing as governing the value of the whole. It is not so; the doctrine says we must go to the margin to study the action of those forces which govern the value of the whole; and that is a very different affair.”
    Explain.
  2. “It has sometimes been argued that if all land were equally advantageous and all were occupied, the income derived from it would not be a true rent, but a monopoly rent.”
    Under what conditions, if under any, would there be true rent in such a case? Under what conditions, if under any, would there be a monopoly rent?
  3. “The derived supply price [of one of a group of things having a joint supply price] is found by a rule that it must equal the excess of the supply price for the whole process of production over the sum of the demand prices of all the other joint products.”
    Explain, illustrating by diagram.
    State the corresponding rule for the derived demand price of one of a group of commodities for which there is a joint demand.
  4. (a) “In hundreds and thousands of suburban homes the question is asked every day, “How much milk shall we take in today, ma’am?” or “How much bread?” and the housewife knows without consideration that if she ordered one loaf of bread and one pint of milk, the marginal significance of bread and milk would be higher than their price, and if she said six loaves and five quarts of milk, the marginal loaf and pint would not be worth their price. Such orders, therefore, never enter into her head. But she deliberates, perhaps, whether she will want three loaves of bread or four, or three loaves and a twist, or three white loaves and a half-loaf of brown, and whether she shall take three quarts of milk or a pint more or less. Thus, whatever the terms on which alternatives are offered to us may be, we detect in conscious action at the margin of consideration the principles which are unconsciously at work in the whole distribution of our resources.”
    Do you find anything to criticize in this?
    (b) “When the supply (of a given commodity) is limited, the diminishing utility of each increment will be arrested at a point below which the consumer will prefer to abandon the use of an increment for something else. The margin here is a margin of indifference between an increment of one commodity and an increment of another commodity. Since these increments are not necessarily the same, the margin of indifference may be reached at a point where the tenth increment of one commodity balances the twentieth of another, where, in other words, the marginal utility of the first commodity is twice that of the second.”
    Explain what you think is meant; and give your opinion on the conclusion stated in the last clause of the final sentence.
  5. “An English ruler who looks upon himself as the minister of the race he rules (say in India) is bound to take care that he impresses their energies in no work that is not worth the labor that is spent on it; or, to translate the sentiment into plainer language, that he engages in nothing that will not produce an income sufficient to defray the interest on its cost.”
    Would Marshall question this principle? On what grounds, if at all? Would you?

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ECONOMICS 11
Final Examination
1913-14

Arrange your answers in the order of the questions.
Answer all questions.

  1. “What about the ‘supply curve’ that usually figures as a determinant of price, coördinate with the demand curve? I say it boldly and baldly: there is no such thing. When we are speaking of a marketable commodity, what is usually called the supply curve is in reality the demand curve of those who possess the commodity; for it shows the exact place which every successive unit of the commodity holds in their relative scale of estimate.”
    Is this criticism just if directed to (1) the temporary equilibrium of supply and demand, as analyzed by Marshall for a grain market; (2) the “price zone determined by marginal pairs,” as analyzed by Böhm-Bawerk; (3) the long period equilibrium of supply and demand, as analyzed by Marshall.
  2. “The rent of land is no unique fact, but simply the chief species of a large genus of economic phenomena; and the theory of rent is no isolated economic doctrine, but merely one of the chief applications of a particular corollary from the general theory of demand and supply.”
    Explain this statement of Marshall’s; mention other species which he assigns to the large genus; and consider wherein, if at all, the general doctrine differs from that of Clark, and from that of Böhm-Bawerk.
  3. “As is true of good will and credit extensions generally, so with respect to the good will and credit strength of these greater business men: it affords a differential advantage and gives a differential gain. In the traffic of corporation finance this differential gain is thrown immediately into the form of capital and so added to the nominal capitalized wealth of the community. . . . This capitalization of the gains arising from a differential advantage results in a large ‘saving’ and increase of capital.”
    Does this resemble in essentials Walker’s doctrine? If so, wherein? If not, why not?
    In what sense, if in any, is it true that the differential gains lead to an increase of capital?
  4. “It may be conceded that if a certain class of people were marked out from their birth as having special gifts for some particular occupation, and for no other, so that they would be sure to seek out that occupation in any case, then the earnings which such men would get might be left out of account as exceptional, when we are considering the chances of success or failure for ordinary persons.”
    Consider whether, given the premise, the conclusion here stated would follow; what the bearing of the reasoning is on Walker’s theory of business profit; what Marshall would say of premise and conclusion.
  5. In what sense, if in any, is a “productivity” theory of wages put forth by Walker? by Clark? by your instructor?
  6. “All apital goods — tools, machines, and the like — were explained [by the economists of the British School] as merely so much stored-up labor, or as the stored-up wages paid for it; the capitalist, as a laborer gone to seed; and thereby the product of capital as indirectly the product of the earlier wage-paid labor; interest being thus mere indirect wages. It was implied in this that the interest payments are for mere wear-out of the principal invested, and that the sum of all the interest payments upon a given investment can normally or regularly equal only the original capital sum invested in wages; and that sometime a given capital investment must cease its career of earning interest.”
    Consider whether this was the doctrine of the British economists; whether it is the doctrine of Böhm-Bawerk; of your instructor; and give your own opinion.
  7. “In the main, the way in which the increase of savings can find escape from its difficulties is through the parallel advance in the arts, calling for more and more elaborate forms of capital. . . . Given continued improvements calling for more and more elaborate plant, — more of time-consuming and roundabout applications of labor, — than savings can heap up, and a return will be secured by the owner of capital.”
    What are the “difficulties” here referred to? What should be said of this way of escape by Böhm-Bawerk? by your instructor? by Veblen?

 

Sources:

Harvard University Examinations, Papers Set for Final Examinations in History, History of Science, Government, Economics, Philosophy, Psychology, Social Ethics, Education, Fine Arts, Music in Harvard College, June 1913, pp. 50-53.
Harvard University Examinations, Papers Set for Final Examinations in History, History of Science, Government, Economics, Philosophy, Psychology, Social Ethics, Education, Fine Arts, Music in Harvard College, June 1914, pp. 51-52.
Harvard University Archives. Prof. F. W. Taussig, Examination Papers in Economics 1882-1935 (Scrapbook).

Image Source:  Frank W. Taussig in Harvard Class Album, 1915.